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THE U / Sociology / ANTH 3126 / Which holistic discipline studies all aspects of human behavior across

Which holistic discipline studies all aspects of human behavior across

Which holistic discipline studies all aspects of human behavior across

Description

School: University of Utah
Department: Sociology
Course: Mediterranean Cultures
Professor: Bojka milicic
Term: Fall 2017
Tags: Mediterranean, Culture, Anthropology, Tunisia, Plaça, and mafia
Cost: 50
Name: ANTH 3126 - Final Exam Study Guide
Description: This study guide contains all of the information that will be covered on the final exam.
Uploaded: 12/08/2017
43 Pages 52 Views 9 Unlocks
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ANTH 3126 – Final Exam Study Guide


Which holistic discipline studies all aspects of human behavior across time and space?



Definitions Key Concepts Locations 

Note: review the geography of the region (the places talked about in the second part of the semester).

Anthropology: a holistic discipline that studies all aspects of human behavior across time and space. • Describes and explains human universals and cultural variations 

• Sub-disciplines:

▪ Archaeology

▪ Physical anthropology

▪ Anthropological linguistics

▪ Cultural anthropology


What are the two kinds of rituals?



Note: none of the geographic, ecological, political, economic, socio-cultural dimensions of the  Mediterranean can be singled out as "universal" and therefore as decisive, unifying cultural factors ▪ Rather, they illustrate family "resemblances" 

"Family Resemblances" 

• "Mediterranean touch" that serves as a background of connivances allowing people to know  themselves and to recognize each other 

• Mediterranean of ostentatious hospitality, of honor and shame connected to blood and name, of  an endogamic vision of the world, of the republic of cousins, of marriage with one's kin, of sexual  segregation, etc.  


What is the arrangement when it comes to shared parenthood?



If you want to learn more check out What are the three benefits of money?

• Bromberger

Note: Braudel - the one feature that defines the Mediterranean as a cultural area, not only in geographic  terms but also in cultural terms, is voyaging and communication.

• Commerce and communication through voyaging united the Mediterranean area • Through communication, commerce, and travel, some very Mediterranean traits emerge: ▪ Cities and social inequality

▪ Locations makes up for the lack of natural resources

▪ Diffusion of knowledge and ideas

World System: Core and Periphery 

• The concept that preceded globalization 

▪ A cultural and socio-economic analytical model We also discuss several other topics like What's the financial system under britain and the gold standard?

• Core has the capital, periphery has cheap resources and labor

▪ Mediterranean was the core, the rest was the periphery

• I. Wallerstein (1974) argued that the world started "expanding" in the 16th century, gradually  incorporating the whole world in mutually dependent relationships

▪ The enlargement of the world started with the discovery of America 

▪ Core gradually shifted from the Mediterranean to northern Europe 

▪ Regional developments can be seen as core/periphery

▪ Today the entire world is involved (globalization)

• Note: the Mediterranean - initially the core area - after the 16th century, stood for several  centuries in a peripheral or semi-peripheral relationship to northern EuropeWe also discuss several other topics like How are members determined in the us house?

• Note: for anthropologists, culture is not only a product of local or regional conditions, but rather a  direct response to its place in the world-system 

▪ Schneider's, "Reversible Destiny," Sicily

Ritual: a patterned, repetitive action

• Structure and typology of rituals

▪ Van Gennep's analytical model steps

1. Separation from the society 

2. Transition (liminal) state, marked, between and betwixt, in touch with the  

supernatural

3. Reincorporation 

• Kinds of ritual - sacred and secular

▪ Rituals of intensification: (sacred) celebrated by the whole community at important times of  the year 

▪ Reduce fear and anxiety Don't forget about the age old question of What does politics deal with?

▪ Often involve license, free from all inversion of social hierarchy

▪ Gives a sense of power and impunity

▪ Carne-vale = farewell to meat

▪ License and reversal before the abstinence of lent

Tunisia 

• Situated in the Maghreb area of north Africa

• Prehistory and history 

▪ Agriculture from 4,000 B.C. - Berber tribes

▪ Phoenicians 

▪ Master navigators and traders

▪ 10th B.C. - Carthage's rise to power  

▪ 3rd century B.C. - Punic Wars with Rome If you want to learn more check out What does comparative advantage mean in macroeconomics?

▪ Hannibal's invasion of Italy

▪ Rome conquers Carthage in 149 B.C.

▪ Became Rome's "bread basket"

▪ Christianity

▪ End of 7th century A.D. - Arab conquest 

▪ Extensive irrigation, olive, citrus groves

▪ Various Arab rulers, Berber rebellions

▪ Decline with the devastation of economy and environment 

▪ Wars 10-12th centuries A.D.

▪ 12th century A.D. - Normans invade Sicily We also discuss several other topics like What is louis pasteur's contribution to biology?

▪ Arab re-conquest

▪ Successful trade with Christian Mediterranean

▪ 16th century A.D. - Barbary (Berber) coast = stronghold of pirates

▪ 17th century A.D. - Ottoman (Turkish Empire) rule

▪ From 1705, virtual independence under a Turkish dynasty

▪ 18th-19th centuries A.D. - epidemics and famines 

▪ 1883

▪ French army invade Tunisia

▪ Becomes a French Protectorate 

▪ French colonists arrive

▪ WWII - fierce battles between Germans and Allies

▪ 1956 - independence from France 

▪ Note: rapid transition from agricultural economy to urbanized industrialized society ▪ More than half of the population lives in capital city, Tunis

▪ President Bourguiba's pro-Western reforms 

▪ Agrarian reforms dividing the land of the wealthy Arab families and French  colonial landowners

▪ Personal Status Code 

▪ Granting women rights and protections, similar to Turkey

▪ Rarely found in the Middle East - citizenship, equality with men, the right  

to vote, consent to marry, banned polygyny, ban cousin marriage, ban  

veiling in schools, improved women's right in divorce, challenged arranged  

marriages, encouraged women's education and employment, free  

education all through university

▪ Investments in tourism and industry

▪ Note: Ben Ali succeeded Bourguiba in 1987 - stayed in power until February 2011 ▪ Further improved the position of women

▪ Government banned the headscarf to women holding government jobs

▪ 1980s downside = inflation, food riots, increasing international debt

▪ Islamic groups protest against "too liberal laws of women's emancipation"

▪ Contrasts between European tourist behavior (ex. nudism) and Muslim  

values

▪ 13% of GNP came from agriculture, 45% from industry, and 42% from tourism ▪ Within the last 20 years Tunisia was one of the leading countries in Africa in  terms of economic growth 

▪ High unemployment among the youth and small businesses

▪ 2011 - Jasmine Revolution 

▪ The lack of democratic process and the hold onto power by Ben Ali led to revolution ▪ Ben Ali was accused of stealing wealth 

▪ Left the country

▪ Veiling considered as militant political Islam - ban in schools, government 

▪ October 2014 - moderate party Tunis Calls wins election

▪ Terrorist attacks - 2002, 2015, 2016, 2017

• Social conditions

▪ Gap between the growing educated middle class of managers and government employees  and the uneducated poor

▪ Wide-spread self-employment, often from home

▪ No universal program of social welfare

▪ Zakat = religious obligation of giving alms as substitute

▪ Health insurance, disability, pensions accessible to a minority

Ethnography: written accounts of a given people, including all of their native customs and practices - Daughters of Tunis - Presentation Notes -

Daughters of Tunis 

• A study of the micro-level (household) and everyday life among women in the capital city of Tunis • Study questions:

1. What is the impact of economic development on the families and especially women? 2. What is "typical" Mediterranean gender?

▪ Divided world between the domestic space (less important, women) and public space  (more important, men)

▪ Eber-Holms --> this division is too simple

▪ In the domestic space, women find strategies that contribute to family survival ▪ "Kin work" and "family status protection"

▪ Maintain and expand social contacts between women (letters, visits, gifts,  rituals, etc.)

▪ Effects are symbolic, rather than paying off in currency - but equally 

important 

• Study design

▪ Qualitative (descriptive) approach

▪ On the micro-level with detailed portraits of individual women

▪ Quantitative statistical approach on women's networks 

▪ Subjects

▪ Married women

▪ Ages 25-45

▪ First generation that grew up in post-colonial Tunisia 

▪ Across social class divisions

▪ Data analysis - tracing the links between individual women and households ▪ Structural perspective = the form of networks

▪ Interactionism perspective = the content of relations

▪ Effects of education, income, and migration

▪ The paradox = increased participation of women in the work force on the one hand; the  emphasis on virginity and expectation that women stay at home when they are married on  the other

▪ The level of education and exposure to life in France did not change these  expectations held by men

▪ Note: only the poorest men will allow their wives to work outside home - lower men's  status 

▪ If necessary, women will take work inside the home (ex. sewing, knitting,  hairdressing), mostly for kin

▪ A wife's success in business, if husband's deteriorated, often results in marital  strife

• Men and women's spaces

▪ Women's space

▪ Domestic

▪ Lively, crowded, the center of most celebrations

▪ No privacy

▪ Outdoor space = not personally demanding  

▪ Streets, parks, restaurants, and the markets require more privacy - women  should have escorts

▪ Men's space

▪ Although they participate in socializing at home to a degree (family celebrations), they  mostly socialize with each other in public spaces --> work, cafés, or street corners ▪ Socializing in groups

▪ Allows both sexes to interact, mostly for the young people from more educated and  liberal families

▪ Includes special linguistic terms for friends vs. intimate relationships

• Tea and visits - weaving the web of exchange

▪ A weekend ritual - unannounced visitors arrive Sunday and evening

▪ Bring sweets and receive food and tea

▪ Visits are important, serious and costly

▪ Necessary for survival in an increasingly impersonal, urban environment

▪ Face-to-face contact crucial 

▪ Expectation is to return the visit and gifts of equal value (immediate and delayed reciprocity) ▪ Rules of exchange establish social, economic, and class boundaries 

▪ Distance, age, socioeconomic position and transportation determine how often parties "see  each other"

▪ Exchanges also include sharing services (escort in public, childcare, etc.) and information  (e.g., jobs)

• Social class

▪ Fluid concept in Tunisia

▪ Tunisoise families 

▪ Old Tunis families and those from other ancient cities

▪ Have prestige as opposed to immigrants or arrivistes - considered to lack education  and manners

▪ Forming exchange networks

▪ Careful strategies using income, family name, reputation, education, area of origin,  and cooking skills

▪ From the vantage point of the lower income population, class is associated with wealth only • Neighborhoods

1. The Medina - the old Arab walled city

▪ The market place (soukh) - older wealthy families and poor migrants

▪ Off the market place = traditional Arab house; offers privacy from the street ▪ Built for large extended families

▪ Now - houses several unrelated often immigrant families in rented rooms  around the central courtyard

▪ Women become friends sharing resources and information

2. Villeneuve - "New City"  

▪ French colonial city built in 1881

▪ The central business area and residential areas

▪ Secluded French-style villas with modern amenities

▪ Central Villeneuve residents live in crowded apartment in dilapidated French colonial  buildings

3. Lotissements, cité populaire - suburbs

▪ Government-built low and middle income housing

▪ 8-12 stories with modern amenities, but poorly built 

▪ Mix of older Arab houses and cité populaire

▪ Mix of working and middle class

▪ The coastal suburbs include great beaches with elite villas

• Three types of networks:

1. Kin-exclusive - about 1/3 of women in the sample had this network

▪ The most basic social network centered around kin

2. Neighbor network

3. Friendship pattern

▪ Note: friends and neighbors do not substitute for kin, but rather expand the kin network ▪ Miriam's kin-exclusive network

▪ Miriam = maid in an affluent household;  underemployed husband (arranged  marriage); both born to migrant parents from the south with sixth grade educations ▪ Accepted payment for the interview

▪ Small (almost) kin-exclusive network is limited by her class and low income - transportation expenses

▪ As asymmetrical patron/client relationship

▪ Her employer is not part of her network because she cannot reciprocate  exchanges

▪ Reciprocity: the practice of exchanging things with others for mutual benefit; often  obligated

• Endogamy: marrying within the group and kin networks

▪ 54% of women in the sample married a relative (also includes in-laws)

▪ Reinforces kin ties, protection of wealth, and women

▪ Preferred marriage is with paternal parallel cousin - because they belong to the same  patrilineage 

▪ Father's brother's son or father's brother's daughter

▪ 47% in the sample

▪ 21% to maternal cousin

▪ Exchange marriage 16% (2 brothers and 2 sisters)

▪ Other kin 16%

▪ Note: ideal marriage in traditional Islamic cultures = to a parallel cousin 

▪ Parallel cousins: children of parents' same-sex siblings

▪ Cross-cousins: children of parents' cross-sex siblings

▪ Endogamy results in a smaller social network because the ties already existed before  marriage

▪ Education tends to be associated with more exogamy (but not exclusively) ▪ The common American pattern of dating is not often found in Tunisia

▪ Finding a spouse - most often at family gatherings

▪ Eloping often means strife and financial struggle for the couple

▪ Bridewealth and dowry

• Arranged marriages

▪ Most often introduced to potential spouses through parents or family

▪ Family approval is important

▪ Marriage contract: the formal approval followed by detailed preparation of goods  (dowry and bridewealth) to be transferred - household goods, feasts, etc.

