Class Note for LINGUIST 601 at UMass(1)
Class Note for LINGUIST 601 at UMass(1)
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Date Created: 02/06/15
Introduction to Transformational Grammar LINGUIST 601 November 1 2004 Passives 1 Passives l a Active Dave invited Roumi b Passive Roumi was invited by Dave 11 Some components of the passive 2 a DemotionDeletion of the external argument b Promotion of the Direct Object Additional Properties in English 3 a There is a passive participle E which happens to be homophonous with the past participle b The passive participle combines with the auxiliary E which is therefore sometimes called the passive auxiliary c The demoted external argument is optional but if it is overtly realized it appears with the preposition The external argument thought not syntactically projected as an argument is very much around in the passive This distinguishes the passive from related unaccusative ergatives 4 a The tar was being melted There was someone who was melting the tar b The tar was melting The water could be melting because it was very hot 5 Hindi a passive of kaat transitive cit syntactically agentive yeh per Ramidwaaraa kal kaatiaa gaiyaa thaa this treeMSg Ramiby yesterday cutinvMSg GOinvMSg bePstMSg This tree was cut by Ram yesterday b kit intransitive cit encyclopedically agentive but not syntactically agentive yeh per Ramidwaaraa kal kaltiaa thaa this treeMSg Ramiby yesterday cutinvMSg bePstMSg This tree cutim yesterday no accurate English translation In general transitive verbs can be passivized crosslinguistically 0 Languages vary with respect to intransitive predicates 7 0 some languages allow for passivization ofunergative intransitives suggesting that 2b may not be obligatory in these languages possibly related to variation wrt EPP on T o few if any languages allow for passivization of unaccusative intransitives suggesting the de nitional nature of 2a 12 Syntactic Treatment of the Passive 6 Burzio s Generalization a v head that does not assign a 87role to its speci er does not license accusative case a VUmutzz b VAC without a speci er ie the passive vAG con guration note Burzio s Generalization only apples to v s Otherwise T0 would not be able to license case a NP uCase7 b VAC NP uCase7 7enPass VAC NP uCase7 d be 7enPass VAC NPuCase7 e T uN be 7enPass VAC NP uCase7 f 9 Cases like the following suggest that there might be a uN feature on the intermediate heads have bi VAG 8 a The apples might all have been eaten b The apples might have all been eaten c The apples might have been all eaten d quotThe apples might have been eaten all The ungrammaticality of 8d needs an explanation See suggestion in Sportiche 1988 Why do we need a fen Pass How do we force a fen Pass 9 Selectional Pro erties of 7enPass T 7enPerf and in Pro P S S a T vP headed by vwwm or a VAC with a speci er have and bi can be thought of as instances ovamm b 7enPerf vP headed by vwwm or a VAC with a speci er c fingProg vP headed by vwwm or a VAC with a speci er 1 en Pass vP headed by VAC without a speci er A semantic generalization 10 a vP headed by vwwc or a VAC with a speci er saturated b vP headed by VAC without a speci er unsaturated 11 a T 7enPeri fingProg saturated vPs The train arrived has arrived is arriving John readhas readis reading the paper The paper readhas readis reading b 7enPass unsaturated vPs The egg was boiled The train is arrived John is read the paper The fact that en Pass saturates an unsaturated predicate led some authors cf Baker et al 1989 to argue that the external argument 87role and the associate case are both assigned to this 2 thus accounting for CaseiAbsorption and 297absorption 12 Further Selection a have selects for 7enPerf b b selects for everything else So E is only very loosely a passive auxiliary This is good given the existence of the apple eaten by John The presence of the VAC in the passive allows for indirect speci cation of the agent through a g phrase While there may be many ways in which the byiphrase indirectly speci es the agent the one thing we would like to make sure given the preceding discussion is that the iphrase should not saturate the external argument of VAG lfit did we would incorrectly not get 7enPass1 13 Three Kinds of Passive Participles 13 a Eventive Passive only eventive The door was closed at 5pm by John b Resultative Passive stative with a previous event The doors are closed as the result of a previous event The cake is attened The metal is hammered c AdjectivalStative Passive purely stative no event These doors were built closed see Embick 2004 for details 1Some additional facts to keep in mind i not all instances ofbiyrphrases are relevant here We are only interested in agentrintroducing