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abolitist

abolitist

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School: Ivy Tech Community College
Department: Liberal Arts
Course: Survey of American History I
Professor: Angelo cicco
Term: Spring 2017
Tags:
Cost: 25
Name: chapter 10 study notes
Description: these notes cover what will be on the test for this week and 3rd exam.
Uploaded: 04/09/2017
28 Pages 257 Views 0 Unlocks
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What could be a more appropriate commitment for moral women than to strive to eliminate slavery, America’s most glaring sin?




As Jackson wrote in his memorandum book, “who can point his finger to the paragraph in the constitution: where the bank’s power was conferred?




“What is man born for,” Emerson asked, “but to be a Reformer?



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Don't forget about the age old question of fred and jennifer are having marital difficulties. he says that her negative attitude toward sex is frustrating. jennifer admits that she thinks of sex as dirty and sinful but can't seem to change the way she thinks. all of the following psychological fac
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 strengths and weaknesses worth five points and takes about 20 minutes to  copy and paste anything from the book. There were 15 to 17 questions that  were relatively easy.  Experiencing the costs of a commitment  In November 1836, as the second term of Andrew Jackson neared its end, 30  yearold Marius Robinson and Emily Rakestraw were married near Cincinnati,  Ohio. Two months later Marius went on the road to speak against slavery and organize abolitist societies in Ohio. Emily stayed in Cincinnati to teach a  school for free blacks. During their 10-moth separation, their affectionate  letters told of their love and work. Writing to Emily after midnight from Concord, Ohio, Marius complained  of the “desolation of loneliness” he felt without her. Emily responded that she felt “about our separation just as you do” and confessed that her “Womanish nature” did not enjoy self-denial. In their letters, each imagined the “form  and features” of the other and chided the other for not writing more often.  Each thought of the burdens of the other’s work. Each expressed comfort,  doubted his or her own abilities (a miserable comforter I am”), and agreed  that in their separation we must look alone to God. Pg 253 The work of Emily and Marius Robinson represents one response by the American people to the rapid social and economic changes of the antebellum era described in the preceding two chapters. In September 1835, a year  before the Robinsons’ marriage, the Niles Register commented on some 500  recent incidents of mob violence and social upheaval. “Society seems  everywhere unhinged, and the demon of ‘blood and slaughter” has been let  loose upon us…The character of our countrymen seems suddenly changed.  One way was to embrace the changes fully, Thus, some Americans  became entrepreneurs in new industries; invested in banks, canals, and  railroads; bought more land and slaves; and invented new machines. Others  went west or to the new textile mills, and slaves, and invented new  machines. But many Americans were uncomfortable with the character of the new era. Some worried about the unrestrained power and materialism symbolized by the slavemaster’s control over his slaves. Others feared that institutions  like the U.S. Bank represented an “aristocracy capable of undermining the  country’s honest producers.” 10.1: Religious Revival and Reform Philosophy pg 254 When the Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville visited the United States in 1831  and 1832, he remarked that there was no country in the whole world in  which the Christian religion retains a greater influence over the souls of men  than in America.” Tocqueville was describing a new and powerful religious  enthusiasm among American Protestants. Religious rebirth gave some Americans a mooring in a fast-changing world; others determined to  refashion their society, working through new political parties to shape an  agenda for the nation or through reform associations targeting a social evil.  Although not all evangelicals agreed about politics or even about what  needed to be reformed, religion was the lens through which they viewed  events and sought change. 10.1.1: Finney and the Second Great Awakening pg 254 From the late 1790s until the late 1830s, a wave of religious revivals  matching the intensity of the Great Awakening in the 1730s and 1740s swept through the United States. While there were many links between Protestant  denominations in the United States and in Great Britain, the popular  character of American revivalism made it distinctive. British religion was  becoming more conservative, while American Protestantism was becoming  more democratic. The turn of the century frontier camp meeting revival s and the New  England revivals sparked by Lyman Beecher took on a new emphasis and  location after 1830. Led by the spellbinding Charles g. Finney, revivalism  shifted to upstate New York and the Old Northwest. Both areas had been  gripped by profound economic and social changes. Rochester, New York, was typical. Located on the Erie Canal, it was  changed by the canal from a sleepy village of 300 in 1815 to a bustling city  of nearly 20,000 by 1830. As in other cities, booming economic growth  created a gulf between masters and workers. As that gulf widened, masters’  control over laborers weakened. Saloons and unions prang up, and workers  became more transient, following opportunities westward. In 1830, prompted partly by their concerns about poverty and  absenteeism, both caused presumably by alcohol, prominent Rochester  citizens invited Charles Finney to the city. He led what became one of the  most successful revivals of the Second Great Awakening. Finney preached  nearly every night and three times on Sundays, first converting the city’s  business elite, often through their wives, and then many workers. For six  months, Rochester experienced a citywide prayer meeting in which one  conversion led to another. Jonathon Edwards had believed that revivals were God’s miracles.  Revivalist preachers like Finney emphasized the role of human effort and  faith in bringing about individual salvation and highlighted emotion over  doctrine. Understanding that the human “agency” of the minister was crucial in causing a revival, Finney even published a do-it-yourself manual for  revivalists. But few could match his powerful preaching style, which relied on both logic and emotion to trigger conversions. When he threw an imaginary  brick at the Devil, people ducked. The Rochester revival was part of a wave of religious enthusiasm in  America that contributed to the tremendous growth of Methodists, Baptists,  and other evangelical denominations in the first half of the nineteenth  century. By 1844, Methodism became the country’s largest denomination with over million members. To bring large masses pg 255 of people to  accept Christ as their savior, revivalist preachers de-emphasized doctrine in  favor of emotion, softening strict tenets such as predestination and original  sin. American Catholics also caught the revival fervor in the 1830s.  Scattered in small but growing numbers, urban Catholic leaders recognized  that survival as a small often despised religion depended on constant  reinvigoration and evangelism. Focusing on the parish mission, energetic  retreats and revival gathered Catholics from miles around to preserve a  religious heritage seriously threatened life in Protestant America. Most revivalists, especially South, sought individual salvation. The  Finney revivals, however, were unique in that they nourished collective  reform. Finney believed that humans were not passive objects of God’s  predestined plant, but moral free agents who could choose good over evil  and thereby eradicate sin. Finney revivals insisted that conversion and  salvation were not the end of religious experience but the beginning Finney  encouraged not only individual reformation but also the commitment on the  part of converted Christians to embrace the sacred duty of reforming society. 10.1.2: The Transcendentalists pg 255 No one knew this better than Ralph Waldo Emerson, a Concord,  Massachusetts, essayist and the era’s foremost intellectual figure. Emerson’s essays of the 1830s influenced the midcentury generation of reformist  American intellectuals, artists, and writers. The small but influential group of  New England intellectuals living near Emerson were called Transcendentalists because they believed that truth was found beyond transcended experience. Shedding European intellectual traditions, Emerson urged Americans to look  inward and to nature for self-knowledge, self-reliance, and the spark of  divinity within them., such examinations would lead to social reform. “What  is man born for,” Emerson asked, “but to be a Reformer?” Inspired by self-reflection, Transcendentalists asked troublesome  questions. They challenged not only slavery, an obvious evil, but also the  obsessive, competitive pace of economic life, the overriding materialism, and the restrictive conformity of social life. When Emerson wrote, “Whoso would be a man, must be a  nonconformist,” he described his friend Henry David Thoreau. No one  thought more deeply about the virtuous natural life that Thoreau. On July 4,  1845, he went to live in a small hut by Walden Pond, near Concord, to  confront the “essential facts of life”-to discover who he was and how to live  well. When Thoreau left Walden two years later, he protested slavery and the Mexican War by refusing to pay his taxes. He went to jail briefly and wrote an essay, “On Civil Disobedience” (1849) and a book, Walden in 1854, both  classic statements of what one person can do to protest unjust laws and wars and live a life of principle. 10.2: the political response to change pg 255 at bottomAlthough transcendentalism touched only a few elite New Englanders,  evangelical Protestantism affected perhaps 40 percent of Americans.  