▪ Endogamous marriage lowers the bridewealth because "people know and trust each other" ▪ Poor families cannot afford elaborate gifts and feasts

• Engagement and legal marriage

▪ Formal engagement parties: fetiha (religious ceremony with the reading of Koran) and mlek (celebrating the signing of the marriage contract)

▪ Mousim visits

▪ The waiting period also serves for the couple and the in-laws to get to know each  other

▪ On religious holidays in-laws visit with food and gifts

▪ The visits, celebrations, and gifts create and perpetuate social ties through large  investments

▪ Wedding week

▪ Before the wedding both bride and groom undergo purification rituals = bathing,  remove body hair, henna staining

▪ Henna parties

▪ Friends and relatives visit

▪ The wedding celebration = a measure of status and wealth

▪ Note: marriage requires the greatest expenditure of resources 

▪ Kindred (all relatives on both sides) get together, everybody contributes financially ▪ Delayed reciprocity - everyone is expected to reciprocate at the next wedding with at  least equal if not larger gifts

• Conclusion

▪ Adaptive strategies - the networks are a response to the rapidly changing nation:  industrialization --> urbanization

▪ Visiting networks clearly define status and class boundaries

▪ Three patterns of networks - all three networks include kin 

▪ Kin-exclusive

▪ Neighbor network

▪ Friends network

▪ Primary factors in the formation of women's networks

▪ Household income - expands the network

▪ Status (depends also on the region of origin) and wealth - needed for visiting with kin ▪ Level of education - only partially predicts personal autonomy  

▪ Increase of material wealth and mobility did not make traditional behavior obsolete ▪ Critical resources that move through network ties: information, food, money, childcare,  support

▪ Fluid household composition - people move across households: relatives in need, elderly  parents, shared parenthood

▪ Housing arrangements and long-term visits ("long-term visitors")

▪ The number of household residents often fluctuates

▪ "Floating widows," orphaned children stay for several months with  

relatives or friends - kin share support

▪ Shared parenthood: children sent to grandparents because of job or  

financial difficulties

▪ Although nuclear families might live far away, they often send financial support  to their families in the region of origin reflecting the extended family ties

▪ What appears as nuclear families are often horizontally (street) and vertically (apartment  building) extended families

▪ Women show the preference for visiting natal kin rather than being completely  incorporated in their husband's patrilineal kin

▪ Kinship and social life is a gendered experience - men and women experience social and kin  ties differently

▪ Perhaps women's social ties have always been different from men's patrilineal world ▪ Changes in the family structure

▪ Decline of the patriarchal extended family and households

▪ Increase in divorce

▪ Erosion of patriarchal authority

▪ Tensions between parents and children

▪ Increase in premarital sexual freedom and greater marital choices

- Daughter of Tunis - Additional Book Notes -

Women, Family, and Social Change in Tunisia 

• Tunisia's independence from the French in 1956 (pg. 4)

▪ Marked the beginning of a rapid shift from a primarily rural and agriculturally based  economy to the current highly urbanized (more than half of the population of the country  now lives in the capital city of Tunis) and industrial society that is entering the new  millennium

▪ Led by the late president Bourguiba (ruled from 1956-1987)

▪ An aggressively pro-Western and pro-development program was initiated, instituting  numerous reforms designed to make the nation competitive in the world market economy ▪ Personal Status Code - granted women citizenship and the right to vote, forbade the veil,  abolished polygyny, improved women's rights in divorce, and challenged the practice of  arranged marriages.

▪ Women's education and employment were also encouraged

• 30 years after independence only 13% of Tunisia's gross national product (GNP) came from  agriculture, whereas 45% derived from industry and 42% from services - predominantly tourism  (pg. 5)

▪ Downside - several years of rampant inflation in the 1980s

• Although some have benefited from this economic social changes, the gains have not been  distributed evenly (pg. 6)

Study Design 

• Network analysis modes (pg. 11)

1. Structural perspective - those that examine the structure or morphology of social networks 2. Transactional or interactionist perspective - those that examine the content or nature of the  links in networks  

Households, Development, and Women's Survival Networks 

• Kin work: consists of those tasks - letters, visits, gift exchanges, attendance at ritual events, and so  forth - conducted to maintain and expand social ties with kin, work colleagues, or other socially  advantageous contacts (pg. 9)

▪ Also known as family status production 

▪ Perhaps one of the least understood economic and political domestic tasks that women and  households perform

▪ Critical for a family's survival - creating networks that provide insurance against economic  and personal calamities, as well as emotional and practical support, services, and access to  jobs, goods, and information

Moving Into and Out of Men's Spaces 

• Men hold the responsibility for interacting with outsiders (pg. 18)

▪ When women in Tunis move outside in the male domain, they are generally accompanied by  an escort, preferably a male relative who will defend their honor and assist in conducting  transactions with strangers

• Traveling with an intermediary (an escort) is one way to prevent unacceptable intrusion into the  male domain; a second method is through covering the body, either completely with a white  sheet or through wearing a head veil (pg. 20)

Note: although group interaction is accepted by some of the more liberal middle-class parents and  higher-educated young men and women, dating or private male-female relationships, in which sexual  interactions may take place, are generally disapproved of (except by the most liberal families) (pg. 21)

• Perhaps the main restriction on unmarried women's interactions with men is not their parents but  the opinion of other men

Note: although young unmarried women are entering the workforce in increasing numbers, social  pressures for married women to remain at home are reflected in the low percentage of women who  work or continue their schooling after marriage (pg. 22)

• Employment of women outside of the home after marriage - particularly in low-status jobs such as  maids, factory laborers or hotel workers - is considered shameful, a sign that the husband cannot  provide adequately for his wife and family or afford to seclude his women (pg. 23)

• In the upper middle classes, the desire to maintain the family honor by keeping the wife at home  may give way to the increased status and income that derives from women's work in prestigious  positions in the government or teaching (pg. 24)

▪ Being "in the home" in Tunis consequently means different things to different women  depending on their social class and economic and housing circumstances

Note: visits are characterized by the ritual exchange of food, gifts, and most important, the obligation to  return visits given (pg. 34)

• A minority of educated and more well-to-do women in Tunis do maintain contact with kin and  network members by telephone and letters, but these interactions are simply considered a  supplement to the crucial face-to-face interaction required in all relationships

Note: gift giving is a ritual process in which the exchanges themselves serve as "tie signs": symbolic signs  of the relationship between exchanging parties (pg. 36).

• Because visits and hospitality must be reciprocal, their exchange is generally restricted to  households of similar economic and social backgrounds 

• Visits thus reaffirm class, social, and regional boundaries (pg. 37)

Note: friendships and social ties are not simply a matter of luck and personal taste but the result of  careful strategy and use of a woman's personal assets: her family name and reputation, her wealth, her  education, her region of origin, or even her ability to cook (pg. 44)

Note: two distinct groups of women with kin exclusive networks (pg. 78)

1. Tunisoise women

▪ Generally well educated  

▪ Married to Tunisoise men who hold respectable, stable positions, often with the  government

▪ Reflects women's' higher education

▪ Descendants of the original and "true" Tunis families, these women and their kin look down  upon the "arrivistes" (pg. 79)

2. Migrant women

▪ Tend to have limited education, as do their husbands

▪ Jobs most typically can be characterized as unskilled manual labor

▪ Focus all of their resources within one kin group, socializing almost exclusively with kin,  marrying kin, and selecting spouses from their region of origin

Medina: literally means "city"; refers to the original ancient Arab walled city that once received sailing  ships from all over the Mediterranean (pg. 25)

• Today the center of Arab markets, where merchants and artisans cry out from their open stalls to  passersby (potential customers)

• Once the home of aristocratic Tunisoise families, the medina today houses a heterogeneous  population of both older and well-to-do original Tunisoise families and poorer migrants to the city (pg. 26)

The Villeneuve 

• The arrival of the French in 1881 saw the addition of a new French colonial city, the Villeneuve • Tunis' villeneuve can roughly be divided into two primary areas:

1. Business and apartment dwellings

▪ In the center and the wealthier French villas

2. Garden residential areas

▪ To the north near the Belvedere park

• To ensure the privacy of the female residents, these villas are typically surrounded by high cement  walls enclosing a garden of orange and almond trees, jasmine bushes, and perhaps various herbs  or vegetables

• On warm summer evenings the garden is a favorite place for a stroll with guests or for a party on  the outdoor patio

• Reflecting the greater wealth of their inhabitants, villas typically include a bathroom and kitchen,  complete with modern amenities such as a toilet, bathtub, and perhaps even a refrigerator or  stove (pg. 27)

• The downtown area of the Villeneuve forms the central business district of Tunis

The Lotissements and Cités Populaires 

• Cités (pg. 28)

▪ In response to the growing demand for housing in Tunis, the government commissioned  numerous low- and middle-income housing projects, which now ring the city 

▪ Complete with stores, parks, medical services, schools, and even day care programs ▪ Allow Tunisian housewives to carry out their tasks in relative "protection" from the  rest of the city

▪ Although the 8-12 story apartment buildings generally have all the modern amenities, they  were generally constructed with cheap materials 

• Lotissements

▪ The centers for many municipal complexes such as the university, the airport, the hospital,  and the Olympic sports complex and football stadium

▪ Northern

▪ Two contemporary shopping centers with large supermarkets

▪ The center for new construction of lovely, well-to-do Arab homes and villas

Suburbs 

• The rapid influx of migrants has resulted in the merging of the suburbs with the city over the past  years so that the distinction between areas is now blurred (pg. 29)

• Include a mix of older Arab houses, a large number of French villas, and various cités populaires and lotissements

• Although these suburbs have their own market centers, they have become primarily residential  areas for the middle- and working-class sectors of Tunis

• Coastal suburbs have the distinction of owning all of greater Tunis' beaches ▪ Housing Tunis' elite as well as many wealthy foreigners

Note: important transformation in Tunisian household - the extended household has simply "gone up"  or "out," becoming instead the "extended street" or "extended apartment complex" (pg. 70) • Kin not only live next door to each other, expanding in essence the extended Arab house into an  extended Arab family street, but also sometimes expand vertically, into the extended family  apartment building (pg. 73)

• These kin complexes function in many ways as larger extended households in which kin/neighbors exchange food, child care, and other services on a daily basis

• Kin-neighborhood complexes often serve as a central meeting place where the extended family  congregates and can visit with everyone at once, especially for women who do not live near kin  (most do)

▪ Weekends, and particularly Sundays, are a favorite time for family get-togethers (typically  held at parents' house) (pg. 75)

Women's Networks 

• Three complimentary patterns (pg. 122)

1. Kin exclusive network

2. Neighbor network

3. Friendship pattern

• Each of these network styles can be viewed not as separate and contrasting, but rather as a  variation in the strategies women employ to survive in differing socioeconomic environments • Note: all network patterns are formed first and foremost around a critical core of kin ▪ Neighbors and friends = supplementary addition to the network rather than replacements  for kin

• The primary factor affecting the size of women's networks is clearly household income (and class) ▪ Only wealthy women can afford the lavish hospitality and frequent visits required of the  upper and upper middle classes

• Social class in Tunisia depends not only on wealth but also on region of origin ▪ These closed, bounded networks are further reinforced by the preference for marriages  with kin or families from the same region

Note: in contrast to the long-established ideal of the patrilineal and patrilocal Arab family, women in my  study actually showed a preference for visiting consanguineal kin, and they were equally as likely to live  with or near their own kin as their husband's kin (pg. 126)

• Several ethnographic studies of women in the region also indicate a bilateral pattern for Arab  women's kin relations, in contrast to the ideal preference for patrilineal kin

• Perhaps there is a gendered experience of kinship

▪ Men and women have distinctly different networks  

Kin Exclusive Networks 

• Women in this study with kin exclusive networks restricted their interactions almost completely to  kin, including at most one or two friends or neighbors in their social circle

• Arab intermarriage has been argued to reinforce kin ties, keep wealth within the family, and  increase parental control and protection of daughters (pg. 50).