biyrphrases 7 thus the biyrphrase in the unaccusative The water will drain all by itself is not an exception to our correlation between the presenceabsence of vAG in a verbal structure and the possibility of a rphrase ii the aforementioned correlation between vAG and the possibility of a biyrphrase is limited to verbal contexts Nominalizations allow for rphrases even though there are reasons to believe that they do not involve the projection of a vAG eg thie destruction ofCarthage by the Romans See Marantz 1997 The adjectival passive sometimes differs in form from the other two passives 14 16 a The door was opened at 5pm b The door is opened as a result of an opening event c These doors were built openopened a There was a door opened at 5pm b There are several doors opened right now c There are several doors open right now Embick s characterization a Eventive Passive AspO VAC NPll b Resultative Passive ASPR0 VFIENT NPll c Stative Adjectival Passive Asps0 NP 0 The roots V in the resultative and the stative passive have to be stative 0 My characterization of the structural location of the NP differs from that of Embick but as he indicates not much hangs upon this 0 The semantic characterization provided for the insertion of the Pass does not ape ply to the resultative passive and the stative passive To make sure that we get the surface form fen we need additional morphological assumptions For a worked out proposal see Embick 2003 2 Expletives Expletives can appear with 17 a all passives because ofbie There were several apples eaten at the count fair b more generally everything that takes E as an auxiliary There was a man eating an apple at the county fair There were several remen available in the room c many unaccusatives arrive accumulate appear materialize Suddenly there arrived an undead creature from Green ed d but not all unaccusatives break sink 777There sank a ship Levin 19938891 notes that the verbs that allow for there subjects can be broken down into the following subclasses 18 a Verbs of Existence blaze bubble cling coexist tower wind writhe b Verbs of Spatial Con guration crouch dangle hang kneel stretch swing c Meander Verbs cascade climb crawl cut weave wind 1 Verbs of Appearance accumulate appear arise stem supervene surge e Verbs of lnherently Directed Motion E and gllverbs amble climb crawl creep strut swim trudge walk and more An important distinction to keep in mind is that Verbs of Change of State see Levin l9932407 248 do not permit there even though they are unaccusatives Some examples break chip rip shatter split tear bend crease rumple wrinkle bake blanch roast toast etc Levin 1993 points out that verbs that allow for there subjects differ in where they allow for the postnominal NP to appear 19 mvs m a i There arrived three gentlemen from Verona ii 77There arrived from Verona three gentlemen b i There ran a raggedy looking cat into the room ii There ran into the room a raggedy looking cat The contrast between arrive and run does not follow from our system and suggests that further distinctions might need to be made between arrive and run A simple treatment of the above facts is suggested by Freeze 1992 who proposes that verbs with a locative component in their meaning optionally select for there in their speci ers Freeze s solution is not widely adopted because of the conceptual dif culties associated with selecting a semantically vacuous element But then we are left without an explanation for the ungrammaticality of l 7 among other things Freeze s explanation might shed light on contrasts such as the following 20 a There have arrived several people from Verona b 7 There have several people arrived from Verona c There were several people arrested by the police today 1 777There were arrested several people by the police today References Baker M K Johnson and l Roberts 1989 Passive Arguments Raised Linguistic lnguiry 202 2197252 Embick D 2003 Locality Listedness and Morphological Identity tudia Linguistica 573 1437170 Embick D 2004 On the Structure of Resultative Participles Linguistic Inquiry 353 3557392 Freeze R 1992 Existentials and Other Locatives Language 68 5537595 Levin B 1993 English Verb Classes and Alternations A Preliminary Investigation The Univer7 sity of Chicago Press Chicago Marantz A 1997 No Escape from Syntax Don t Try Morphological Analysis in the Privacy of Your Own Lexicon in A Dimitriadis L Siegel C SurekiClark and A Williams eds Proceedings of the let Penn Linguistics Colloquium UPenn Working Papers in Linguistics Philadelphia 2017225 Sportiche D l 988 quotA Theory of Floating Quanti ers and its Corollaries for Constituent Struci ture Linguistic lnguiry 194 4257449
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