Evangelical values and religious loyalties colored many people’s  understanding of the appropriate role of government and influenced their  politics. As politics became more a popular than an elite vocation, it was not  surprising that religious commitments spilled over into it. At the heart of American politics was the concern for the continued  health of the republican experiment. As American society changed, so did  the understanding of what was needed to maintain that health. In the late  1850s, a Maine newspaper warned that the preservation of the nation’s  freedom depended on the willingness of its citizens to go to the polls. This  insistence on voting as crucial to the well-being of the country was a new  emphasis in the United States and unique in the world at that time. Pg 256 Before the 1820s, politics in both the United States and Europe  primarily engaged the social and economic elite. In the United States,  however, the power of the revolution’s ideas and the relative weakness of  the country’s upper classes led to a gradual extension of the franchise to all  white men. During the early nineteenth century, many states were  voluntarily removing voting restrictions even though most white men did not  trouble themselves with political matters. But the Panic of 1819 and the  spirited presidential campaigns for Andrew Jackson helped create widespread interest in politics and a distinctive American political style. For many  Americans, political participation became an important way of asserting and  supporting important values and promoting their vision of the republic. 10.2.1: Changing political culture pg 256 Jackson’s presidency was crucial in bringing politics to the center of many  Americans’ lives. Styling himself the people’s candidate in 1828, Jackson  derided the Adams administration as corrupt an aristocratic and promised a  more democratic political system. He told voters he would purify and reform  the Government purging all who have been appointed from political  considerations or against the will of the people. Most Americans believed  campaign rhetoric. Four times more men turned out to vote in the election of 1828 than four years earlier. They gave Jackson a resounding 56 percent of  their ballots. No other president in the century would equal that percentage  of popular support. Despite campaign rhetoric and his image as a democratic hero, Jackson was not personally very democratic, nor did the era he symbolized involve  any significant redistribution of wealth. Jackson owned slaves, defended  them, and condoned mob attacks on abolitionists like Marius Robinson. He  did dislike Indians and ordered by forcible removal of southeastern Native  Americans to move west of Mississippi River in blatant disregard of treaty  rights and had Supreme Court decision. Belying promises of widening  opportunity, the rich got richer during the Jacksonian era, and most farming  and urban laboring families did not prosper.But nation’s political life changed importantly. Old system of politics  that were based on elite coalitions and dependent on voters to their  “betters,” largely disappeared. In its place, emerged competitive party  system, that begun early in the Republic but now oriented toward heavy  voter participation. Major parties grew adept at raising money, selecting and  promoting candidates, and bring voters to the polls. A new “democratic”  style of political life emerged as parties sponsored conventions, rallies -much like evangelical revivals-and parades to encourage political identification and participation. Party politicals became a central preoccupation for many adult  white males, in both the North and South, and women who were formally  excluded from voting might become caught up in party politics and turn up  at rallies and speeches. Pol. Parties appealed to popular emotions, religious views, and ethnic  prejudices. Party-subsidized newspapers regularly indulged in scurrilous  attacks on political candidates. Language of politicians described elections as battles. Strong party identification and loyalty became part of the new  political culture. 10.2.2: Jackson’s Path to the white house pg 256 at bottom The early career of Andre Jackson gave hints of his future political  importance. Orphaned at 14, he was often in trouble. As a law student, he  was described as “most roaring, horse-racing, card-playing, mischievous  fellow.” Even so he passed the bar and set out to seek his fortune in frontier  Nashville. There he built a successful law practice and became state attorney general, substantial landowner, and prominent citizen of Nashville. Pg 257 Jackson’s national reputation stemmed mainly from military exploits,  primarily against Indians. As major general of Tennessee militia, he proved  able and popular, winning the nickname “Old Hickory”. Had savage victory  over the Creek in 1813 and 1814 brought notoriety and appointment as  major general in the U.S. Army. Victory at New Orleans in 1815 made him a  national hero. Within two years, he was described as presidential candidate.  While aggressive military forays into Spanish Florida in 1818 bothered rival  politicians, and added to Jackson’s reputation for scandal, they increased  both his popularity and interest in the presidency. He recognized that his  greatest appeal lay with ordinary people, whom he cultivated easily. But also, secured effective political backing. Careful political maneuvering in  Tennessee in early 1820s brought him election as U.S. senator and  nomination for the presidency in 1824. Jackson won both popular and electoral votes in 1824, lost in the  House of Representatives to John Quincy Adams. But this failure highlighted  the importance of political organization. Confident of his strength in the West and helped by Adam’s vice president, John C. Calhoun, in the South, Jacks  organized his campaign by setting up committees and newspapers in many  states and by encouraging efforts to undermine Adams and Clay.A loos coalition promoting Jackson’s candidacy began to call itself the  Democratic Party. Politicians of diverse views from all sections of the country  were drawn to it, including Martin Van Buren of New York. Jackson masterfully waffled on controversial issues. He concealed his dislike of banks and paper  money and vaguely advocated a “middle and just course” on the tariff. Also,  made clear his intentions of reforming government by throwing out anyone  in office who was incompetent or failed to represent the will of the people.  Democratic newspapers picked up on theme and presented Jackson as a  politician who would cleanse government of corruption and privilege. The Jackson-Adams campaign in 1828 degenerated into a nasty but  entertaining contest. The Democrats whipped up enthusiasm with  barbecues, mass rallies, and parades, and distributed buttons and hats with  hickory leaves attached. Few people discussed issues. Both sides indulged in  “slanderous personal attacks” Supporters of Adams and Clay-called  themselves National Republicans- branded Jackson as an “adulterer, a  gambler, drunkard, and murderer” and maligned his wife Rachel as immoral. The Jacksonians charged Adams with buying Clay’s support in 1824  and described him as a “stingy, undemocratic” aristocrat determined to  destroy the people’s liberties. Even worse though: they said Adams was an  intellectual. Campaign slogans contrasted the hero of New Orleans, “a man  who can fight,” with a wimpy Adams, “a man who can write.” Jackson’s supporters in Washington worked to ensure his election by  devising a tariff bill to win necessary support in key states. Under the  leadership of Van Buren who hoped to replace Calhoun as Jackson’s heir  apparent, the Democrats in Congress managed to pass what opponents  called the “Tariff of Abominations.” It arbitrarily raised rates to protect New  England textiles, Pennsylvania iron, and some agricultural goods, securing  voters in those states where the Democrats needed more support. The efforts of Jackson and his part paid off as he won 647,286 votes,  about 56 percent of the total. Organization, money, effective publicity, and a  popular style of campaigning had brought the 60-year-old Jackson to the  presidency. His inauguration horrified many though. Washington was packed  for the ceremonies. When Jackson appeared to take the oath of office, wild  cheering did break out. Few heard him, but many hoped to shake the new  president’s hand, and he was mobbed. At the White House reception, the  crowd went completely out of hand. Pg 258 As Justice Joseph Story  observed, a throng of people, “form the highest and most polished, down to  the most vulgar and gross,” poured into the White House, overturning  furniture in a rush for food and punch. Jackson had to leave by a side door.  When wine and ice cream were carried out to the lawn, many guests  followed by diving through the windows. The inauguration, to Story,  represented the “reign of King Mob” but another observed called it a “proud  day for the people.” Their contrasting views on the inauguration captured the essence of the Jackson era. 10.2.3: Old Hickory’s vigorous presidency pg 258Although Jackson adopted vague positions on important issues during the  campaign, as president he needed to confront many of them. His decisions,  often controversial, helped sharpen what it meant to be a Democrat.  A few key convictions, drawn from Jefferson principles-the principle of  majority rule, the limited power of national government, obligation of the  national government to defend the interests of the nation’s average people  against the “monied aristocracy” guided Jackson’s actions as president. As  he drew upon Jeffersonian ideals, he helped to transform them and create a  new political environment. Seeing himself as the people’s most authentic  representative (only the president was elected by all the people), he  intended to be a vigorous executive. More than any predecessor, Jackson  used presidential power in the name of the people and justified his actions  by appeals to the votes. He asserted his power most dramatically through  the veto. His six predecessors had cast only nine vetoes, mostly against  measures that they had believed unconstitutional. He vetoed 12 bills during  his two terms, often because they conflicted with his political agenda. Jackson had promised to correct what he called an undemocratic and  corrupt system of government officeholding. Too often, “unfaithful or  incompetent” men clung to government jobs for years. He proposed to throw these “scoundrels” out and establish rotation of office. The duties of public  office were so “plain and simple,” he said, that ordinary men could fill them. Jackson’s rhetoric was more extreme than actions. He didn’t replace  officeholders wholesale. In first year and half of presidency, he removed 919  officeholders of a total of 10,093, mostly because of corruption or  incompetence. Nor were the new Democratic appointees especially plain,  untutored, or honest; they were much like their predecessors. Still, Jackson’s  rhetoric helped create a new democratic political culture for most of the  nineteenth century. His policy on internal improvements (roads, canals, and other forms of  transportation) was less seeing. Like most people, Jackson recognized the  economic importance of such improvements, but he opposed infringement  on states’ rights. When proposals for federal support for internal  improvements seemed to rob local and state authorities of their proper  function, he opposed. IN 1830, he vetoed the Maysville Road bill, that  recommended federal funding for a road in Henry Clay’s Kentucky. But  projects of national significance, like river improvements or lighthouses were  different. During his presidency, Jackson supported an annual average of  $1.3 million in internal improvements. In a period of rapid economic change, tariffs stirred heated debate.  