• Endogamous marriage, ultimately, collapses the kin network onto itself (pg. 51) ▪ While in one sense, endogamy strengthened and reinforced existing ties between kin in  women's networks, intermarriage also had the reverse effect of shrinking the network and  ultimately reducing the social resource base upon which kin could draw

▪ Ex. One's uncle could also become one's father-in-law in cousin marriages

▪ Women who married kin had significantly fewer relatives in their networks then women  who married outsiders

• Note: marriage to kin was not related to either the husband's educational level or household  income

Neighbor network: typically dominated by kin, with a mean number of 12 kin-related households in the  network (pg. 85)

• Distinguishing feature

▪ In addition to their regular and often frequent visits with kin, these woman rely on a close  network of 5-6 neighbors who assist each other on a daily basis

• Women in these networks (pg. 86)

▪ Had limited education

▪ Very small household income

▪ Only worked inside their home with trade skills (ex. sewing)

▪ Most are first or second generation migrants to Tunis, as are their husbands ▪ Often speak of their neighbors and treat them like kin, even using kinship terms to describe  the relationship (pg. 87)

▪ Note: not all Tunisian women include neighbors in their networks (pg. 89)

▪ Just as membership of kin in the visiting network is based to some degree on a  woman's personal choice, so too is the inclusion of neighbors in the network

Note: women's and men's networks are often quite separate and distinct and do not necessarily  coincide (pg. 90)

Friendship Networks 

• Distinguishing feature of women with friendship networks (pg.106)

▪ The inclusion of three or more friends whom the woman known from school, work, or her  husband's work

• Friendships give women access to difficult-to-obtain resources or assistance not available from the  neighborhood or kin group

• Networks are quite large 

▪ Minimum of 8 households to a maximum of 34 households, mean size of 22 households • Women with these networks have significantly higher educational levels than women with kin  exclusive or neighbor networks (pg. 107)

• Women's husbands studied at the high school or university, had hold professional and secure  positions

• Highest incomes on average 

• An equal proportion of migrant and Tunisoise women form friendship networks • Women experiences greater autonomy from the kin group (pg. 109)

▪ Women tend to choose their own spouses, marry nonkin, be less concerned with region of  origin in their selection of a spouse, and live in nuclear households rather than with kin

• Women typically had the highest number of kin in their networks, listing an average of 14.4 kin related households

Visits and Marriage 

• Selecting a spouse in Tunisia can often be a difficult choice fraught with potential conflict (pg. 52) ▪ Arab world marriages are not made between individuals but between families that are  inextricably bound in a social network of ties that may last for generations

• Women's educational level was significantly related to whether they would marry an outsider ▪ Those with greater education were more likely to marry outside of their kin • Marriage proposal and bridewealth

▪ Marriage process begins officially with a visit by the prospective husband's family to the  future bride's family; visit = yourn elkhutouba 

▪ All of the major expenses of the marriage are negotiated - bridewealth, number of  celebrations to be held, etc.

• Engagement and legal marriage

▪ Once the basic costs of the marriage have been settled on, one or two formal engagement  parties may be held (pg. 58)

1. Fetiha: where the opening soura of the Quran is read

2. Mlek: a celebration of the signing of the marriage contract

▪ After the contract is signed, the couple are legally (but not socially) married and must file for  divorce if the arrangement is not satisfactory

• Mousim visits

▪ Whereas in the past women would often see their husbands for the first time on their  wedding night, most contemporary Tunisian men and women, even with arranged  marriages, expect to meet and become acquainted with their future spouses prior to the  actual wedding (pg. 60)

▪ More typically, among conservative families, the couple meets and socializes during formal  visits by the prospective husband to his bride's house during major and minor religious  occasions, called mousim.

▪ The future husband and his family are expected to bring food and gifts

▪ The girl's family usually prepares an elaborate meal for her prospective in-laws • Visits and parties during the wedding week

▪ During the week before the wedding night, the bride and groom each undergo various  purification rituals 

▪ Bathing at the hammam (Turkish steam baths), removing all body hair (tunqeea), and  staining parts of the body (particularly the hands and feet) with red henna (pg. 62) ▪ Often these rituals are celebrated by small parties in the home of the bride or groom ▪ Weddings are large, expensive affairs

▪ Hundreds of guests may be invited

▪ Both sides of the family invest immense amounts of money in the future couple ▪ Practices of providing a bridewealth, a dowry, and numerous wedding celebrations

---

Sicily: the meeting point between East and West, North and South, Christians and Arabs, Europe and  Africa, Ionian and Tyrrhenian Sea, Strait of Messina

• Sicilian "channel": Lampedusa, Pantelleria, Malta

▪ Mesolithic presence of humans (10,000 years ago)

▪ Neolithic (agriculture) - around 3,800 B.C.

• Prehistory

▪ Phoenicians - 11th century B.C.

▪ Greeks - 8th century B.C.

▪ Wheat - agricultural surplus

▪ 3rd century B.C. - Romans introduced

▪ Latifundia estates exported wheat, imported administrators and slaves

▪ Byzantium - 6th century A.D.

▪ Sicily became Byzantine province 

▪ Arab invasions - 9-11th century A.D.

▪ Period of relative autonomy

▪ Most intense in Western Sicily

▪ Came to settle and farm new crops; technology diversified agriculture - citrus fruits,  melons, sugar cane, silk, cotton, rice

▪ Arabs

▪ Export of wheat continued, but not the most important

▪ After 948 A.D. - Islamic emirs established in Palermo hereditary dynasties ▪ Only a formal link to the caliph in Egypt

▪ Normans - 11th century A.D.

▪ The Kingdom of Sicily = Normans (descendants of Viking settlers in northern France - Normandy)

▪ Restored the Latin church, brought feudal institutions from northern Europe,  expulsion of Muslims 

▪ End of 14th century A.D. - decline of diversified economy

▪ Specialization in wheat and wool for northern Europe

▪ Florence and Barcelona (Catalans) - fighting for control of Sicily

▪ Spain - 13th century A.D.  

▪ King of Aragon crowned as King of Sicily

▪ Civil War 10-15th century A.D. between the Catalan faction and descendants of  Norman conquerors

▪ Individual families won fortunes and fiefs for their loyalty to the Aragonese rulers ▪ Northeast Spain united with Castile in 1479 to form the nuclear of modern Spain - Sicily came under direct rule of Spanish kings

▪ Catalan = the language of the royal court

▪ Sicilian dialect of the people - mixture of Spanish, Catalan, Arabic, French, Latin ▪ Marriages and dowries played an important role in gaining land and control ▪ Agrotowns arose - dispersed, hilltops and mountainsides, vast open spaces between  them

▪ Urban characteristic - professionals, merchants, artisans, peasants, palaces of  the aristocracy

▪ Piazzas, churches, municipal buildings, the arable land is remote

▪ 15-17th centuries A.D.

▪ For Spain, Sicily = source of wool, an outlet to market its cloth and goods ▪ Whole stretches of countryside for pasture for sheep - pelts and cheese most  important export 

▪ Return to single crop agriculture, heaviest in the West

▪ More and more emphasis on wheat

▪ Grano duro for long sea voyaging for the Spanish army and to feed the Renaissance  cities of Italy

▪ Catalonia by the end of the 15th century A.D. turned towards Atlantic

▪ Catalan interest replaced by the Genoa and Bologna

▪ Cotton and linen supplemented wool  

▪ 17-19th centuries A.D.

▪ Exploitation, famines, revolutions 

▪ The emerging new core in Northern Europe undermined Italian states and Spain ▪ 18th century A.D. - Sicily became vice-royalty of the kingdom of Naples, a satellite  Bourbon France

▪ Again concentrated on wheat monoculture

▪ Increase of Sicilian population

▪ High prices, plague, pirate attacks from Barbary Coast (Tunisia), famine, rioting  as the wheat drained for export

▪ 1816 - the kingdom of Naples and Sicily officially merged: The Kingdom of Two Sicilies ▪ Revolutions in 1820, 1847-8 against Bourbons

▪ 19th century A.D.

▪ Violence, revolution, unification 

▪ The unification of Italy as a nation-state Risorgimento movement, 1861

▪ 1820, 1848 rebellions against the monarchy

▪ Squadre (revolutionaries) and bande (armed bandits) roamed the countryside ▪ More violence in Western provinces due to historical/economic differences and the  legacy of extensive latifundism resulting in deforestation

• East/West differences

▪ Environment and geography

▪ Small regional differences widened into a real gap in the hands of Romans (latifundia estates and wheat cultivation) and especially Catalans as Sicily became a part of the  world-system

▪ Eastern Sicily

▪ Higher mountains  

▪ More rainfall

▪ Close to the important trade routes through the strait of Messina and Elba to Spain ▪ More diversified agriculture

▪ Less monocrop (single crops)

▪ Less dependent

▪ Western Sicily

▪ Pressure to produce wheat (started with the Romans)

▪ Foreign cities depleted, already meager resources

▪ Less urbanized

▪ Environment deteriorated under Roman latifundia system

▪ Increase soil erosion

▪ Malaria

▪ Continued under Spain and local barons

▪ Outcome would have been different if the wealth has been used to drain the  marshland, terrace the hillsides and irrigate the lowlands

▪ Land that was described as rich in all varieties of fruit became a desert

▪ "Desolate, breathless, oppressed by a leaden sun." - Giorgio Tomasi di Lampedusa • Important points

▪ Sicily alternated between periods of relative independence (Greek, Arab, Normal) and  dependence (Romans, Catalan, north Italians, Naples)

▪ Became the periphery of the world system when center shifted to northern Europe ▪ Dependent on foreign merchants and the world market

▪ Eastern Sicily more diversified economy, less dependent

Note: the mafia dates to the second half of the 19th century A.D. (pg. 22)

• Emerged out of the "transition" from feudalism to capitalism in (especially western) Sicily, and out  of the politics surrounding the fall of the ancient regime of the Bourbons and its replacement by  the Italian nation-state

Reversible Destinies: Mafia, Antimafia, and the Struggle for Palermo 

• Palermo in the 1978-1992 period of extreme mafia violence

• Is the mafia "octopus" Sicilian's destiny?

▪ Reversibility = possibility for profound change 

• Neglect of the old Palermo

▪ 19th century - the rise of the middle class 

▪ Merchants

▪ New land owners

▪ Marriage alliances with aristocrats  

▪ Emulation of upper classes

▪ End of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century

▪ Increase of population - 59% for Sicily, 73% for Palermo

▪ Erratic building

▪ 1884 - cholera epidemic

▪ 1885 - first Urban Plan

▪ After 1900s, movement north of the city

▪ The old center deteriorated even more

▪ 1943 allied bombing - loss of housing  

▪ 1950-1980s - the "sack of Palermo"

▪ Erratic building by the mafia supported construction businesses 

▪ Post WWII land reform and mechanization - peasant migration to the city

▪ Gateway to Europe for immigrants from Africa and Asia

▪ Vandalizing of old palaces  

Reversible Destiny 

• Four reasons why the mafia is not "Sicily's destiny"

1. The mafia is a recent phenomenon 

▪ The mafia is not an ancient element of Sicilian life and culture

▪ Originated only relatively recent in the 19th century out of the transition from  feudalism to capitalism and to the nation-state causing the displacement and  

impoverishment

2. The new antimafia social movement

▪ Emerging after WWII, the new educated urban class organized a successful grassroots  antimafia movement

▪ The police, the judiciary, and the new city government engaged in fighting the  corruption and crime

3. Re-education

▪ The leaders of these movements are trying to instigate the change in the mode of  thinking of ordinary Sicilians about the mafia by educating the children

4. Changes in the government 

▪ After 1992, the government is more efficient in prosecuting organized crime • The problems

▪ The mafia recently expanded its activities into international finances, people smuggling, and  the areas of post-communist Easter European Columbian drug traffickers

▪ How to deal with numerous pentiti?

