Political Theory Notes
Political Theory Notes PSCI 2014
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Date Created: 05/04/16
Political Theory Introductory Lecture Whether we like it or not, theory implicitly shapes all political inquiry. o Moral, ethical, and cultural values shape how we evaluate political outcomes and judge political actions. Theory – exists at the realm of the general and the abstract, often has data to back it up. General concepts and abstract concepts are essential in the study of government. Positive and Normative Political Science o Positive: empirical (can be observed) Ex: “25% of Americans identify as Republicans.” Testable (falsifiable) o Normative: reflective; evaluative about creating a set of propositions when consistent can create a theory. Liberal: how to create just, liberal societies? Critical: what else is there beyond liberalism? Positivists accept the world as it is, so as to better measure it o (ex. polling for an election) o In order to study something like society you have to accept the idea that the terms used to discuss the idea are determined. Liberal theorists accept this world not as it is, but as it might become. o (ex. are citizens as equipped to vote as they should be?) Critical Theorists question the world as it is and ask if another world is possible. o (ex. why are there only two political parties?) All political theory is implicitly theoretical, and all political theory that is normative is directed at pursuing the “good”. o “All political action is, then, guided by some thought of better or worse. But thought of better or worse implies thought of the good.” Strauss Examples of normative values in political action o Nationstates are yielding their centrality to the global community, to the betterment (or detriment) of people everywhere. Q. What is being judged or evaluated normatively in this statement? A. The Global Community A. NationState It all depends on how people value the term “The Global Community” “Americanization” – looks like globalization, ie. Mcdonalds, burger king, Starbucks popping up in other countries. Could be bad for countries that have bad relations with US. So for example Iraq could not like globalization, but USA could love it, so it depends on the value of the terms. o National communities should open (or close) their borders to immigrants from other countries who seek citizenship? Q. What is being judged or evaluated normatively in this statement? A. National Communities A. Immigrants o To protect and sustain our environment, governments must impose many regulations on economic activity and citizen behaviors (or should allow market forces to function freely and produce those profitable technological innovations that will protect our environment). Q. What is being judged or evaluated normatively in this statement? A. Market forces A. Environment A. Technological In each of these examples, one’s normative values (i.e. one’s definition of what is good or bad) will inform how one evaluates political realities. o Where do all of these come from? Ancient Greece: the polis (the city) o Political community was defined by the polis o Politics is aimed at protecting the polis o Politics aims to achieve common good o But “the good” is controversial. (Strauss, 6) o Philosophy’s role: to rise about the particular, above the individual or subjective interests. What is the good in conflicting interests and the world of different communities? o Philosophy aims to study “the whole”, even though humans only experience the whole in fragments, some kind of ideology is thus necessary. Strauss argues that positivist political science forgets that “objectivity” is only something one can (and must) strive for, even if its achievement remains impossible. o “Knowledge of ignorance is not ignorance; it is knowledge of the elusive character of the truth, the whole.” (8) o Positivist social and political science ignores the implicit value judgments it makes in order to measure and test things (opinions, identities, behaviors) Eurocentrism as ideology o Ideo/logy the logic/system of ideas o For Shklar ideology is “a specific form of untruth” o Ideas are products of social situations, which are changing o Ideas and situations change at different speeds th The age of ideology – 19 century o Marx: “The ruling ideas of every age are the ideas of the ruling class” o Capitalism as ideology Lowi o Capitalism as America’s unique ideology o Lowi argues that prior to 1937, capitalism was America’s unique public philosophy. o After 1937, “the inconsistencies between the demand of capitalistic ideology and the demand of popular rule ideology became clear” (13) o Lowi calls this rise “interest group liberalism”, where politics becomes about appeasing the demands of particular groups. o Dems represent new interest groups o Reps represent old capitalist ideology o Lowi is skeptical of interest good liberalism because it fractures the conception of the “common good” Society splinters into different groups and interests. Quiz Questions: o Why does Strauss characterize social science positivism as theoretically weak? It pretends to be valuefree o True or False: Shklar defines ideology as a “form of untruth.” True o For Lowi, which of the following explains the rise of interest groups in twentieth century American politics? All of the Above Increasing political demands from different groups in society Divergence between expectations of equity and realities of unequal economic growth The decline of capitalism as the major ideology and public philosophy in America. o Why does Eisenberg argue for the idea of political pluralism? It supports the personal development of individuals. o True or False: for Connolly, pluralism describes a political philosophy in which diverse individuals in a society on one homogenous identity. False. 