New England and the mid-Atlantic states, the center of manufacturing  favored tariffs. The south had long opposed them because they made it more expensive to buy northern and European manufactured goods and  threatened to provoke retaliation against southern cotton and tobacco  exports. Feelings ran particularly high in South Carolina. Some of that state’s  leaders mistakenly believed the tariff was the prime reason for the  depression hanging over their state. In addition, some worried that the federal government might eventually interfere with slavery, a frightening  prospect in a state where slaves outnumbered whites. Pg 259 Vice President Calhoun, brilliant political thinker opposed to the tariff,  provided the appropriate theory to check federal power and protect minority  rights. “We are not a nation,” he remarked, “but a Union, a confederacy of  equal and sovereign states.” IN 1828, same year as hateful tariff, Calhoun  anonymously published “Exposition and Protest,” presenting nullification as a way for southern states to protect themselves from harmful national action  by declaring legislation null and void. Two years later, Calhoun’s doctrine was aired in a Senate debate over  public land policy. South Carolina’s Robert Hayne defined nullification and  urged western states to adopt it. New England’s Daniel Webster responded.  The federal government, he said, was no mere agent of the state  legislatures. It was “made for the people many by the people and  answerable to the people.” Aware that nullification could mean a “once  glorious Union…drenched…in fraternal blood,” Webster cried in his powerful  closing words that the appropriate motto for the nation was not Liberty first  and Union afterwards, but Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and  inseparable!” Drama repeated a moth later in a dinner toast, when President Jackson  declared his position. Despite his support of states’ rights, Jackson didn’t  believe that any state had the right to reject the will of the majority or to  destroy the Union. He said “Our Union-it must be reserved.” Calhoun  challenged saying “The Union-next to our liberty most dear.” The split  between them widened over personal as well as ideological issues, and in  1832, Calhoun resigned as vice president. The final rupture came in a  collision over the tariff and nullification. In 1832, hewing to Jackson’s “middle course,” Congress modified the  tariff of 1828 by retaining high duties on some goods, but lowering other  rates to an earlier level. A South Carolina convention later that year adopted  an Ordinance of Nullification, voiding the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 in the  state. The legislature funded a volunteer army and threatened secession if  the federal government tried to force the state to comply. South Carolina had attacked the principles of union and majority rule,  and Jackson responded forcefully. To the “malcontents” in South Carolina, he  proclaimed emphatically that “the laws of the United States must be  executed…Disunion by armed force is treason…The Union will be preserved  and treason and rebellion promptly put down.” Jackson’s proclamation stimulated an outburst of patriotism all over  the country. South Carolina stood alone, abandoned even by other southern  states. Jackson asked Congress for legislation to enforce tariff duties (The  Force Bill of 1833), and new tariff revisions, engineered by Clay and  supported by Calhoun, called for reductions over a 10-year period. Having  secured its objective, South Carolina quickly repealed its nullification of the  tariff laws. Crisis was over, but left unresolved were the constitutional issues it raised. Was the Union permanent? Was secession a valid way to protect  minority rights? Such questions would trouble Americans for three decades. 10.2.4: Jackson’s Native American Policy pg 259 at the bottom Jackson merely threatened to use force against South Carolina; he used it against southeastern Indians. His policy of forcible relocation defined  governmental and private practice toward Native Americans for the rest of  the century. In early nineteenth century, vast lands of the five “Civilized nations” of  the Southeast (the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Seminole, and Creek) had been seriously eroded by land-hungry whites supported by military  campaigns led by professional Indian fighters lie Jackson. The Creek lost 22  million acres in Georgia and Alabama after Jackson defeated them in 1814.  Cessions to the government and private 260 sales accounted for bigger  losses; Cherokee holdings of more than 50 million acres in 1802 dwindled to  only 9 million 20 years later. A Supreme Court decision in 1823 declaring that Indians could occupy  but not hold title to land in the United States bolstered the trend. Seeing that their survival was threatened, Indian nations acted to protect tribal lands. By  1825, the Creek, Cherokee, and Chickasaw restricted land sales to  government agents. The Cherokee, having already assimilated such  elements of white culture as agricultural practices, slaveholding, Christianity, and constitutionalism, established a police force to prevent local leaders  from selling tribal lands. Jackson’s election in 1828 boosted white efforts to relocated the  Indians west of the Mississippi. In 1829, Jackson recommended to Congress  removal of the southeastern tribes. Appealing at first to sympathy, Jackson  argued that because the Indians were surrounded by whites, they were  inevitably doomed to “weakness and decay.” Humanity and national honor”  justified removal. He also insisted that state laws should prevail over the  claims of either Indians or the federal government (thus contradicting his  tariff policy. The crisis came to a head that same year, when the Georgia legislature declared the Cherokee tribal council illegal and claimed jurisdiction over both the tribe and its lands. IN 1830, the Cherokee were forbidden to bring suits or testify against whites in the Georgia courts. Cherokee protested to the  Supreme Court. In 1832, Chief Justice Marshall supported them in Worcester  v Georgia, saying that state laws could have no force over the Cherokee. Legal victory did not suppress white land hunger. With Jackson’s  blessing, Georgia defied the Court ruling. By 1835, harassment, intimidation,  and bribery had persuaded a minority of chiefs to sign a removal treaty. That  year, Jackson informed the Cherokee, “You cannot remain where you are.  Circumstances…render it impossible that you can flourish during a civilized  community. But most Cherokee refused to leave. Chief John Ross protested to Congress that the treaty was illegitimate. “We are stripped of every attribute  of freedom…Our property may be plundered…our lives may be taken away.” His words did no good. So, in 1837 and 1838, the U.S. Army gathered the  terrified Indians in stockades before herding them west to the Indian  Territory” in present-day Oklahoma. Pg 261 The removal, whose $6 million cost was deducted from the $9 million  awarded the Cherokee for its eastern lands, killed perhaps a quarter of the  15,000 who set out. The Cherokee, following the earlier experiences of the  Creek, Choctaw, and Chickasaw, remember this as the “Trail of Tears.”  Between 1821 and 1840, tribes in the Old Northwest, as well as the  southeast, were also forced westward to Kansa and Oklahoma. Despite  resistance from some tribes, most nations were removed. Although both  Jackson and the Removal Act of 1830 had promised to protect and forever  guarantee the Indian lands in the West, within a generation those promises,  like others before and since, would be broken. Indian removal left the eastern United States open for the enormous economic expansion already described. Key Court Cases on Indian Rights pg 261 These Supreme Court cases decided in the nineteenth century have  provided the legal basis for Native American activism in the twentieth  century. Although Indian victories in court during the Jacksonian period didn’t halt the determination of whites to take over tribal lands, in the twentieth  century, these court decisions allowed Indian tribes to win numerous court  victories. “Though the Indians are acknowledged to have an unquestionable,  and, unquestioned right to the lands they occupy until that right shall be  extinguished right to the lands they occupy until that right shall be  extinguished by a voluntary cession to our government, yet it may well be  doubted whether those tribes…can, with strict accuracy, be denominated as  foreign nations. They may more correctly, perhaps, be denominated as  domestic dependent nations. 1823: Johnson & Graham’s Lessee v William Mcintosh This case focused on the status of a land grant from an Indian tribe to  an individual person. The decision recognized tribal sovereignty and the  tribe’s rights to land. The court states that only the federal government was  competent to negotiate with tribes for their lands. “It has been contested that the Indian claims amounted to nothing.  Their right of possession has never been questioned…the Court is decidedly  of the opinion, that the plaintiffs do not exhibit a title which can be sustained in the Courts of the United States.” 1831: Cherokee Nation v Georgia This case involved the status of state law within the Cherokee nation.  