▪ An increase in extortion from Palermo businesses - lack of other resources? ▪ Change in mafia leadership?

▪ Capo dei capi Provenzano, still at large

▪ The mafia museum, organized by the progression May of Corleone

▪ Crisis in the construction industry 

▪ The poor do not see the justification for the law and order civil society

▪ Advocates of anti-antimafia government and Forza Italian party

▪ Sicilianiscmo: defense of Sicilian culture against outsiders

▪ Garantismo: the guarantee of civil rights and universal values used against antimafia ▪ Blame the antimafia for the unemployment 

• Lessons and warnings

▪ The risk that "wars on crime" will become the assault on the poor

▪ Hidden networks on the "third level" - how to distinguish the truth from imagination? ▪ The need for new urban economy to provide jobs and prevent mafia recruitment from the  displaced poor

The Genesis of the Mafia 

• Contrary to widespread belief, the mafia is not an ancient Sicilian phenomenon • Mafia emerged in the 19th century (especially western) Sicily in the transition from feudalism to  capitalism

• Historical context - Belle Epogue - turn of the 19th and 20th centuries

▪ The new Italian government rejected the representatives of the common people ▪ Imposed new taxes, military draft, anticlerical laws

▪ Common lands sold at auctions to pay off debts, raise taxes

▪ The rich became richer

▪ Cholera; unemployment

▪ 1866 result - insurrection of peasants, artisans, students

▪ Mix of revolutionaries and bandits from the mountains roamed the countryside  • New landowners class emerged - the civili lower middle class officials

▪ Usurped the common holdings

▪ Tampered with the voting lists

▪ Promoted their kin and clients granting them contracts and employment

▪ Providing a model for mafia activists 

▪ Not the first mafiosi 

▪ Married into often impoverished aristocracy, acquired titles

Origin of the Mafia 

• Early mafiosi - emerged from the class of carters, muleteers, itinerant merchants, bandits and  herders in an insecure desolate countryside

• Dangerous open space between agrotowns

• Fratellanze (brotherhoods) or cosche (the choke of an artichoke)

• Protection for a price, had personal knowledge of bandits 

• Could negotiate a settlement

• Note: however, they often controlled the perpetrators 

Mafiusi: "men of respect"

• Mafiuso: something perfectly shaped, like a head of cabbage or artichoke

• Capi = head of families

• Picciotti: soldiers

• Omerta: code of silence 

• Avoiding prison terms because of "technical errors, lack of proof"; resulted in "enhancing their  honor"

• Most powerful mafiosi began to control the election of Sicilian deputies

▪ Influence on the national level 

Sicilian mafiosi: mediate illegal traffics or use illegal means, including violence, to gain a foothold in legal  activities 

• To operate in this fashion, they have to be entrepreneurial, opportunistic, aggressive, capable of  violence

• They share with bandits both a preparedness to murder, if necessary, and a sensitivity to  retributive justice

• Mafia draws energy from its organizational form and political correctness

• The proto-typical nucleus of Sicilian organized crime consists of loose, at times shifting coalitions between leading mafiosi and corrupt elites (regional and national politicians, administrators,  professionals, and businessman) engaged in the accumulation of power and wealth (pg. 48)

Note: how does the mafia function?

• Interccio: reciprocity between the mafia and the state

▪ Meshing, blending

• Bandits - theft and kidnapping, outside of the law

• Mafia - threats, extortion, but try to be inside the law

• From 1970 - a network of territorial units with mutual aid

• Enforced members' silence in the tightly organized cosche

Cosca: the crown of spiny, closely folded leaves on plants such as the artichoke or the thistle • Symbolizes the tightness of relationships between mafiosi

Note: contested meanings of the mafia in Sicily

1. Northern Italy racist view regarding the "backward Mezzogiorno" (south of Rome) ▪ "All Sicilians are criminals at heart"

▪ All moral problems of the new state stem from the backward south

2. Sicilian romantic view = mafiosi avenge justice, men of honor, omerta (the silence) ▪ Mafia = beauty, grace, perfection, skills, cleverness, bravery, respect, does not rely on the  law

▪ Note: this was incorporated by some late 19th century writers as values of Sicilianism and  Sicilian self-image

Note: first official references to mafia activities only in 1830s

• The mafia charter myth

▪ The myth of the Beati Paoli (The Blessed Paolists)

▪ A novel 1909-1910

▪ A secret society meeting underground avenging injustice, sanctioned by a religious  order

▪ Based on older stories and plays about criminals

▪ The Beati Paoli was built in the image of the mafia as selfless protectors, members of  a secret society 

The Myth of the Beati Paoli 

• Romantic accounts of the mafia, are, of course, close to the ways in which mafiosi represent  themselves - as "men of honor" who solve problems (their own and others') without resorting to  state-authorized law

• I Beati Paoli, authored by Luigi Natoli (pen name William Galt), a Sicilian publicist ▪ Narrates the adventures of an 18th century Palermitan secret society whose members were  giustizieri - literally, "carriers of justice"

▪ Dressed in black sackcloth with hooded heads and masked faces, they met at night in the  galleries and tunnels that honeycomb the city's underground - here they staged trials for evil  persons, pronounced them guilty, and dispatched some of their number to execute  punishment, including death

▪ The sect's claim to legitimacy rested upon the charisma of its members and their presumed  religious authority 

• The myth of the mafia as distilled by Natoli consists of two interrelated elements: ▪ An occult sect of supermen can be trusted to execute sentences piecemeal against social as  well as private wrongs

▪ Its members perform their services in the absence of any self-interest

Spheres of Mafia Monopoly 

• Palermo orchard economy

▪ Irrigation water most valuable resource

• The countryside

▪ "Protection" of latifundia estates

• Favoreggiatori

▪ Providers of protection

▪ Immunity for criminals

• Mandante, manutengolismo

▪ The person who orders a crime

• Directing and using the mafia criminals for one's own purposes by politicians on the local,  regional, national levels through the system of patronage - resulting in intreccio

Mafia and the Cold War 

• In Mussolini's (1925-1943) Italy

▪ Mafia was persecuted  

• Threat to equally violent fascists

▪ Did the allies help the mafia flourish after WWII?

▪ License for violence in the Cold War era (post-WWII)

▪ Penetrate the construction industry

▪ Drug trafficking through renewed intreccio enabled by American and Italian anti communism

• The Commission (Cupola): attempt at unification of mafia families 

▪ 1957 - Joe Bonnano mobilized several capi of different cosche

▪ Heroin trade to the U.S.

▪ Networks of kinship and friendship

▪ Bonnano wanted to consolidate the local bosses to ensure the smooth traffic of drugs ▪ Disagreements over authority

▪ 1962 - first mafia war over a shipment of heroin from Egypt to the U.S. 

▪ Continued extortion

▪ Construction business and produce market contracts

• Mafia wars

▪ Early 1970s  

▪ The French Connection - mafia wars for the control of the drug market 

▪ Redirected the production of heroin from Marseille to Palermo

▪ Old animosity between Palermo urban cosche and the east and south country  bumpkins from Corleone 

▪ 1970-83  

▪ Series of murders of politicians, investigators, judges, anti-mafia communist leader ▪ 500 mafiosi killed by the other mafiosi under Riina from Corleone

▪ The cupola (heads of the commission) - less influence

• Conclusion - after WWII  

▪ Political and financial intreccio enabled the mafia to expand into urban areas capitalizing on  the development money for the south

▪ At the same time, this expansion drove a wedge between the urban and rural mafiosi 

Mysteries and Poisons 

• The "long 1980s" decade of violence and the maxi trial 

• Between 1979-1982 the Corleone mafiosi killed all the top authorities in Sicily ▪ President of the regional parliament

▪ The prefect

▪ Chief prosecutor

▪ Top investigative judge

▪ Head of the opposition party

• Crack-down on the mafia

▪ "The most revolutionary thing you could do in Sicily, is simply to apply the law and punish  the guilty." - Judge Giovanni Falcone, Dec. 1992

▪ The maxi trial 1986-87 

▪ For the first time the mafia as an organization went on trial

▪ 460 mafiosi, 344 found guilty

▪ The heroes: Judges Borsellino and Falcone; slain in 1992

• Antimafia pool

▪ A group of Palermo magistrates founded the "antimafia pool"

▪ Cultivating the pentiti (the "penitents," turncoat mafiosi witnesses)

▪ Connected to the U.S. Justice Department

▪ The witness protection program

• Sinister hypothesis - conspiracy rumors

▪ Who wanted a particular killing?

▪ Mandanti occulti - a hidden elite who orders the killings

▪ Municipal services controlled by the mafia

▪ Public work contracts for street lighting and garbage collection

▪ Motive for Falcone's murder

▪ Raveena-based construction group, public works in Palermo, an exchange for favors? • Italian magistracy

▪ Grounded in Roman law - "inquisitorial" system

▪ The magistrates serve for life as judges or prosecutors

▪ Trial by judges rather than jury

• The "maxi" trial of mafiosi 1986-87

▪ For the first time opened up the inner dealings of the mafia, internal wars

▪ Giovanni Falcone - investigated the drug trafficking

▪ A series of killings followed but the maxi trial begin in 1986

▪ Antimafia judges lived as prisoners, with la scorta (escort)

▪ Reform of the Italian legal system

▪ The criticism of the "suspension of civil liberties" in this mass trial prompted the  reform of the Italian judiciary

▪ Separation of investigation and prosecuting

▪ In the Anglo-Saxon judicial model defendants have more rights than the Italian model ▪ Critics of the antifmafia movement

▪ Reforms to curb the overarching power of the magistrates in a climate of "paranoia  and suspicion"

▪ The crackdown of the mafia - a communist plot?

▪ Silvio Berlusconi

▪ 3-term Italian prime minister

▪ Numerous scandals, mafia connections

Maxi Trial 

• Over 400 defendants

• Huge trail against many mafiosi

• First time they learned about the mafia from an insider's view (Bruschetta)

The Antimafia Movement - the Clean Break 

• After WWII most antimafia activists left wing, small town, male, not highly educated • Most Christian Democrats in the shadow of mafia "conditioning"

• The police and magistrates under the accusations of compromising civil liberties • The antimafia movement changes in mid-1980s to a predominantly urban movement centered in  Palermo  

▪ Ties to the University of Palermo

▪ Both genders, educated, urban, but cuts across social classes

• Catholic Church and the antimafia

▪ The highest Catholic official in Sicily virtually ignored the mafia masking it as a strong anti communist stance in order to cover the CD involvement with the electoral tampering ▪ Bridging the gap

▪ Priests as antimafia activists

▪ The activist clergy influenced by the Decrees of the Vatican Council II opened  the path for the Catholics toward all-embracing social justice, regardless of  

politics

▪ Young Catholic activists questioned the Church's instructions to vote for Christian  Democrats

▪ "Dissident" priests debated voting communist

▪ Padre Pino Puglisi

▪ Refused to grant a contract to a mafia construction business to restore his church ▪ Murdered in 1993

▪ The bishops of Sicily finally spoke about the incompatibility of the mafia with the  gospel

▪ But did not get involved in commemorating Father Puglisi or bring his murderers to  justice

▪ The dissident priests from Centro San Saverio in Albergheria joined  

▪ By 1985 the Church became an antimafia center, the apolitical and non-confessional Centro  Social San Saverio

• Giuseppe Impastato

▪ Antimafia activist 

▪ Journalist (from a mafia-connected family) exposed the Palermo Airport construction and  mafia connection

▪ Murdered in 1978

▪ "Centro Impastato"

• Palermo Spring - "clean break" policies

▪ Leoluca Orlando - antimafia Mayor of Palermo (1985-90, 1993-2000) from a land-owners  family in Prizzi

▪ Reformed Christian Democrats (powerful right wing party) advocating values of individual  merit and commitment

▪ Appointed the City Council center-left party's members

▪ Brought northern and foreign contractors

• Reactions to clean break

▪ Pro-mafia demonstrations of construction workers, against Orlando's "clean break" ▪ Orlando lost, founded a new antimafia party La Rete (the Network)

Civil Society Groundwork 

• Capillary action: a form of consciousness raising 

▪ 1990s response to the mafia's spider web

▪ Democracy and transparency

▪ Gender equality

▪ Women against the Mafia

▪ Women magistrates, mayors in rural towns

▪ Human rights

▪ Respect for environment

• Problems

▪ How to break the ties with the mafiosi?