1 Century Ideologies Effective political thinkers question the validity of values/ideas contained within various ideologies. o What is valued in each of the ideologies we will examine today? Individual Freedom Political equality/rights Economic inequality/market competition Representative government Rule of Law Limited government Consent John Locke (16321704) o Father of Liberalism o Empiricist/Philosopher Humans are born with a blank slate, everything we know is a result of our experiences. Each society is born with a clean slate as well. o 2 Treatise of Government (1690) o and replacing it with responsible government. Hallmark of Liberal thinking Overthrows arbitrary power and replacing it with responsible government. o The Glorious Revolution (1688) End of pure monarch rule Development of constitutional monarchy Overthrow of King James to form British Parliament o The State of Nature Perfect freedom Absolute equality Natural Law Property > labor theory of value Contrast with Thomas Hobbes (15881679) Life was “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” For Locke: uncertain, unsafe, dangerous o Political Society Individuals give up the perfect freedom of the state of nature, for the “bonds of society” Rule by majority over the whole Can be dissolved when the state no longer protects property and the liberty of citizens. o Declaration of Rights of Man Natural rights of man Liberty, property, security, resistance to oppression Law as expression of community (consent) Only prohibit harmful actions (limited government) Protected rights: free religion, expression, assembly, innocent before guilty. Edmund Burke (172997) o Founder of Conservatism o Whig Party o Conservatism: What is valued: Tradition Stability Gradual over revolutionary change Liberal values of individualism, property, economic inequality Suspicious of political equality/democracy Marxism/Socialism o What is valued Radical equality (political/economic) Anarchy o Self government o Voluntarism o Horizontalism o Direct action/disruption/propaganda of the deed/occupation 2 Century Ideologies Communism, Fascism, Liberalism, Conservatism Overall Themes: o The nature of the state o Individual autonomy vs social/political authority o Utopian theory vs. pragmatism Vladimir Lenin: “State and Revolution” o Transition from capitalism to communism (after the Russian revolution) o Didn’t think democracy existed under capitalism, the elite were doing well o First phase of communism Dictatorship of the proletariat You need the government/state but instead of the bourgeois class, you need the proletariat to take control of the state and institute reforms Vanguard of the oppressed rule the state Vanguard: Educated elite Lenin was a vanguard, thinks all vanguards should take control Bourgeois values still reign supreme Individual materialism, defining self by things owned, competition with others = bourgeois values o Higher phase of communism Antithesis between mental and physical labor disappears State withers away G. Gentile, “The Philosophical Basis of Fascism” o An elite few express the will of the nation o State and Individual become one “The authority of the State and the freedom of the citizen constitute a continuous circle wherein authority presupposes liberty and liberty authority.” o Totalitarian State o Nazism = Fascist State + Racism Paul Starr, “Why Liberalism Works” o “The story of America is of a nation that has grown greater and stronger by becoming more diverse and inclusive and extending the fruits of liberty more widely among its people.” o Liberalism’s response to Fascism, Communism, and Conservatism Key themes of resurgent liberalism o Egalitarianism o Extensive individual freedom o Stronger state o Democratic partnership at home and abroad Home: inclusion of marginalized groups Abroad: international cooperation Old vs. New Liberalism o True political equality for all o Control raw capitalism (laissez faire) o Promote national selfdetermination o International cooperation through trade, development, human rights, peace, and security th Achievements of 20 Century Liberalism o Increased social welfare expenditures o Labor and environmental regulation o Increased economic productivity through public investment o Declining mortality and birth rates, increasing per capita incomes John Kekes, “A Case for Conservatism” o “The fundamental aim of the political morality of conservatism is to conserve the political arrangements that have historically shown themselves to be conducive to good lives thus understood.” o Four conservative beliefs Skepticism (the state) Pluralism Traditionalism Pessimism (humans) Three criticisms of post war liberalism o Failed attempts at “social engineering” o Moral permissiveness, value relativism o Social over military spending o Guiding assumption: poverty, racial differences in wellbeing, environmental deterioration have no clear or costless solutions Postcolonialism o Relationship between state and society o Country in western Europe controls territory outside of there UK and India Ecosophy o Ecology + Philosopy = Ecosophy o Ecosophy is a view of humans as an integral part of the “totalfield” image of Nature (all living things) o Selfrealization: if one doesn’t know how the outcomes of one’s actions will affect other beings, one should not act. Deep Ecology vs Shallow Ecology o Shallow ecology seeks to preserve or conserve “Nature” within the current politicaleconomic structure of liberal capitalism (reformist) o Deep ecology challenges this current structure at several levels Argues economic growth is not “neutral” but rather harmful Belief in neverending progress, development is artificial and harmful to both humans and the environment Deep ecology privileges relational thinking and interdependence over individual independence/autonomy Favors “life