The court classified the Indian tribes as domestic dependent nations whose  relationship was like that of a ward to a guardian.1832: Worcester v. Georgia This case prompted by the state of Georgia’s attempt to extend state  law over the Cherokee nation. The decision reaffirmed Indian political rights,  stating that Georgia laws had now force in Native American territories and  that only the federal government had jurisdiction in Indian territories. The Indian nations had always been considered as distinct,  independent, political communities…the settled doctrine of the law of  nations is, that a weaker power does not surrender its independence-its  rights to self-government-by associating with a stronger.” 1835: Mitchell v. The United States This decision affirmed the rights Native Americans have as occupants not  owners of the land. “it is enough to consider as a settled principle, that the right of  occupancy is considered as sacred as the free simple of the white.” 10.2.5 Jackson’s Bank War and “Van Ruin’s” Depression bottom of  pg 261 As the (white) people’s advocate, Jackson could not ignore the Second  Bank of the United States, which in 1816 had received a charter for 20 years. Bank generated intense feelings. Jackson called it a monster threatening the  people’s liberties but it wasn’t so irresponsible Jacksonians imagined. Guided since 1823 by the aristocratic Nicholas Biddle, the Philadelphia  bank and its 29 branches generally played responsible economic role in  expansionary period. As the nation’s largest commercial bank, “the B.U.S.  could shift funds around the country as needed and could influence state  banking activity. It restrained state banks from making unwise loans by  insisting that they back their notes with specie (gold or silver coin) and by  calling in its loans to them. Bank accepted federal 262 deposits, made  commercial loans, and bought and sold government bonds. Businessmen,  state bankers needing credit, and nationalist politicians such as Webster and  Clay, who were on the bank’s payroll, all favored it. Other Americans, led by the president, distrusted the bank.  Businessmen and speculators in western lands disliked its careful control  over state banking and wanted cheap, inflated money to finance new  projects and expansion. Some state bankers resented its power over their  actions. Southern and western farmers regarded it as immoral because it  dealt with paper rather than landed property. Like Jackson, some thought it  was unconstitutional. As Jackson wrote in his memorandum book, “who can  point his finger to the paragraph in the constitution: where the bank’s power  was conferred? I answer no person.” Jackson had long opposed the B.U.S. He hated banks in general  because of a near financial disaster in his own past, and because he and his  advisors considered the farmers, craftsmen, and debtors. Jackson called the  bank a threat to the Republic. Its power and financial resource, he thought,  made it a “vast electioneering engine.”Aware of Jackson’s hostility, Clay and Webster persuaded Biddle to ask  Congress for a new charter in 1832, four years ahead of schedule. They  reasoned that in an election year, Jackson would not risk a veto. The bill to  recharter the bank swept through Congress, Jackson took up the challenge.  “the bank…is trying to kill me,” he told Van Buren, “but I will kill it.” Jackson determined not only to veto the bill, but to carry his case to  the public. His veto message: condemning the bank as undemocratic, un American, and unconstitutional, was meant to stir up voters. He presented  the bank as a dangerous society.” He also pointed to the high percentage of  foreign investors… His veto message turned the rechartering issue into a  struggle between the people and the aristocracy. His oversimplified analysis  made the bank into a symbol of everything Americans worried in a time of  change. The bank war furor helped to clarify party differences. In 1832, the  National Republicans, now called themselves Whigs, nominated Henry Clay,  and they and Biddle spent thousands of dollars trying to defeat “King Andre.” Democratic campaign rhetoric pitted Jackson, the people, and democracy  against Clay, the bank, and aristocracy. The Anti-Masons, the first third part  in American political life and first to hold a nominating convention, expressed popular resentments against the elitist Masonic order (Jackson was a  member) and other secret societies. Jackson won with 124,000 more popular votes than combined total for  Clay and Anti-Mason candidate, William Wirt. Wirt said of Jackson: he may be  President for life if he chooses Jackson, seeing the election as a victory for his bank policy, closed in  on Biddle, even though the bank’s charter had four years to run. He decided  to weaken the bank by transferring $10 million in government funds to state  banks. Although two secretaries of the treasury balked at the request as  financially unsound, Jackson persisted until he found one, Roger Taney,  willing to do it. Jackson’s war with Biddle and the bank had serious economic  consequences: wave of speculation in western lands and ambitious new  state internal-improvement schemes in the mid-1830s produced inflated land prices and a flood of paper money. Even Jackson was concerned, and he tried to curtail irresponsible economic activity. In July 1836, he issued the Specie  Circular, announcing that government would accept only god and silver in  payment for public lands. Panicky investors rushed to change paper notes  into specie, ad banks started calling in loans. The result was the Panic of  1837. Jackson was blamed for this rapid monetary expansion followed by  sudden deflation, but international trade problems probably contributed  more to the panic and to the ensuing seven years of depression. Pg 263 Whatever the cause, Jackson left his successor, Martin Van Buren,  elected in 1836 over a trio of Whig opponents, with economic crisis. Van  Buren had barely taken the oath of office in 1837 when banks and  businesses began to collapse. “Van Ruin’s” presidency was dominated by severe depression. As New York banks suspended credit and began calling in  loans, some $6 million was long on defaulted debts. By the fall of 1837, one third of America’s workers were unemployed, and thousands of others had  only part time work. Those who kept their jobs saw wages fall by 30 to 50  percent within two years. The price of necessities nearly doubled. As winter  neared in 1837, a journalist estimated that 200,000 New Yorker were “in  utter hopeless distress with no means of surviving the winter but those  provided by charity.” They took to the streets, but as one were said, most  laborers called not for the bread and fuel of charity, but for Work!” Th pride of workers was dampened as soup kitchens and breadlines  grew faster than jobs. Laboring families found themselves defenseless, for  the depression destroyed the trade union movement begun a decade earlier a demise hastened by employers who imposed longer hours, cut wages and  piece rates, and divided workers. Job competition poverty, and ethnic  animosities led to violent clashes in other eastern cities. 10.2.6: The Second American Party system pg 263 By the mid-1830s, a new two party system and lively national political  culture had emerged in the United States. The parties had taken shape amid  conflicts of Jackson’s presidency and religious fervor and commitments  stimulated by the Second Great Awakening. Although both parties included  wealthy and influential leaders and mirrored the nation’s growing diversity,  Democrats had the better claim to be the party of the common man, with  support in all sections of the country. Whigs represented greater wealth than Democrats and were strongest  in New England and in areas settled by New Englanders across the Upper  Midwest. Appealing a national bank, federally supported internal  improvements, and tariff protection for industry, many large southern cotton  planters joined the Whig Party because of its position on bank credit and  internal improvements. Whigs ran almost evenly with Democrats difficulty in  drawing clear regional or class distinctions between Whigs and Democrats  suggests that ethnic, religious, and cultural background also influenced party choice. In the Jeffersonian tradition, the Democrats espoused liberty and local  rule. They wanted freedom from those who legislated morality, from religious tyranny, from special privilege, and from too much government. For them,  the best society was one in which all Americans were free to follow individual interests. The Democrats appealed to members of denominations that had  suffered discrimination in colonies and states where there had been an  established church. Scots-Irish, German, French, and Irish Catholic  immigrants, also freethinkers and labor organizers, tended to be Jacksonians. Democrats were less moralistic than Whigs on matters like drinking and  slavery. Their religious background taught inevitability of sin and evil, and  sought to separate politics from moral issues. By contrast, for many Whigs, religious and moral commitments shaped political goals and ways they understood issues. Politics seemed an appropriate arena for cleansing society of sin. Calling themselves the party  of law and order, most Whigs did not think Americans needed more freedom; rather, they had to learn to use the freedom they already had. If all men  were to vote, they should learn how to use their political privileges. Old-stock Yankee Congregationalists and Presbyterians were usually Whigs. So were  Quakers and evangelical Protestants, who believed in government action to  change moral behavior and eradicate sin. Whigs supported a wide variety of  reforms, such as temperance, public education, and strict observance of the  Sabbath, as well as government action to promote economic development. Pg 264 Party identification played an increasingly large part in the lives of  American men. Gaudy new electioneering styles were designed to recruit  new voters into the political process and ensure loyalty. Politics offered  excitement, entertainment, camaraderie and a way to shape the changing  world. The election of 1840 illustrated new political culture. Passing over  Henry Clay the Whigs nominated William Henry Harrison, the aging hearo of  the Battle of Tippecanoe of 1811. Virginian John Tyler was nominated as vice  president to underline the regional diversity of the party. The Democrats had  no choice but to renominate Van Buren, who conducted a quiet campaign.  