▪ How to decide where the mafia ends and "clean" citizenship starts?

▪ What to do with the ambiguous victims of mafia violence? Should mafia widows receive  state help?

• Solution

▪ Education about good citizenship

▪ Learning to claim citizens' rights from the state, rather than using connections, friends,  trading votes for favors

• Professions under stress

▪ There seem to be no "clean" institutions in Sicily 

▪ Mafia defendants are stabling and feeding highly paid lawyers

▪ Corruption among medical professionals

▪ Especially with masonic connections

▪ Contracts, medical supplies

▪ Tampered medical records for mafiosi

• The priesthood

▪ Exception to the rule - 1952 a bishop made a statement that mafia killers and mandanti should be excommunicated

▪ Mafiosi typically sponsored patron saints festivals

▪ Contracts with mafia-connected construction businesses  

▪ Service for the mafiosi in hiding

▪ Young reform-minded dissident priests

▪ A priest should refuse to preside at the funeral of a mafiosi, omerta is a sin ▪ In the 1990s the Bishop of Monreale was indicted for receiving kickbacks for reconstruction  of his church

• University professors

▪ A corrupt system of recommendations influenced by the mafia  

▪ Favoring particular interests and contractors

▪ 1995 national student strike launched form Palermo against closed libraries, missing books,  inadequate facilities

• Bureaucrats and entrepreneurs

▪ Mafia borahesia - middle class  

▪ Public service and business enmeshed with the mafia

▪ Giovanni Bonsignore

▪ Functionary of the regional agricultural committee

▪ Murdered in 1990 for his commitment to the law

▪ Exposed national forest service involvement with the mafia

▪ In 1996 about 50 officials of the regional government belonged to the compromised  masonic lodges

• The working class - unemployed and underemployed

▪ Important mafia cosche located in the working class suburbs

▪ Patriarchal clientilistic culture (patron/client)

▪ Folk Catholics

▪ Healers with magical powers trusted more than the value of merit and honest  citizenship

▪ Urban economy and industry unable to absorb the exodus from the countryside ▪ Kids engage in petty crimes

▪ The majority of unemployed or underemployed men worked in construction industry ▪ Critical of the antimafia movement because it slowed down construction - "The mafia gave  us work."

▪ Positive about children leaving Italian in schools

▪ In 1970, 33% of Palermo economy held by construction industry  

▪ In 1999, 48.22% of Palermo capital in construction business

▪ The poor depend on the mediation for health insurance, housing, diplomas, licenses, jobs  through the patronage system

▪ The trade-off = voters support

• Conclusion

▪ Capillary actions seeks to clean and prevent the metastasizing of the mafia into all pores of  the society

▪ Raising consciousness

▪ Preventing the return to "normalcy" of intreccio

▪ Projects that advance antimafia causes

Backlash and Renewal 

• Late 1980s counter-antimafia discourse - the antimafia movement weakened by: ▪ Factionalism: the fact that the major mafia criminals remained at large, the dissipation of  Palermo Spring

▪ Granatismo:  critics of the suppression of civil liberties in the struggle against the mafia ▪ Accusations - "antimafia - coming down from the North, a foreign import"

▪ Condescending to Sicilians and Sicilian dialect

▪ Threat to the local economy, especially construction business

• After the murders, both the Christian Democrats (Andreotti) and Socialists suffered election losses • Mafia bombed several cultural sites in Rome and Northern Italy

• Andreotti was accused as manadante, but acquitted

• PM Berlusconi's new Forza Italia party had virtual monopoly on TV

• Antimafia movement takes shape

▪ Two murders in particular galvanized the citizens' anti-mafia protests and movement ▪ "Excellent cadavers:" The Perfect dalla Chiesa 1982, 1992, judges Falcone and Borsellino,  etc.

▪ In Milan (northern Italy)

▪ The new movement around educational reforms

▪ Raising the consciousness about the morality of politics

• Falcone's funeral and "The Committee of the Sheets"

▪ Demonstration of antimafia rage in Palermo

▪ The Committee of the Sheets - coming out of anonymity by displaying the sheets with  protest slogans

▪ Symbolism - trousseau letti (embroidered bed linen) as a symbol of women's purity ▪ The human chain - from the courthouse to Falcone's home  

▪ Re-energized the antimafia struggle

▪ Committee of the Sheets - hung bed sheets in windows and on balconies

Cultural Production of Violence 

• How to do fieldwork on the mafia? 

▪ In 1994, 181 mafia families (5,500 members)

▪ Information from pentiti (insider witnesses) on intra-mafia violence

• Territorial division

▪ The Commission introduced mandamento (district) about three families each under district  bosses

▪ Each family had 10 members, decine

▪ But there were much larger families and affiliates

▪ Cosche with territorial names (city, neighborhoods, suburb)

• Local leaders

▪ Elected annually - the capofamialia (the head of the family) or representative

▪ Pizzo: extortions from businesses in the territory, implement of mafia affiliates, a cut of  stolen goods

▪ Cosche (cosca, singular) do not keep written records, no formal constitution • Rules

▪ Omerta: (manliness) silence, courage and capacity for violence

▪ Graded levels of the license to kill, depends on the victim

▪ Coded communication help the mafiosi in jail, help for his family

▪ Third person introduction

▪ Often kin-based recruitment

▪ Initiation of ritual - blood and ashes, oath, banquet, proof of capability for violence ▪ Ritual traced to the secret Masonic lodges of the 19th century anti-Bourbon movement ▪ Intermarriage (mafia endogamous)  

▪ Within and across cosche

▪ High incidence of patrilineal cousin marriage, exchange of sisters

▪ Kinship metaphors --> godparenthood

▪ Distribution of wealth

▪ Mutual help - financial and emotional help at death, imprisonment

▪ Use of common funds for extortion

▪ Note: a capo in principle does not flaunt his wealth, but some do

• Recruitment

▪ Through somewhat restricted kinship

▪ Patrilineal success, fictive kinship, but also seeking talented individuals

▪ Conditioning - violent toys, gangs, target practice, hunting, murder

▪ Those who were deemed incapable of violence could be "set apart"

▪ Sicilian underdeveloped economy provides enough "soldiers" for routine tasks, murders ▪ Hotheaded - those with ties to the police are unsuitable

• Patronage

▪ Charismatic padrino (godfather) as sponsor/protégé across generation

▪ Cosca offer status and belonging to underemployed, unemployed, youth, insecure  individuals

▪ Similarities with gangs, fascist movement

• Male bonding

▪ Mafia excludes women

▪ Through its rituals it constantly reasserts the masculinity

▪ Homoerotic behavior possible

▪ Nicknames

▪ Food - sharing lavish banquets (men only)

▪ Game of offering food, drinks

▪ Solidified the exclusive membership, solidarity

▪ Ridicule the non-members (women, clergy, etc.)

• Mafia and women

▪ Endogamous marriage - communication, solidarity among women

▪ Protection through denial

• Culture of violence

▪ Murder = just a job (lavoro)

▪ A killing has to be approved by the capo of the territory

▪ May need the Commission

▪ May require a whole team (explosives)

▪ Young initiates often might be ordered to kill someone dear and/or a relative ▪ The assassin is helped psychologically by the sponsor

• Conditioning and provisioning

▪ Conditioning - through implicit threats of violence cultivating ties with the legitimate elite ▪ Politics, business, professionals, etc. through reciprocity

▪ Exchange of gifts and favors

▪ Invitations to life-crisis rituals

▪ Frequenting the "circles of Palermo that count" in informal settings

▪ Feasting (schiticchia) - rustic banquet (e.g. annual sheep shearing)

▪ On secluded country estates

▪ The elite owners of rural estates mingle with the overseers, guards, shepherds  (possible mafia members)

▪ The members of the elite are "contiguous" rather than members of cosche ▪ Allows the capo to be an exclusive connection in the patron/client networks ▪ Friends in key institutions: "Whom do we have here?"

▪ Conditioning produces the liking of the mafioso, a sense of obligation

▪ Positioning - mafiosi as mediators for ordinary people

▪ Jobs, favors, access to resources

▪ Assumere a person --> "elevate" someone by providing for them exchange for votes,  other favors

▪ Conclusion

▪ Through conditioning the mafia made the elites of the society contiguous through  gifts and threat of violence

▪ Through provisioning controlled the electoral system

▪ The mafia built a spider web and infiltrated all pores of the society

• Summary

▪ The mafia = a secretive society that regards themselves as above the rest of the society ▪ Male bonding, separation from women, omerta - all reinforce solidarity

▪ Vertical chains of patron/clients, linking the lowliest soldiers to the capo in the Commission  elders/novices

▪ Interccio - without the clear boundaries with the rest of the society

Recuperating the Built Environment 

• Post WWII shortage of affordable housing

• Funds from Cassa per il Messogiorno (Italian South) misused

• In the 1970s the Christian Democrat city officials squandered more than $600 million • "Sack" of Palermo followed

▪ Destructive, poor quality erratic building by mafia-connected construction companies • Pizzo Sella villas - the city sold building permits in the agricultural area to mafiosi • Conca d' Oro - a neighborhood destroyed by mafia contracts

• Difficulty of implementing the law confiscating the property of convicted mafiosi • Poor communications and technology in the police, precincts, omerta, etc. • Overdevelopment, poverty, petty crime and the mafia

▪ Neighborhoods at risk

▪ ZEN, Palermo pubic housing development abandoned by mafia-connected contractors ▪ Taken over by squatters and their kin

▪ In the 1970s women's cottage industry of drug packets, curriers

▪ Children as mediators, some recruited by mafia

▪ Neighborhood opposition to police

▪ Anti-school culture, cynical about the antimafia movement

• Project: the architectural renovation of the historic center

▪ Mayor Orlando's clean break with the mafia

▪ Instead of connecting to the city's glorious past

▪ The city architecture reflects the deep gap between aristocratic palazzi and the crumbling  apartment houses of the poor

▪ Did not provided enough jobs

• PRG, the Cervelatti program of the architectural revival includes:

▪ Conservation of nature

▪ Sustainable development

▪ Quality of life

▪ Values of neighborhood and community

• Restoration projects hampered by bureaucratic and financial complications • The project of re-populating the center - a slow start

Cultural Re-Education 

• Antimafia education = "education for legality"

• School in 1980s - crowded, inadequate, dangerous facilities

• A consequence of the mafia take-over of construction contracts

▪ Collusion with the mayor Salvo Lima

• Act 51 - provided funds for antimafia projects in education, but only a few schools applied • Many teachers unwilling to discuss mafia

• Antimafia education

▪ The need to teach children about their citizens' rights

▪ Especially in the "schools at risk" in poor, mafia infested neighborhoods

▪ Tolerance, sportsmanship, open communication, instead of omerta

▪ Against patriarchy of padre padrone

▪ Gender equality

▪ Clean environment

• Neighborhoods at risk of the mafia influence who present themselves as saviors ▪ Working class, poverty, under and unemployed

▪ Strong patriarchy

▪ Young single mothers

▪ Unemployment 38-49%  

▪ The children prepared the presentations on their neighborhoods demographics and  environment

• 1996 activities

▪ "Palermo opens its doors"

▪ Adopts a Monument Program 

▪ Performances of plays, cleaning project, renovations

• By 1998, 13 itineraries, 113 salvaged monuments

• The 2000 UN Convention show-cased the success of Palermo clean politicians promoting ▪ "Culture of lawfulness"

▪ But the situation on the ground has not significantly improved

▪ EU provided funds for infrastructure improvement

▪ Tourism was rising, but in 2000 29% unemployed, 2011 28% adults under age 35 ▪ Brancaccio neighborhood became the scene of anti-antimafia demonstration

Act 51 

• In response to school principals' 1971 letter to the minister of education (pg. 263) • Passed in 1980

• All three laws provided public funds for antimafia projects in elementary, middle, and high schools  and for related research at the university level

• Suggested projects for encouraging civic and democractic consciousness in in students include ▪ Acquiring bibliographic, documentary, and audiovisual material on organized crime ▪ Creating special sections on crime and related topics in school libraries

▪ Opening the schools to parents and neighbors

▪ Hosting or hiring collaborators and consultants

▪ Producing written, audiovisual, dramatic, and other materials with anticrime content

Adopt a Monument Program 

• Begun in 1995 (pg. 267)

• Each school identifies, studies, and takes steps to recuperate a particular historic building, garden,  or monument in its territory

• At the outset, 79 schools participated (pg. 268)

▪ By 1998 there were 13 itineraries covering 113 recuperated monuments

Iberian Peninsula 

• Brief History

▪ Phoenicians - 1100 B.C.