The Whig campaign, however, used every form of popularized appeal: songs, cartoons, barbecues, and torchlight parades. The Whigs reversed conventional images by labeling Van Buren an  aristocratic dandy and their man as a simple candidate. Harrison reminded  voters of General Jackson and swept him into office, with 234 electoral votes  to Van Buren’s 60. In one of largest turnouts in history, over 80 percent of  eligible voters marched to the polls. A Democratic Party journal  acknowledged that the Whigs had out-Jacksoned the Jacksonians. “We taught them how to conquer us.” The Second American Party System -leaders and Political tradition are mentioned for democrats  and Whigs, their major political beliefs, and primary sources of  support for region, class, ethnicity, and religion. During the campaign, one man had complained that he was tired of all  the hoopla over “the Old Hero. Nothing but politics…mass meetings are held  in every grogery.” The implied criticism of the role that alcohol played in  party politics highlights the moral and religious perspective many Americans, esp. Whigs, brought to politics. Others rejected political route and sought  other means to impose order and morality on American society. 10.3 Perfectionist reform and utopianism pg 264 and 265 Bible in Matthew 5: 48. Mid-nineteenth century reformers, inspired by Finney  revivals pg 265 took challenge seriously, Eventually, a perfected millennial  era-1,000 years of peace, harmony, and Christian brotherhood-would bring  the Second Coming of Christ. This perfectionist thrust in religion fit America’s sense of itself as  chosen by God to reform the world. The impulse to reform in the 1830s had  deep-rooted causes: the Puritan idea of American mission; the secular  examples of founding fathers like Benjamin Franklin to do good, reinforced by Republican ideology and romantic beliefs in the natural goodness of human  nature; the social activist tendencies in Whig political ideology; anxiety over  shifting class relationships and socioeconomic change; family influence and  the desire of young people to choose careers of principled service; and direct influence of the revivals. Motivations and cause of reform in America, 1830-1850 Are listed on page 265 10.3.1 the International Character of Reform pg 265 Yet not all forces leading to reformism came from within.  During the early decades of the nineteenth century, the Atlantic  Ocean was a highway for reform ideas and reformers. Many of the  conditions that troubled Americans, often spawned by industrialization, also  concerned Europeans. Women organized in Britain and the United States to  reform prostitutes. Societies to encourage temperance flourished in  Germany, Ireland, and England as well as the United States. French and  British liberals agitated to end the slave trade as did their American  counterparts. A steady stream of men and women traveled from one side of the  Atlantic to the other, raising money, publicizing their ideas, studying what  had been done outside of their own country, and setting up social  experiments. Abolitionists Frederick Douglass and William Lloyd Garrison  visited England to gain support for their struggle against slavery, while  English abolitionist George Thompson toured in the northern states to assist  abolitionist George Thompson toured in the northern states to assist  abolitionists there. Scottish cotton mill owner Robert Owen came to the  United States in the 1820s to set up a socialist community after having  created a model factory town in Scotland. There was cross fertilization across national boundaries of ideas and  reform strategies. Owne’s The Book of the Moral World in 1820 inspired  cooperative efforts of many kinds, while the work of female antislavery  societies in Britain and Scotland served as models of American women.  Letters between reformers in different counties also helped to firm the  reform commitment and inspire action. Hearing of a success elsewhere gave  faith that change might come at home, while hearing about failures  prompted discussions of appropriate strategies. 10.3.2 The Dilemmas of Reform pg 265 at bottom Throughout the Atlantic world, reformers faced timeless dilemmas  about how best to effect change. Is it more effective to appeal to people’s  minds to change bad institutions, or to change institutions first, if altered  behavior will then change attitudes? Taking the first path, the reformer relies on education, sermons, pg 265 tracts, literature, argument, and personal  testimony. Following the second, the reformer acts politically and  institutionally, seeking to pass laws, win elections, encourage unions, boycott good, and create or abolish institutions. Reformers must also decide whether  to attempt to bring about limited, piecemeal, practical change on a single  issue or whether to go for perfection. Should they use or recommend force or enter coalitions with less principled potential allies? A Marius and Emily Robinson understood, promoting change has its  costs, Reformers invariably disagree on appropriate ideology and tactics, and so they end up quarreling with one another. Although reformers suffer  pressure to conform and cease questioning things, their duty to themselves,  their society, and their God sustains their commitment. 10.3.3 Utopian Communities: Oneida and the shakers pg 266 Thoreau tried to lead an ideal solitary life. Others tried to redeem a  flawed society that lost cohesion and traditional values of small community  life from creating miniature utopian societies-alternatives to a world of  factories, foreigners, immorality, and entrepreneurs. Many also rejected the  new middle-class ideals of marriage and family. In 1831, as Jackson and nullifiers squared off, as Nat Turner planned his revolt, and as citizens of Rochester sought ways of controlling their workers’  drinking, a young man in Putney, Vermont, heard Charles Finney preach. John Humphrey Noyes was instant convert. Noyes believed spiritual conversion led to perfection and complete  release from sin. But his earthly happiness was soon tested when a woman  he loved rejected both his doctrine and his marriage offer. Among those who  were perfect, he argued, all men and women belonged equally to each other. Others called his doctrines “free love” and socialism. Noyes recovered from  unhappy love affair and married a loyal follower. When she bore four stillborn babies w/in six years, Noyes revised his unconventional ideas about sex. In 1848, Noyes and 51 followers founded a perfectionist community at  Oneida, New York. Under his strong leadership, it prospered, though many  Americans found the community’s rejection of middle-class marriage norms  immoral. Sex life at commune was subject to many regulations, including  male abstinence except under careful prescribed conditions. Only certain  spiritually advanced males (usually Noles) could father children. Other  controversial practices included communal child rearing, sexual equality in  work, the removal of competitive spirit from work and play, and elaborate  program of “mutual criticism at community meetings presided over by  “Father” Noyes. Wise economic decisions bound community members  mutually. Noyes opted for modern manufacturing, 1st steel animal traps then  silverware later. Noyes admired the Shakers, who also believed in his theory  (perfection, communal property, and bringing on millennial kingdom of  heaven). Unlike Oneidans, Shakers condemned sexuality and demanded  absolute chastity, so that only conversations could bring in new members. Founded by Englishwoman, Mother Ann Lee, Shaker conversions grew in  Second Great Awakening and peaked around 6,000 by 1850s. from Maine to  Kentucky. They believed God had a dual personality, male and female, and  that Mother Ann was the female counterpart to the masculine Christ. These  communities were known for communal ownership of property, equality of  women and men, simplicity, and beautifully crafted furniture. (lol. That’s  funny how the writer would put this in there). 10.3.4: Other Utopias bottom of pg 266 Over 100 utopian commutes were founded. Some religiously  motivated, other secular. Most were smaller, lasting only a few months or  years. All eventually collapsed, but not before giving birth to significant  social ideas. Pg 267 While Pietist German-speaking immigrants founded the earliest utopian communities in America to preserve their language, spirituality, and ascetic  lifestyle, other antebellum utopian communities focused on the regeneration  of this world or responded more directly to the social misery and wretched  working conditions accompanying industrialization. Evil, they assumed, came from bad environments, not from sin. Robert Owen was best known of secular communalists. A Scottish  industrialist who saw miserable lives of cotton mill workers, he envisioned a  society of small towns with good schools and health work. In 1824, he  established his first town in America at New Harmony, Indiana. But little  harmony prevailed, and it failed within three years.  Brook Farm, founded by two Concord friends of Emerson, tried to  integrate “intellectual and manual labor.” Residents would hoe for a few  hours each day, then recite poetry. Although the colony lasted less than  three years, it produced notable literature in a journal, The Dial, edited by  Margaret Fuller. Nathaniel Hawthorne briefly lived at Brook Farm and wrote a  novel, The Blithedale Romance in 1852, criticizing the utopian’s optimism It fell apart because Americans seemed unwilling to share either  property or their spouses. Nor did celibacy arouse much enthusiasm,  unstable leadership, financial bickering, local hostility toward sexual  experimentation and other unorthodox practices, the indiscriminate  admission of members, and waning enthusiasm. Emerson said it met every  test but life itself. 10.3.5: Millerites and Mormans pg 267 If utopian communities failed to bring about peaceful millennium, an  alternative hope was to leap directly to the Second Coming of Christ. William  Miller, shy farmer from upstate New York, figured out its exact time: 1843,  prob. In March. A sect gathered around him to prepare for Christ’s return and the Day of Judgment. Excitement and fear grew as the day came closer.  Some peeps gave away all their belongings, put on robes, and flocked to  high hills and rooftops. When 1843 passed without the end of the world, Miller recalculated. Each new disappointment diminished his followers, and  he died discredited in 1848. But a small Millerite sect, the Seventh-Day  Adventists, abandoned predicting the date of the Second Coming, living  rather with expectation that it will be “right soon.” Sect continues and has  millions of believers today. Recovery the past -1840s and 1850s, abolitionists… -James Pennington’s “The Flight” from Fugitive Blacksmith -Harriet Jacobs-from Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl Pg 270 Other groups that emerged from the same religious active are of  upstate New York were more successful. As Palmyra, New York, was being  swept by Finney revivalism, Joseph Smith, recent convert, claimed to be  visited by angel Moroni, who led him to golden tablets buried near his home.  On them were inscribed the Book of Mormom, which described the one true  church and a last tribe of Israel, missing for centuries. Book also predicted  the appearance of an American prophet who would establish a new and pure  kingdom of Christ in America. Smith published his book in 1830 and soon  founded the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (the Mormons). His  visionary attracted thousands of ordinary people trying to escape what they  viewed as social disorder, religious impurity, and commercial degradation in  the 1830s. Smith and a steadily growing band of converts migrated first to Ohio,  next to Missouri, then back to Illinois. The frequent migrations were party a  consequence of the ridicule, persecution, and violence that they  encountered. Hostility stemmed in part from active missionary work, part  from beliefs and support for local Indian tribes, a and part from rumors of  unorthodox sexual practices. Despite persecution and dissension over Smith’s strong leadership  style, the Mormons prospered. Converts from England and norther Europe  added highly to their numbers. By mid 1840s, Nauvoo, Illinois, with a thriving population of nearly 15,000 was the showplace of Mormonism. Smith  petitioned Congress for territorial status and ran for president of the United  States in 1844. His behavior proved too much. Violence culminated in  Smith’s trial for treason and murder by a mob. Under the brilliant leadership  of his successor, Brigham Young, the Mormons headed west in 1846. 10.4 Reforming Society pg 270 The Mormons and utopian communitarians had as their common goal,  in Young’s words the spread of righteousness upon the earth. Most people  preferred focus on specific social evil. We are all a little wild here, Emerson wrote in 1840, with numberless  projects of social reform. Mobilized in part by increased participation in  political parties of Jacksonian America, the reformers created and join all kinds of social-uplift societies. The reform ranks were swelled by thousands  of women, stirred to action by religious revivals and freed from domestic  burdens by delayed marriage and smaller families. In hundreds of voluntary  societies, people like Emily Rakestraw and Marius Robinson tackled issues as  alcohol, diet and health, sexuality, the institutional treatment of social  outcasts, education, the rights of labor, slavery, and women’s rights. 10.4.1: temperance bottom of page 270 On New Year’s Even in 1831, a Finney disciple, Theodore Dwight Weld,  delivered a four hour temperance lecture in Rochester. Graphically he  described the awful fate of those who refused to stop drinking and urged  audience to cease their tippling, and to stop others. Several were converted  on the spot. Largest whiskey providers in Rochester smashed their barrels… Nineteenth-century Americans drank heavily. “A house could not be  raised, a field of wheat cut down, nor log rolling, a husking, quilting,  wedding, or funeral without the aid of alcohol. Drinking went with poverty,  crime, illness, insanity, battered and broken families, and corrupt politics. Pg 271 Early efforts at curbing it emphasized moderation. Local societies  agreed to limit. Some met in taverns to toast moderation. Influenced by  revivals, the movement achieved better organization and clearer goals. The  American Temperance Society, founded in 1826, aimed at teetotal pledge.  Within a few years, thousands of local and state societies had formed. Temperance advocates copied revival techniques. Fiery lecturers  expounded on the evil consequences of drink and urged group pressure on  the weak-willed. A deluge of graphic and gory temperance tracts poured put. One intemperate man,” died when his breath caught fire by coming in  contact with a lighted candle. By 1840, disagreements split the temperance movement into many. In  depression times, when jobs and stable families were harder to find than  whiskey and beer, laboring men and women moved more by practical  concerns than religious fervor honed the crusade. The Washington  Temperance Society, founded in a Baltimore tavern in 1840, was enormously  popular with unemployed young workers and grew to estimated 600,000  members in three years. The Washingtonians, arguing that alcoholism was a  disease rather than moral failure, changed the shape of the temperance  movement. They replaced revivalist techniques with those of new part  politics by organizing parades, picnics, melodramas, and festivals to  encourage people to take the pledge. Tactics in 1840s also shifted away from moral suasion to political  action. Temperance societies lobbied for local option laws, which allowed  communities to prohibit the sale, manufacture, and consumption of alcohol.  The first such law in the nation was passed in Maine in 1851. Fifteen other  states followed with similar laws before the Civil War. Despite weak  enforcement, per capita drinking fell dramatically in the 1850s. Interrupted by the Civil War, the movement reached its ultimate objective with passage  of the Eighteenth Amendment in 1919. Temperance crusade reveals many practical motivations for Americans  to join reform societies. For some as in Rochester, temperance provided an  opportunity for the Protestant middle class to exert some control over  laborers, immigrants, and Catholics. Perfectionists saw abstinence as a way  of practicing self-control. For many 272 women, temperance effort  represented a way to control drunken abusers. For young men temperance  society provided entertainment, fellowship, and contacts to help their  careers. In temperance soc. As in political parties, Americans found jobs,  purpose, support, spouses, and relief from loneliness and uncertainty. 10.4.2: health and Sexuality pg 272 Was a short step from physical and psychological ravages of alcohol to  other harmful practices. Reformers quick to attack too much eating, too  many stimulants, and about over, too much sex. Many endorsed variety of  special diets and exercise programs for maintaining good health. Some  promoted panaceas, hydropathy (bathing and water purges), hypnotism,  phrenology, and spiritualist séances. Sylvester Graham, inventor of graham cracker, combined all these. In  1834, he delivered a series of lectures on chastity, later published as advice  book. He recommended cold baths and open-air exercise for sex addicts.  Women were exercised to have intercourse only for procreation.” Females  learned to control it for their own purposes, male purity urged restraint to  protect male interests. One doctor argued women ought to be educated  because blood needed for the womb would be diverted to the head, thus  breeding puny men. Authors of antebellum “health manuals advocated abstinence as much as alcohol. Semen must be saved for reproductive purposes and shouldn’t be wasted from masturbating or intercourse. Waste would cause enervation,  disease, insanity, and death. Some argued that expenditure of sperm meant  loss of energy from the economy. 10.4.3: Humanizing the Asylum pg 272 Struggling to restore order to American society, some reformers  preferred to work not to influence individuals but to change institutions:  asylums, almshouses, prisons, schools, and factories. Dealing with social  outcasts presented challenges: colonial families or commutes looked after  orphans, paupers, the insane, and criminals. Early nineteenth century, states built various institutions to uplift and house social victims. In some, like  prisons and almshouse, the sane and insane, children and hardened adult  criminals, were thrown together. In 1843, Dorothea Dix reported to a horrified Massachusetts legislature that the state’s imprisoned insane people lived in  the extremist state of degradation and misery, confined in cages, closets,  stalls, pens. Chained, naked, beaten with rods, and lashed into obedience. Dix recommended special asylums where the insane could be humanly and  properly controlled by trained attendants Perfectionist reformers like Dix believed that asylums could reform  outcasts. Convinced bad institutions corrupt basically good human beings,  they reasoned that reformed institute. Could rehabilitate them. In 1853,  Charles Loring Brace started a Children’s Aid Society in New York City that  was a model of change through effective education and self-help. Reformers  like Dix and Brace, Samueal Gridley Howe and Thomas Gallaudet, who  founded institutions for the care and education of the blind and deaf,  achieved remarkable results. Results disappointed. Reformers believed that a proper penitentiary  could bring a criminal back to virtue. Some preferred the prison at Auburn,  New York w/ its tiny cells, common workroom; others like Pennsylvania’s  penitentiaries isolated cells, studying Bible and reflecting on their  wrongdoing, would eventually decide to become good citizens. Many inmates went mad or committed suicide. Institutions built by well-intentioned  reformers became dumping places for society’s outcasts. By midcentury,  American prisons and mental asylums had become what they remain today:  sadly, impersonal, understaffed, and overcrowded. 