▪ Greeks - 800 B.C.

▪ Iberians (east and south) - from 600 B.C.

▪ Celts (recorded by the Romans) - divided into several tribes (Cantabrians, Asturians  Lusitanians)

▪ Carthage - great enemy of Roman empire

▪ Rome

▪ Scipio Africanus (236-184 B.C.) defeated Carthage, conquered Hispania

▪ Iberian peninsula under Roman rule for next 6 centuries

▪ After the fall of the Roman Empire, Germanic invaders:

▪ Suevi, Vandals, Alans - 5th century

▪ Visigoths the end of the 6th century A.D

▪ Arabs - 8th century

▪ Entered from North Africa

▪ Berber dynasty from Morocco conquest peninsula

▪ Reconquista (re-conquest) - 1000-1300

▪ Return of the Latin Church

▪ 15th century expulsion of Arabs and Jews

▪ Medieval Catalonia

▪ The counts of Barcelona in the 9th century a major political power

▪ United in 1137 with Aragon through marriage

▪ 1400 Castilla and Aragon unite - the core of modern Spain

▪ Catalonia preserved its own laws and language

▪ Catalan art and literature flourished in the Middle Ages

▪ 14th, 15th, and 16th century Catalan language spreads with Catalan merchants in the  Mediterranean

▪ Barcelona - the pre-eminent city and port of the Aragonese empire

▪ Confederation nominally ruled by the King of Aragon (Aragon, Catalonia,  Valencia, the Balearic Islands, Sicily, and later, Sardinia and Napes)

▪ The rise of merchant class in the cities

▪ Count of Barcelona and Princess of Aragon united through marriage in 12th century ▪ Late 19th and early 20th century

▪ Catalonia was a center of socialists and anarchists

▪ In 1931 the Catalans established a separate government which in 1932 won autonomy  from the Spanish government

▪ A revolution (1934) for complete independence failed, but in 1936 autonomy was  restored

▪ Spanish Civil War (1936-39)

▪ Hope for independence

▪ Catalonia sided with the Republic (a coalition of left-wing parties)

▪ Suffered heavily for its opposition to fascist Franco

▪ Barcelona was the Republic Loyalist capital from Oct. 1937 - Jan. 1939 ▪ International Brigades fighting for the Republic

▪ April 26th 1937

▪ Guernica (Basque town in northern Spain) bombed by German and Italian planes on  behalf of Franco

▪ Catalonia and the rest of Spain fell to Francisco Franco in Feb. 1939

▪ Under the Franco fascist dictatorship the use of Catalan language (and other regional  language) was banned in public life

▪ In 1976, Juan Carlos became king of Spain

▪ 1977 Democratic government elected

▪ Spain is a parliamentary monarchy, a member of the European Union (EEC) from 1986 ▪ King Felipe VI

▪ Protests - Sep. and Nov. 2012

▪ Nov. 11th, 2015

▪ Pro-independence parties in Spain's richest region, Catalonia, are pursuing ahead with  a historic plan for an independent state

▪ The Catalan regional parliament has voted to start the secession process ▪ But Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy has gone to the Constitutional Court to  suspend the resolution

▪ Secession is banned under Spain's constitution and the prime minister has accused  campaigners of trying to "liquidate" the nation

▪ Oct. 27th, 2017

▪ Catalan Parliament declared independent

▪ Spain says it is illegal

▪ Many citizens did not vote

▪ Catalan leaders escaped to Brussels, Belgium, the unofficial capital of the European  Union

▪ What is next? Spain calls for elections on Dec. 21st 

▪ Catalonia - an autonomous region of Spain from 1980

▪ Official name: Catalunva (Catalonia)

▪ Population: 6,096,937

▪ Capital: Barcelona

▪ Official language: Catalan

▪ 41 countries (comarce)

▪ Catalan language

▪ Eastern Iberian branch of Romance language family (Indo-European linguistic family) ▪ Developed in the 9th century from vulgar Latin on both sides of the Pyrenees ▪ Spread to the south by the reconquista (re-conquest from Arabs)

▪ Catalan dialects also

▪ In the region of Valencia

▪ Balearic islands

▪ Along the Aragon/Catalan border

▪ Andorra, Pyrenées orientales in France

▪ The city of Alguer in Sardinia

Convivència: a slogan word of the Transition meaning not simply coexistence side-by-side, but getting along together and sharing a social world (pg. 38)

• Provincial communities such as Berga face the problem more directly: in so small a city, the  convivència is a matter of face-to-face relationships

• Berga's interdependence

1. Its economy has always been dependent on commerce and industry

▪ Never been self-sufficient in food production (pg. 39)

▪ The ability to eat, for Berguedans, does not depend entirely on their own labors but  on their relations with each other and with outsiders

2. Physical isolation

▪ The prosperity of the upper class depends on the general Berguedan conditions, and  the Berguedan elite has always been provincial with respect to larger Catalan cities

Dorothy Noyes: Fire in the Plaça 

• Comarca (county) of Bergeda

• The city of Berga (15,000 population) in the foothills of the Catalan Pyrenees ▪ Mining, textile, cement industries in decline

▪ Some agricultural specialization in artisan foods

▪ Depopulation

▪ Attempts to develop tourism

▪ Berga = one of the most conservative parts of Spain

▪ The center-right Catalanist coalition governs Catalonia since the reinstallation of  autonomy in 1979

▪ Politically factionalized community

▪ Extremely class conscious (as the rest of Spain)

▪ History of civil war and economic decline

▪ Berguedans consider themselves disadvantaged  

• The Patum of Berga

▪ Noyes argues that the primary goal of the Patum is the incorporation of individuals into  active community membership

▪ Because of deep divides across Berga society

▪ Various techniques of incorporation through the body

▪ Patum - a collective performance

▪ Originated in the medieval theology and the mysticism of Corpus Christi

▪ Corpus Christi: celebration of the Eucharis (the body and blood of Christ) and the  triumph over paganism in the Roman Catholic Church and some Anglican churches

▪ Corpus Christi celebration

▪ Historically the Patum is a continuation of the Corpus Christi processions

▪ Honors the sacrament of the Eucharist (communion)

▪ Originated in 1311 when the King of Aragon needed a demonstration of his piety ▪ Movable feat - Thursday, 40 days after Easter

▪ The consecrated host carried in a monstrance (container for the host = water, representing  the body of Christ) under a canopy

▪ The church triumphant over paganism

▪ Biblical figures and saints accompanied the monstrance

▪ Many different traditions emerged from the Corpus Christi procession

▪ Soon the accompanying figures became dissociated from the host perhaps were of pre Christian origin

▪ The performance can be an allegory of the triumph of any important force over another: ▪ Church over paganism (as in the original Corpus Christi), liberals over royalists,  Catalonia over Castille, people over feudal lords, democracy over fascism, etc.

▪ The Patum is a story about Berga that the community tells itself and that cannot be said  directly

▪ Entremesos: masked dancers

▪ By the time of the first record of Patum, 1632, the noisy Bulla (from "to boil") preceded the  procession

▪ Devils, Turks, and the Moors represent the folk, earthly elements

• 18th century

▪ While the prestige of the Corpus Christi procession declined in the 18th century, the bulla (tail- additions) increased in importance

▪ Became the Patum, a folk festival, entertainment, source of income

▪ Got the status of antiquity  

▪ Patum - onomatopoeic word signifying a noise, strike

▪ The verb root pat - associated with bandit attacks, quick strikes, sound of the drum • 19th century

▪ New entremesos (acts) of authority and submission

▪ Giants, eagles, dwarfs with own melody and choreography

• Patum program in 2013

Note: the Patum is not a mere spectacle of traditional dances but a force that runs through you • The Patum has to be lived

• The Patum is known by participation

• The Berguedans do not believe in translation, but in socialization

▪ To know them, they say, you must become one of them  

• The word patum is onomatopoeic, related phonetically to other words illustrating the sound of a  sudden impact: feet striking the ground, a blow struck, projectiles striking their target, and so  forth

Emil Durkheim (France, 1858-1917) 

• Organic solidarity: in societies with complex division of labor (such as modern industrial societies),  there is a mutual interdependence of its members - like an organism where body parts cannot  exist on their own

• Mechanical solidarity: simple societies (e.g., hunter-gatherers) where social cohesion is based on  common consciousness and kinship

• Noyes - European festival presentations = a means of maintaining solidarity in a stratified society • Note: the Patum expresses both organic and mechanical solidarity (on two different levels) 1. Organic

▪ The representative ritual underlines social divisions as complementary parts of a  whole - although divided, they have to live together

2. Mechanical

▪ Collective re-creation on the level of uncontrolled physical performance

▪ "Collective effervescence" when all becomes one

▪ The basis for mechanical solidarity

Note: "in Berga every is double," they say and bewail the futility of two music schools , two magazines,  two ski clubs, two children's Patums, two theatrical groups, and two political parties of identical  ideologies, when a unified effort might actually achieve something (pg.99)

• And yet, to have two of all those things in a town of 14,000 people is a considerable  accomplishment

▪ It may be supposed that if not for the spur of rivalry, Berga would have not one of each but  none of any

• The fights keep life interesting, relieve the monotony inevitable in a small community where, as  they say, "we're always the same"

• To stay engaged, Berguedans play with fire

• Other binary oppositions - "In Berga everything comes in doubles!"

▪ Respectable Patum/convivial Patum

▪ Day/night

▪ Up/Plaça, balcony/theater

▪ Low/wondering procession

▪ Bars

▪ Adult/children's Patum

▪ Official Patum/Patum of the Drunks

▪ Sobriety/drinking

▪ Dressing up, family attendance/dressing down, friends and community

The Patum and the Body Politic 

• Convivencia - living together in a face-to-face community

• Getting along and sharing the social world in a factionalized divided community by class and  politics

• Mutual interdependency, mistrust, resentment

• "In Berga everything is double"

• The origin narrative places Patum in the medieval period and even pre-Christian • Corpus Christi Processions

▪ Timing: Corpus Christi, movable feast 60 days after Easter, Thursday

▪ Patum - Wednesday-Sunday

▪ Passacarrers - the comparses procession for authorities

▪ Many religions

• Entremesos acts

▪ Comparses - performers and sequence

▪ Hierarchy between and within each comparsa

▪ The head, cap de colla, and the crew  

▪ Tabal - Drum - announces the Patum

▪ Prestigious comparsa of one

▪ Inherited from father to son

▪ Turks and Cavallets (Turks and Little Horses)

▪ Submission of "Turks" (Mores-Arabs) to Christians  

▪ Triumph of the Church over pagans and non-Christians

▪ Angels and demons

▪ Maces (maca - rattle with fuets attached)

▪ Battle between devils and St. Michael

▪ Guites - Kickers (Mules: big grossa and Little xica)

▪ Animal monsters (mixed species)

▪ Mule - a symbol of hard work

▪ Origin of the city

▪ Aggression, fertility

▪ But also nonproductive female sexuality

▪ Guita Grossa (Big Mule)

▪ Balance, "very peasant"

▪ Working class, popular resistance

▪ Guita Xica (Little Mule)

▪ More political

▪ Inversion of rules

▪ More middle class, peer participation

▪ Aliga: Eagle

▪ Comparsa of great prestige

▪ Special privilege to dance inside the church

▪ Jealously guarded

▪ Requires great strength

▪ A civil symbol

▪ Dwarfs

▪ Nans Vells (Old Dwarfs) - mediators between the lower middle class and the upper  class

▪ 4 males

▪ 1855 addition

▪ Common Iberian figures capgrossas (big heads) - caricatures

▪ Imitate the Giants

▪ Nans Nous (New Dwarfs)

▪ Dwarfs always in relation to Giants: parents/children, upper/lower class ▪ Noyes - controlled lower class flattering the upper-class Giants

▪ Two couples, old and young

▪ "The priest," "notary," "the ugly one"

▪ Introduced in 1890

▪ Most complicated steps, dancers strong, young

▪ Gegants - Giants

▪ 2 male and 2 females

▪ Gegants Vells (Old)

▪ Dressed as Mores

▪ Dark, associated with the Black Madonna of Montserrat

▪ Gegants Nous (New)

▪ Dressed as Christians

▪ Chthonic (from earth) creatures

▪ Heavy, difficult to dance

▪ Expensive clothes

▪ Symbolize social inequality

▪ The Plens

▪ No special strength or skills

▪ Both sexes

▪ Mass (up to 280 people)

▪ Form of right of passage for Berguedans

▪ Obtaining a salt (one participation in the skipping number)

▪ The Dressers ("the Mafia") rule from the underground (City Hall basement) ▪ Salts obtained through reciprocity network, family inheritance, friendship,  connections, gift exchange, patron/client

▪ In tirabols - collective fiery dancing in a circle

▪ Not a comparsa, but the final dance and salt each night of the Patum

▪ The Plens (the full ones - devils) continue without masks

▪ All comparses participate in several tirabols each night and 20 tirabols or more  at the final night

▪ Others

▪ The crowd

▪ Musicians

▪ Authorities

▪ City officials and dignitaries in the City Hall and balcony

▪ Administrators

▪ Wealthy citizens sponsoring Corpus Christi in the past

▪ Now ceremonial role

▪ 4 new couples representing the 4 old city quarters

The Comparses and their Performances 

• Comparses: the individual numbers of the Patum comprise effigies or masked figures and a  prescribed dance or set of movements (pg. 46)

▪ The historical term for these numbers was entremesos - in contemporary Catalan they are  usually called comparses

• Each comparsa is controlled by a small group of people - overwhelmingly male - and a cap de colla (head of the gang), who distribute the salts (here, the turns as performer) among themselves and  those upon whom they choose to confer the privilege

• There are nine comparses plus the final tirabol, appearing always in the following order even in  acts in which not all elements appear:

▪ Tabal

▪ Big red brass drum with the shield of Berga emblazoned on its sides, carried by a man  in 17th century dress (pg. 47)

▪ Tabal's role is two fold: to announce and open the Patum and to accompany certain  other comparses

▪ There is only one tabaler at a time, and for the past 200 years individual families have  controlled the role for a few generations each

▪ Turcs i Cavallets

▪ Literally Turks and little horses

▪ Appear only in the Patum in the plaça and are its first number (pg. 50)

▪ Relatively open comparsa, and a few young women dance as turcs

▪ Maces

▪ The "maces" are masked and horned devils in heavy red or green felt suits ▪ Maces perform with music and semblance of choreography at the noon Patum in the  plaça (this music was not added until the 1950s)

▪ During the Patum in the plaça, there are two angles: Saint Michael and a smaller  helper

▪ When a devil falls, Saint Michael steps over him, and with his lance, gives him  the coup de gráce

▪ The number is thus understood as a battle

▪ Guites

▪ The guita or "kicker," is one of the mulasses or mule effigies common in Catalonia ▪ These creatures share several features: an appearance indeterminate between dragon  and domestic animal; aggressive behavior (especially in relation to women) often  enhanced by fireworks and snapping jaws; and legendary association with the origins  of the city, stressing either agricultural fertility or defense against invasion (pg. 51-53) ▪ Àliga

▪ The Àliga (eagle) is a papier-mâché and plaster effigy on a wooden armature with a  grille in its breast for its carrier, concealed to the legs, to see through (pg. 55)

▪ The Àliga dances only for the Patum in the plaça

▪ The Àliga is the most jealously guarded comparsa: to dance the eagle requires great  strength and balance, and there has never been any question of letting a woman do it ▪ It was not a stable part of the Patum until the late 18th century, when the city's  increasing importance as a textile center both enhanced its prosperity and encouraged  its ambitions (pg. 57)

▪ The eagle is associated with light and sun and the gaze

▪ Nans Vells

▪ Gegants

▪ Most major cities in Catalonia kept their giants as the last remnant of the early  modern entremesos, so festival giants are familiar sights (pg. 60).

▪ Nans Nous

▪ Introduced in 1890, when the Patum was being dressed up for summer visitors (pg. 61) ▪ In Catalonia as elsewhere in Spain, dwarfs appear in relation to giants, and each takes  meaning from the other: often as parents and children, or as graceful upper class and  clumsy lower class (pg. 63)

▪ Plens  

▪ The salt de plens is the climax of the Patum in the plaça, done only at night ▪ Tirabol

• The comparses can be divided into balls and salts

▪ A ball (dance) is choreographed and accompanied by music, hence fixed in time and space ▪ These include the Trucs i Cavallets, the Àliga, the two sets of dwarfs, and the giants ▪ The salts or coses de foc (things of fire) are the Guites, the Maces and the Plens ▪ All feature the use of fuets, slow-burning firecrackers about one and a half feet long,  which trail sparks until the flame his the charge at the bottom (pg. 47)

▪ Their motion, although it consists of prescribed gestures and movements, is less fixed  than that of the balls

▪ It is timed not to the music (if there is any), but to the burning of the fuet, which takes  about three minutes, depending on the humidity

The Gaze and the Touch: respecte and popular 

• Individual participants

▪ The meaning of Patum is about "personal liberation, expression, freedom" • The class-conscious society of Berga (Spain, Europe)

• The middle class: respecte - rituals of seeing, separation

▪ One must be seen

▪ Clothes, jewelry, places, gossip

▪ Respectability

▪ Order, church, material goods, beauty = wealth  

▪ Extreme self-control, separation, privacy, reserve

▪ Residence and hangouts

▪ Appreciation of outsiders; learning Catalan language

• Popular: the working class - one must share

▪ Rituals of sharing through bodily experience

▪ Closeness, horseplay

▪ Excessive food, drinking, joking

▪ Conversation linking the two participants

▪ Middle ground

▪ Shop keepers, office workers

▪ More modest residence

▪ Hangouts in popular bars - commensality

• Younger crowd can choose to be popular or respectable

▪ Fire and ice - testing how far one can push before explosion (the Guita) --> interpersonal  communication

• Changing socio-economic context

▪ Historically Berga between two periods

▪ Patron (industrialists)/client (working class)

▪ Interdependence for jobs, respected authority, political support

▪ Ending with the decline of local industries and collective labor

▪ Moving towards the highly individual consumer fetishism

• Effigies as persons

▪ The Berguedans interact with them all of their lives

▪ Effigies are sacred = restricted in access, appear only in the frame of the ritual ▪ The ritual protects, separates, the sacred from profane

▪ Durkheim: the society worships itself in the sacred = the society

▪ The worship ensures solidarity and cohesion

▪ The sacred (social) images are projected onto the effigies

▪ The Berguedans meet their social selves in the effigies

• Popularity - things of fire

▪ Transgress the boundaries between respect/popular

▪ Guites (mules) and Maces, Plens (devils)

▪ Grotesque, ambiguous, uncontrolled

▪ Seek touch, chase the crowd, goes in bars, flirt, erotic

▪ Maces, Plens - open participation, both sexes

• High and low - the balcony and the crowd

▪ The popular - working class (devils, mules) share their substance with the crowd, burns ▪ Stigmata (the burning scars), relics (taking home the fuets)

• Patum effigies - attitudes personified

▪ Choreographed controlled dancing

▪ The effigies and dances embody the balance between respectability and popularity in Berga ▪ They are defined in opposition to one another

▪ Respectability: Giants, Eagle

▪ Like upper-class women, protected, removed from flames and touch

▪ Giants

▪ Intimidating beauty, distance

▪ Same level as the balcony of dignitaries

▪ The Eagle (city symbol)

▪ Respect, authority

▪ Are just to be seen

▪ Touching the sacred - folk sacramental ritual practice

▪ Touched only on special occasions (family pictures), orderly

▪ Reminiscent of Mare De Deu de Queralt

▪ Giants - traditional authority

▪ Physique: respect, reputation of Anti-Franco resistance

▪ Internal hierarchy

▪ Mediators = the dwarfs, Turks and Cavallets

▪ Orderly, humble, charming, not exciting

The Popular and the Respectable 

• The fundamental social distinction in Berga today is between the popular and the respectable ▪ Popular: an acknowledged euphemism for "working class," but it really denotes a lifestyle,  and many middle-class people have chosen to affiliate themselves with it

▪ Entails informality, egalitarianism, public sociability, and active participation in local  tradition

▪ Implies popularity in the ordinary English sense of the word

▪ Above all, it means being common property, belonging to the people

▪ Personatge popular: a working-class person who lives in the public eye and is thus  known by everybody; someone of whom anecdotes are told, who becomes part of  local tradition

▪ Respectability

▪ Observance of the forms

▪ Respect for hierarchy and the established order (which includes a deference to  external influences)

▪ A value for privacy

▪ More controlled participation in public life

• Note: both popularity and respectability inhere in the judgement of others, what the eye sees and  the tongue declares (pg. 89)

• How does one declare respectability or popularity? (pg. 90)

▪ Habits of dress and behavior and the frequency and intensity of sociability are indicators • Certain bars are unequivocally popular, others have mixed use (pg. 91)

• Choice of residence marks popular or respectable affiliations

▪ If you are popular, you live or once lived in an old house with a nickname in the old part of  the city, the Casc Antic

▪ Families that remain are unambiguously popular in orientation - they prefer continuity  and the intimate sociability of the neighborhood to modern comforts

▪ The popular life is not lived inside the home but on the street and in the bars

Fetishizing the Social 

• In the simplest Durkheimian sense, the effigies are sacred insofar as they are both restricted in  access and communal in importance, set off from everyday world in framed occasions of which  they are the focus (pg. 116)

• Personification, like fetishism, gives life to lifeless things and abstractions, but it is a re appropriation of social forces rather than their alienation (pg. 117).