10.4.4: Working-class reform pg 273 Efforts to improve institutional conditions of American life were not all  top-down movements initiated and led by middle-class reformers. For  working-class Americans, as in England, the institution most in need of  transformation was the factory. Worker involved in others like temperance,  peace, and abolitionism, and tried to improve. Between 1828-1832, dozens of workingmen’s parties arose. They  advocated free, tax-supported schools, free public lands in the West, equal  rights for the poor, and elimination of monopolistic privilege. Trade union  activity began in Philadelphia in 1827 as skilled workers organized  journeymen carpenters, plasters, printers. Wavers, tailors and other  tradesmen. Same year, 15 unions combined into citywide federation; process was then followed in other cities. The National Trades Union, founded in  1834, was first attempt at national labor organization. Trade unions fared better than labor parties as Jacksonian Democrats  siphoned off workers’ votes. Union programs set more practical goals, like  short hours, wages that would keep pace with rising prices, and ways like  closed shop of warding off the competitive threat of cheap labor. In addition,  both workers and their middle-class supporters sought free public education,  improved living conditions for workers and the right to organize as well as  elimination of imprisonment for debt and compulsory militia duty (both cost  workers jobs) Discouraged by antiunion decisions of New York State courts,  workers compared themselves to the rebels of the Boston Tea Party. Fired by revolutionary tradition, rising political influence, and union  membership of near 300,000 workers struck some 168 times between 1834  and 1836. Over two-thirds were over wages, others were for shorter hours. The panic of 1837 ushered in a depression that dashed the hopes and efforts of American workers. But the organizational work of the 1830s-promised  labor movement would reemerge, strengthened, later in the century. 10.5: Abolitionism and women’s rights pg 273 American workers struggled for better wages and wages and hours in  1834, Emily and Marius Robinson arrived in Cincinnati to fight for their  causes. Along with many other young idealists, they had been attracted by  the newly founded Lane Seminary, a center of reformist activity. When  nervous citizens persuaded the school’s president, Lyman Beecher, to crack  down, 75 Lane rebels fled to Oberlin in norther Ohio. The rebels turned  Oberlin College into the first institution in the United States open to women  and men, blacks and whites. The movements to abolish slavery and for equal rights for women and free blacks coalesced. The goals of the struggle against slavery and subtle forms of racism  and sexism often seemed as distant as the millennium itself. Yet antislavery  and feminist advocates persisted in their efforts to abolish what they  believed were visible, ingrained social wrongs. Whether seeking to eliminate  coercion in the cotton fields or in the kitchen, they faced the dual challenge  of pursuing elusive goals while achieving practical changes. 10.5.1: Tensions within the antislavery movement pg 274 Although antislavery movement was smaller than the temperance  movement, it revealed more clearly the difficulties of pursuing significant  social change. William Lloyd Garrison passionately desired to improve, if not  to perfect, a flawed world. On January, 1, eight months before Nat Turner’s  revolt, Garrison published the first issue of the Liberator, soon to become the leading antislavery journal in the United States. I am in earnest, he wrote. “I  will not equivocate-and I will be heard.” After organizing the New England  Anti-Slavery Society with a group of blacks and whites organizing the New  England Anti-Slavery society with a group of blacks and whites, in 1833  Garrison and 62 others established the American Anti-Slavery Society, which  called for an immediate end to slavery. Until then, most antislavery whites had advocated gradual  emancipation by individual slave owners. Many joined the American  Colonization Society, founded in 1816, the main goal being to rid the country of free blacks. Rejected by African Americans and violently attacked by  Garrisonians, colonization lost much of its support. Garrison and others in the American Anti-Slavery Society viewed  slavery as a sin that had to be eliminated and called for immediate  emancipation in uncompromising language. As Garrison declared, “I don’t  wish to think, or speak, or write, with moderation.” There could be “no Union  with slaveholders, he argued, condemning the Constitution that perpetuated  slavery as an agreement with Hell. Inspired by the Liberator and antislavery  lecturers like Garrison and Marius Robinson, dozens of local male and female  abolitionist societies dedicated to the immediate emancipation of the slaves arose, mostly in the Northeast and Northwest. Yet others who opposed  slavery found the Garrisonian abolitionists far too radical for their tastes. Abolitionists also differed over tactics. Their primary method was to  convince slaveholders and their supporters that slavery was a sin.  Slaveholding whites, black abolitionists David Walker declared, were morally  inferior. But as Marius wrote to Emily Robinson, the spirit of slavery is not  confined to the South.” Northerners ate sugar raised by slaves, and their  cotton mills purchased the South’s cotton. Marius’s Ohio trip made it clear  that northerners were also guilty in the sin by providing the supporting  necessary to maintain the slave system. By 1837, the abolitionists had flooded the nation with over a million  pieces of antislavery literature. Their writing described slave owners as  manstealers who gave up all claim to humanity. In 1839, Weld published  American Slavery as It Is, which described in the goriest possible detail the  inhumane treatment of slaves. Other abolitionists preferred more direct methods. Some collected  signatures for antislavery petitions and forwarded them to state legislatures  and to Congress. In the 1840s, many joined political third parties. Boycotting  goods made by slave labor was another tactic. Still another approach,  although rare, was to call for slave rebellion, as did two northern blacks,  David Walker in an 1829 pamphlet and Henry Highland Garnet in a speech at a convention of black Americans in 1843. As Garnet recognized, Walker’s  work represented among the first and the boldest and most direct appeals in  behalf of freedom of the early abolitionist movement. Abolitionists’ tactical disagreements helped splinter the movement.  Garrison’s unyielding style and commitment to even less popular causes  such as women’s rights offended many abolitionists. In 1840, at its annual  meeting in New York, the American Anti-Slavery Society split. Several  delegates walked out when woman, Abby Kelley, was elected to a previously, all-male committee. One group, which supported multiple issues and moral  suasion, stayed with Garrison; the other left to pursue political action and the Liberty party. Class differences and race further divided abolitionists.  Northern workers, though fearful of the potential job competition with blacks  implicit in emancipation, nevertheless saw their wage slavery as like chattel  slavery. Strains between northern labor leaders and middle-class abolitionists (who minimized workingmen’s concerns) were like those between white and  black antislavery forces. Whites like Wendell Phillips decried slavery as a  moral blot on American society; blacks like Douglass were more concerned  with the effects of slavery and discrimination on African Americans.  Moreover, white abolitionists tended to see slavery and freedom as absolute  opposites: a person was either slave or free. Blacks knew that there were  degrees of freedom that northern blacks had less of it. Furthermore, black abolitionists experienced prejudice, not just from  ordinary northern citizens, but also from white abolitionists. Many antislavery businessmen refused to hire blacks. The antislavery societies usually  provided less than full membership rights for blacks, and, sometimes perpetuated black stereotypes in their literature. Conflict between Garrison  and Douglass reflected these tensions. The famous runaway was one of the  most effective orators in the movement. But after a while, rather than simply describing his life as a slave, Douglass began skillfully to analyze abolitionist  policies. Garrison warned him that if he sounded too sophisticated, audiences would doubt he had been a slave; other whites told him to stick to the facts  and let them take care of the philosophy.  Douglass gradually moved away from Garrison’s views, endorsing  political action and sometimes even slave rebellion. Garrison’s response,  particularly when Douglass came out for the Liberty party, was to denounce  his independence as “ungrateful…and malevolent in spirit. In 1847, Douglass started his own journal, the North Star, later called Frederick Douglass’s  Paper. In it he expressed his appreciation for the help of that noble band of  white laborers, but declared that it was time for those who suffered the  wrong to lead the way in advocating liberty. Moving beyond Garrison, few black nationalists, like fiery Martin  Delaney, totally rejected white society and advocated emigration to Africa.  Most blacks, were practical and agreed with Douglass to work to end slavery  and discrimination in the United States. David Ruggles in New York and  William Still in Philadelphia led black vigilance groups that helped fugitive  slaves escape to Caned or to safe norther black settlements. Ministers,  writers, and orators such as Douglass, Garnet, William Wells Brown, Samuel  Cornish, Lewis Hayden, and Sojourner Truth lectured and wrote journals and  slave narratives on the evils of slavery. They also organized a National Negro  Convention Movement, which began annual meetings in 1830. These blacks  net not only to condemn slavery but also to discuss discrimination facing free blacks in the North. 10.5.2: Flood Tide of Abolitionism pg 276 Black and white abolitionists, however, usually worked together well.  