▪ Persons have obligations and can be called to account

• The diversity of the effigies is as important a their unity

▪ The effigies of the Patum represent the community in its entirety

• The Patum is experienced in part, and often articulated, as a series of contrasts between two kinds  of performance, synecdochized in two kinds of effigy (pg. 118)

▪ Respectable effigies

▪ Balls

▪ High status: Àliga, Gegants --> low status: Turcs i Cavallets, Nans

▪ Closed bodies known by the gaze

▪ Respectable conduct to extremes: controlled demeanor, fine clothes, normative  family relationships and gender roles (pg. 119)

▪ Structured time (music and choreography)

▪ Structured space (dancing inside a perimeter; clear performer-audience distinction) ▪ Structured identities (species, social class, and gender clearly legible)

▪ The midday Patum, the Patum in the plaça, the Patum Infantil, the official Patum - respectable conduct: sobriety dressing up, attendance with family members

▪ Convivial effigies

▪ Salts or coses de foc (things of fire)

▪ Maces, Guites, Plens

▪ Open bodies known by the touch

▪ Popular conduct to extremes: drinking and physical aggression, working dress,  eroticized or ambiguous relationships

▪ Destructured time (drum and free motion)

▪ Destructured space (salts across normal boundaries, loss of performer-audience  distinction)

▪ Destructured identities (species and gender confusion)

▪ The night Patum, the passacarrers, the adult Patum, the "Patum of the Drunks" - popular conduct: drinking, dressing down, attendance among friends and the larger  community

▪ Note: the sequence of comparses in the Patum of the plaça is an amplifying oscillation  between the poles

Techniques of Incorporation 

• The Patum maps the social divisions obvious to everybody

• It is a "forcible communion"

• It accomplishes Durkheim's "collective effervescence" (perceived energy as a result of a mass  gathering of people)

• Elements that build up the experience of Patum:

▪ Ambience: good will displaces the everyday gossip and competition

▪ The right ambience for Patum is only at the Plaça, in Berga, for Corpus Christi

▪ The transitions from spring to summer = "good times"

▪ A change from the predominance of respect to the predominance of popular  conviviality - social distance is erased

• Techniques of the body - engage all senses

▪ Drinking - a deliberate break of social norms, a dissolution of barriers  

▪ Intensifies popular sociability

▪ Clothes - erase differences, produce uniformity; old clothes, bandanas, hats ▪ Odor - the smell of Patum is ambient

▪ Fire - special Patum fuets, vision and sound effect

▪ Progressive intensity from maces and tirabols

▪ The fire comes closer with each act

▪ Crowding - mutual dependence and cooperation, loss of bodily boundaries

▪ Noise - conversation impossible; the noise provokes bodily response

▪ Dancing - "Anyone who does not jump is a fascist/Spaniard!"

Thickening Ambient 

• Ambient: ambience; atmosphere; usually used in Berga to describe a warm, open, sociable  environment proper to certain places and seasons and, in particular, to the popular (pg. 121) ▪ Associated above all with the building up of expectation and the transformation of the social  environment in the few weeks before the Patum

▪ Bound up with calendrical and local specificities

• The beat of the drum, then, is the first element of Patum ambient, the one that gives the festival  its name (pg. 123)

• Odor is the next mark of the Patum, perhaps not as intensely anticipated as the stroke of the  Tabal, but lingering longer in memory

• Patum i mam

▪ The battle cry toward a transformed self, an internal fire equal to the circumstances of  falling sparks, explosions, and crushing bodies (pg. 126).

▪ Alcohol is a central means of effecting the transformation

▪ In Berga, both the individual and the social body suffer from self-division: "all is  double"

▪ Drinking in company is not a social problem, but a social solution - a dissolution  of barrier

• Dressing down

▪ It is not so easy to identify even the gender and age, much less the social status, of a  patumaire (pg. 128)

▪ The individual is made secure in anonymity, and the social body is leveled by the  Patum uniform

• Smell of Patum

▪ What really defines the intangible of ambient, according to locals

• Fire

• Crowding

▪ Patum crowding forces a mutual dependence and cooperation (pg. 129)

• Noise

• Centripetality  

▪ The Patum effigies, bright and tall, pull attention toward themselves and away form one's  immediate situation within the crowd (pg. 130)

▪ The concentration on a focal point pulls the crowd from random motion into oneness,  coordinates their attention and their movements

• Rhythm

▪ The main thing about the music is to be loud and clear (pg. 131)

▪ Constant motion is the law of the Patum for young people

• Repetition

▪ One experiences the Patum finally as an undifferentiated stream of experience, not as a  succession of moments (pg. 132)

Note: the body = the main metaphor in the Patum

• Physical body as the metaphor of the social body

• The intensity of the bodily performance often suggests that in a community where people feel  powerless, the aggression is self-directed

• Berguedans are provincial rather than subaltern (the oppressed)

• Feel inferior in relation to Barcelona and ultimately to Europeans

• Modern European participatory festivals - forms of collective action in response to the global crisis  confirming local identity in response to:

▪ Economic crisis

▪ Identity crisis

The Eye of the Father 

• The Marian shrine: Mare de Deu de Queralt and the Patum after the Civil War as symbols of  resistance to Franco

• The Catalan traditional patriarchal family

• Franco's glorification of masculinity and control

• Official national Catholicism, complimented the Franco regime

• Mare de Deu de Queralt - local Madonna

▪ Like the Guita and the Plens, associated with the land, caves, mountains, mines (female  symbols)

▪ Mediating figure between nature and culture, fertility symbol, brings the rain, protects  against epidemics

▪ Berguedans of all persuasions are equivocally devoted to her

▪ Represents the maternal aspect of Catalan culture in control to the rule of the father • The rule of the father: pairalismo (paternalism) in the traditional Catalan farm ▪ Casa pairal: patriarchal Catalan farm

▪ Cap de casa - senior male, respect

▪ Individual property - primogeniture for hereu - heir  

▪ Other siblings receive 1/4 of the total, can leave or stay under the cap de casa ▪ Recall ostal system in France

▪ Pairalismo - a mark of Catalan difference vs. other parts of Spain

• Parallels - Casa pairal as the model for industrial paternalism

▪ Casa pairal (patriarchal house)

▪ Industrial paternalism

▪ Right-wing (conservative, anti-communist) Catalanism based on the axis between  Barcelona industrialists and priests

▪ The colonias

▪ In 1858, the colonia system - industrialists established workers' colonies

▪ "Industrial family" or "industrial feudalism:" the industrialist as the father

▪ Workers in closed-off housing that provided everything, but imposed strict rules  of behavior

▪ Own stores, schools run by nuns, newspapers

▪ Industries - textile, mining, agriculture

▪ Franco as the stern, but benevolent Father; Mare de Deu as the nurturing mother ▪ Spain as a strict Catholic patriarchal family

▪ The political and economic crisis closed the colonia (the last in 1999) and the industrialists  left the population impoverished and the landscape polluted

▪ Colonia Guell in Barcelona

• The Francoist Corpus Mysticum

▪ France defeated the Republic in 1939

▪ Mass executions  

▪ Catholicism the official religion of Spain

▪ Accusation of religious non-conformity, lack of church attendance before the civil war,  became grounds for immediate execution

▪ Good conduct letter from the priest for any public employment

▪ 1937 all Protestant schools closed

▪ Prohibition of all public worship that was not Roman Catholic

• The "tyranny of the eye" = respecte, the gaze

▪ Double life - public and private behind the mask

▪ Public displays of submission

▪ Speaking Spanish, the Falangist salute, attending Catholic mass

▪ Paternalism as a model after the threat of the defeated communist Republic declined ▪ France was "appointed by God to carry out God's mission on Earth"

▪ El Hombre

▪ Padre Supremo of the Patria

▪ Corpus Christi procession used to show he was sanctioned by God through the Holy Catholic  Church

▪ Franco on top of the hierarchy as the omnipotent father

▪ Catalan popular traditions were revived only gradually

▪ Mare de Deu de Queralt incorporated into the hierarchy of national Catholicism ▪ Allowed as long as the hierarchy was respected

• The Patum incorporated Francoist mythology

▪ 1939 Patum organized by the local Franco government

▪ In 1943 a new monstrance built with the names of Franco and local officials ▪ Franco - "Sol de la Justicia" (the Sun of Justice)

▪ The Patum fight between Moors and Christians - proof of Catalan loyalty to Spain ▪ The existence of opposition is necessary to justify the exercise of power

▪ "A little communism is useful to a totalitarian regime"

• Berguedanismo as a civil religion (Durkheim!)

▪ Fidelity to community and its traditions regardless of political divisions

▪ Post-Franco Patum

▪ Rebirth of the community

▪ Imagined as maternal symbol of Mare de Deu de Queralt in opposition to the  paternalism of the Franco era

▪ Primordial, unified after "living behind the mask"

▪ Unified the balcony (high) and the plaça (low)

▪ Second Vatican Council 1962 - reforms of liturgy

▪ Access to Eucharist, inner feelings, local language

▪ Catholicism more Catalan - practical spontaneous spirituality

▪ "If you don't have your own symbols you are lost in the world"

▪ Patum is above politics

▪ An indigenous order in contrast to Franco's imposed order

▪ During Franco the Guita Xica in the hands of militant independents attacked Guardia  Civil (Franco's police)

▪ The Plens - popular participation by al (who can get a salt from the dressers),  anonymous

▪ The new post-Franco Patum was dionysiac

• The body as a template for "natural symbols" [found almost universally] - Mary Douglas ▪ "The more social situation exerts pressure on persons involved, the more demands for  conformity = more demands for physical control"

▪ The greater social distance, the greater remove from physical experience (respecte/popular) ▪ Bodily functions are concealed and strictly controlled

▪ A repressive regime seeks to control the body and the mind

Networkers, Integristes, and Protagonism 

• As soon as Franco was gone, new cleavages appeared

▪ Provincial tension between the yearning to belong (and achieve respecte) and yearning for  freedom

• Open - networks

▪ La Bauma as networkers

▪ Young intellectuals opening to the world, acknowledging multiple connections symbolized  by the transportation of the Giants

• Closed - integristes

▪ Conservative middle class as integristes - purists closings off to the world, focus on Berga  (reminiscent of Franco regime), but also some working class

▪ Berga provides opportunity for respecte insider, without the pressure for competing on the  higher level of Barcelona, Spain, EU

▪ The Patum provides a chance for Berguedans to be protagonists on the stage of the Plaça

The Patum in Spain and the World 

• During the transition to democracy the Patum brought the community together - liberation of the  body/self control

• With post-Franco democracy, culture (and the Patum) ceased to be an only opportunity to express  subversive meanings

• The departure of the common enemy - "the fire was burned out"

• The integristes - the Patum is the body and blood of Berga

• The networkers - accused them to keep Berga as an "Indian reservation"

• The ambivalence of pactisme (the Constitution) as Pacto de olvido (the Pact of Forgetting) • Constitution as compromise (pact, pactisme)

▪ Franco died in 1975, democracy return, Catalonia gains autonomy

▪ Patum/pactum - pactismo  

▪ The post-Franco process leading to the Catalonian (and Spanish) Constitution ▪ Compromise: contract with other entities with ideas that are different from one's own ▪ Practisme - a necessary evil to achieve unity and depart from dictatorship

▪ But it required a pact between labor (working class) and capital (the wealthy)

▪ Traditionally too divided, with the history of failed industrial paternalism

▪ Like the Patum where the noise drowns speech, the Constitution and Catalan Statue of  Autonomy are deliberately vague

▪ But once the Constitution was in place, old rivalries and competition resurfaced ▪ Catalan history was full of compromise, trade-offs

▪ Already included practisme as a technique of survival - historically as a pact of Catalan elites  with the sovereign power of Aragon kings

▪ The Patum contains the much needed knowledge in the face-to-face communities where  contradictions exists, but the community must get together

▪ Note: the Patum is the story about Berga that the Berguedans tell themselves • The future: Catalan, Taliban, or Caliban?

▪ Noyes - Catalonia is a purely cultural [stateless] nation defined by its historical continuity  based on an ongoing sense of separate identity sustained by a fully developed language and  culture

▪ The future of local communities facing globalization - the choice between terrorism and  tourism?

▪ Taliban-like terrorist option

▪ Warring closed-off small regions homogenous inside

▪ Fiercely opposed to the outside - dates since at least the 19th century of Carlist  movements

▪ Carlist Wars in Spain - war over succession to Spanish throne

▪ Some Basquest (ETA) chose this option

▪ Caliban option

▪ Subaltern individuals speaking hegemonic (elite's) languages (Spanish here) only to  curse

▪ Half-tame/half-wild

▪ Tied to the memory of their magical origins

▪ Bodily intensity as a compensation for larger political impotence

▪ Represented by integristes - separatist, anti-immigration, anti-globalization view ▪ "Withdrawal into he body and the territory"

▪ Catalan option

▪ The first taste of globalization came with the enlargement of the world system since  the advent of modernity

▪ Local identities rooted in cultural practices compatible with the integration into larger  wholes tolerant of other similarly rooted identities

▪ La Bauma takes the Giantess out of Berga

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