Weld and garrison often stayed in the homes of black abolitionists when they traveled. In addition, black and white stations cooperated on the  Underground Railroad, passing fugitives from one hiding place to the next. The two races worked together to fight discrimination as well as  slavery. When David Ruggles was dragged from the white car of a New  Bedford, Massachusetts, railway in 1841, Garrison, Douglass, and 40 other  protesters organized what may have been the first successful integrated “sit in” in American history. Blacks and whites also worked harmoniously in  protesting segregated public schools; after several years of boycotts and  legal challenges, they forced Massachusetts in 1855 to became the first state to outlaw segrated schools. Not for 99 years would the U.S. Supreme Court  begin desegregating schools throughout the country. White and black abolitionists were united perhaps most closely by  defending themselves against attacks by people who regarded them as  dangerous fanatics bent on disrupting society. As abolitions organized to rid  the nation of slavery, they aroused many people-northerners as well as southerners-who were eager to rid the nation of abolitionists. Mob attacks,  like the one on Marius Robinson in Ohio, occurred frequently in the mid 1830s. Abolitionists were stoned, dragged through streets, and reviled by  northern mobs. Wield couldn’t finish speech without disrupt. Douglass  endured similar. Garrison was saved form Boston mob to only be put in jail. In 1837, Elijah Lovejoy, anti-slavery editor from Illinois, was murdered. Anti-abolitionists were fervid as abolitionists…a growled South  Carolinian spoke saying if they find one, they would kill him like a felon’s  death. One book in 1836 described opponents of slavery as crack-brained  enthusiasts and female fanatics. Jackson denounced abolitionists in his  message in 1835 as incendiaries who deserved unconstitutional and wicked  activities broken up by mobs, and urged Congress to ban antislavery  literature from the U.S. mails. A year later, southern Democratic  congressmen, with crucial support from Van Buren, passed a gag rule to stop the flood of abolitionist petitions in Congress. By 1840s antislavery movement gained strength. Many northerners  including workers otherwise unsympathetic to ending slavery, decried mob  violence, supported free speech, and denounced the South and its northern  defenders as undemocratic. The gag rule, interference with the mails, and  Lovejoy’s killing seemed proof of the growing influence of an evil slave  power. Former president John Quincy Adams, now a Massachusetts  congressman, devoted himself for several years to the repeal of the gag rule, achieved in 1844, keeping the matter alive until the question of slavery in  territories became the dominant political issue of the 1850s. black and white  abolitionists struggled on. 10.5.3: Women Reformers and Women’s rights bottom of page 276 Quaker teacher in Massachusetts in 1836 named Abby Kelley did  petitions for local antislavery society. Came to reform through religious  conviction. She saw abolitionism as a peculiarly female cause like many  other northern women. Nineteenth-century culture viewed middle-class  women as major moral force in society. What could be a more appropriate  commitment for moral women than to strive to eliminate slavery, America’s  most glaring sin? Pg 277 In 1838, Abby Kelley braved crowd in Philadelphia to deliver an  abolitionist speech to a convention of antislavery women so eloquently that  Weld told her that if she didn’t join the movement full time, God will smite  her. Before the convention was over, a mob, incensed by both abolitionists  and women speaking in public, burned the hall to the ground. After a soul-searching year, Kelley left teaching to focus on antislavery  and women’s rights. When she married, she retained her own name and on  lecture tours of the West while her husband stayed home to care for their  daughter. Other young women were also defining unconventional new  relationships while the profound difficulty of both fulfilling traditional roles  and speaking out for change. Angelina and Sarah Grimke, outspoken Quaker sisters from Philadelphia who had grown up in South Carolina, went to New  England in 1837 to lecture on abolitionism. Criticized for speaking to  audiences containing both men and women, Angelina defended women’s  rights to speak in public. After the tour, Angelina married Theodore Weld and  stopped her public lectures to show that she could also be a good wife and  mother. But she and Sarah, who moved in with her, undertook most of the  research and writing for Weld’s book attacking American slavery. Young couples like this, while pursing reform, also experimented with  quall relationships in an age that assigned distinctly unequal roles to  husbands and wives. One hand women were told that their sphere was the  home, upholding piety and virtue. One the other, they were assured their  ethical influence would be “felt around the globe.” Many women joined the  perfectionist movement to cleanse America of its sins. Active in every reform movement, women discovered the need to improve their own condition. To achieve greater personal autonomy, antebellum American women,  like their English counterparts, pursued several paths depending on their  class, cultural background, and situation. In 1834, Lowell textile workers  went on strike against wage reductions while looking to marriage as an  escape from millwork. Catherin Beecher pg 278 argued that it was by  accepting marriage and the home as a woman’s sphere and by mastering  domestic duties there that women could best achieve power and autonomy.  In another form of feminism, American wives exerted considerable control  over their bodies by convincing their husbands to practice abstinence, coitus  interruptus, and other forms of birth control. Other women found an outlet for their role as moral guardians by  attacking the sexual double standard. In 1834, a group of Presbyterian  women formed the New York Female Moral Reform Society. Inspired by  revivalism, they visited brothels, opened a refuge to convert prostitutes and  publicly identified brother patrons. Within five years, there were 445  auxiliaries of the society. Lowell millworkers and New York moral reformers generally accepted  the duties-and attractions-of female domesticity. Other women, usually form  upper-middle-class families did not. They sought to devote their lives to  working directly for more legally protected rights. Campaigns to secure  married women’s control of their property and custody of their children  involved many of them. Others gained from abolitionism a growing  awareness of similarities between the oppression of women and of slaves.  Collecting antislavery signatures and speaking out publicly, they continually  faced denials of their right to speak or act politically. American women have  good cause to be grateful to the slave, Kelley wrote how she felt manacled. The more active women became in antislavery activities, the more  hostility they encountered, especially from conservative clergymen. Sarah  Grimke was criticized too often. She struck back in 1837 with Letters on the  Condition of Women and the Equality of the Sexes, concluding she sought no  favors for my sex. She surrenders not our claim to equality. All she asks they will take their feet from off our necks and permit us to stand upright on that  ground which God Designed us to occupy. Grimke’s strong message was soon translated into active movement  for women’s rights, and illustrative of its international character, the  American movement was born in London. At the World, Anti-Slavery  Convention in London in 1840, attended by many American abolitionists,  male delegates refused to let women participate. Two of the women,  Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, had to sit behind curtains and  were forbidden to speak. When they returned home, they resolved to form a  society to advocate the rights of women. In 1848, in Seneca Falls, New York,  their intentions, were fulfilled in one of the most significant antebellum  protest gatherings. In preparing for the meeting, Mott and Stanton drew up a list of  women’s grievances. For example, even though some states had awarded  married women control over their property, they still had no control over  their earnings. Modeling their Declaration of Sentiments on the Declaration  of Independence, the women at Seneca Falls proclaimed it a self-evident  truth that all men and women are created equal and that men had usurped  women’s freedom and dignity. The remedy was expressed in 11 resolutions  calling for equal opportunities in education and work, equality before the law, and the right to appear on public platforms. The most controversial  resolution called for women’s sacred right to the elective franchise. The  convention approved Mott and Stanton’s list of resolutions. Throughout the 1850s, led by Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, women  held annual conventions, working by resolution, persuasion, and petition  campaign to achieve equal political, legal, and property rights from men. The right to vote, was considered cornerstone of the movement. It remained so  for 72 years of struggle until 1920. The Seneca Falls convention was crucial  in beginning the campaign for equal public rights. The seeds of psychological autonomy and self-respect, continuing were sown in the struggles of  countless women like Abby Kelley, Sarah Grimke, and Emily Robinson. 10.6 Conclusion: perfecting America pg 279 Inspired by religious revivalism, advocates for women’s rights and  temperance, abolitionists like Marius and Emily Robinson, and other  reformers carried on very different crusades from those waged by Andrew  Jackson against Indians, nullificationists, and U.S. Bank. Jacksonian politics  and antebellum reform ere often at odds. Most abolitionists and temperance  reformers were anti-Jackson Whigs, Jackson and most Democrats repudiated  the passionate moralism of reformers.  Yet both sides shared more than either side would admit. Reformers  and political parties were both organized rationally. Both mirrored new  tensions in a changing, growing society. Both had an abiding faith in change  and the idea of progress yet feared that sinister forces jeopardized that  progress. Whether ridding the nation of alcohol or the national band, slavery  or nullification, mob violence or political opponents, both forces saw these responsibilities in terms of patriotic duty. Whether inspired by religious  revivalism or political party loyalty, both believed that by stamping out evil  forces, they could shape a better America. In this effort, they turned to  politics, religion, reform, and new lifestyles. Whether politicians like Jackson  and Clay, religious community leaders like Noyes and Ann Lee, or reformers  like Garrison and the Grimkes, these antebellum Americans sought to remake their country politically and morally as it underwent social and economic  change. As the United States neared midcentury, slavery emerged as the most  divisive issues. Against much opposition, the reformers had made slavery a  matter of national political debate by the 1840s. although both major  political parties tried to evade the question, westward expansion and the  addition of new territories to the nation increasingly made avoidance  impossible. Would new states be slave or free? Pioneer family, which formed  the driving force behind the westward movement, questions involving their  fears and dreams seemed more important.

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