quality” over “standard of living” Ontological Conceptions Platonist – Idealist – Materialist Four philosophical assumptions o Ultimate Reality o Human Nature o Images of Society o Epistemological Foundations Ontologies o Platonist/Idealist Ontology Plato (Theory of the Forms) o Holistic Ontology Wilber (expanding, transcendental consciousness) o Representational/idealist ontology à Rousseau (General Will) o Materialist/Marxist ontology à Marx and Engels (dialectical materialism) o Darwinian/evolutionary ontology à Darwin (natural selection) o Ethical ontology à Huxley (survival of most ethical) o Postrepresentational ontology à Butler (performativity) Plato, The Republic (360 BCE) o Student of Socrates, teacher of Aristotle o Socrates was executed for “corrupting the youth” (questioning the world of representations, distrust of the empirical world) o The theory of the forms: unmistakably political edge, distrust of demos, representation, empirical world Ideal/Spiritual Ontology o Two separate realms: Sensory world (changing, imperfect, temporary) The visible (senses) Everything we sense in the visible world is but the imperfect manifestation of its eternal essence Ideal world (perfect, unchanging, eternal) The intelligible (ideas) We come from the ideal world and return to it after death Hierarchy of Consciousness o Forms, abstract understanding à philosopherking o Mathematical realities, reasoning à scientists, philosophers o Objects of sense à citizens/representatives o Shadows and reflections à commoners/workers Implications of Platonism o We must measure the visible world according to an ideal world in order to judge and evaluate it (beginning of normative thought, moral and aesthetic judgment) o Even if ideal world is impossible, it remains valuable as a “regulative ideal” à ideas of goodness, virtue, justice, morality, etc. Ullman, “Ascending and Descending Theses of Government” o Platonism as example of descending theory: original (ultimate) power/reality is located in supreme being, God, clergy, theocracy o Ascending theory: original power is located in the people/populist ontology Rousseau, “On the General Will” (1762) o Populist/representational ontology o General will is the common good that unites the “body politic,” guided by justice o Based on equality, direct democracy and genuine freedom o Social contract Unlike Hobbes, unlike Locke Rousseau, “On the General Will” (1762) o More utopian than practical (or justification of status quo) o “There is often a great difference between the will of all and the general will: the latter looks only to the common interest; the former looks to the private interest and is only a sum of particular wills, but take away from these same wills the pluses and minuses that cancel each other out, and the general will remain as the sum of the differences.” Hegel’s idealism o Ideas are foundational to actual states o History is the progression/development of actual states to the Absolute Idea/end of history Marx’s inversion of Hegel’s Idealism o Replaces idealist with materialist ontology o How wealth is produced and distributed in society is the causal determinant of whatever ideas happen to be dominant o “The ruling ideas of every age are always the ideas of the ruling class” Marx’s inversion of Hegel’s idealism o Base (mode/relations of production) o Superstructure (ideas/ideologies) Freemarket capitalism and liberal democracy Contradictions between mop/rop and ruling ideas Scientific socialism studies these contradictions and politicizes them Marx’s inversion of Hegel’s idealism o Superstructure always lags behind the base 2008 financial crisis and rise of Trump/Sanders? o Implications: revolutionary politics must focus on economic/material base, not superstructure o Capitalism is productive but wasteful; socialism will be scientific and ideal (return to Plato) PART II Darwin, “Natural selection” o Ontology of difference, change, variation o Human selection: breeding of plants and animals (limited by our perceptions/interests) o Natural selection: survival of the fittest (unlimited, shaped by cosmos) Geological Materialism o Planetary time indifferent to humans; evolutionary o Superstructure living beings o Base planet earth, matter, gravity o Isolation: Bad Huxley, “Evolution and Ethics” o Natural Selection is amoral, cosmic process o Human selection is moral Shaped by human perception, language, desire o Human evolution is not survival of fittest but survival of most ethical, survival of all o The more advanced the civilization, the less natural selection matters Herbert Spencer and Social Darwinism o Evolution guides natural, social and human processes o Societies are organisms that adapt, change, survive like other evolving organisms o Social progress happens naturally, without need for human intervention (“survival of the fittest”) o Takes visible (racial) differences, gives them social meaning eugenics Dubois, “The Soul of Black Folk” (1903) o “It is a peculiar sensation, this doubleconsciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his twoness,—an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder. The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife – this longing to attain selfconscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost. He does not wish to Africanize America, for America has too much to teach the world and Africa. He wouldn't bleach his Negro blood in a flood of white Americanism, for he knows that Negro blood has a message for the world. He simply wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a Negro and an American without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows, without having the doors of opportunity closed roughly in his face.” Ellison, “Invisible Man” (1952) o “I am an invisible man. No I am not a spook like those who haunted Edgar Allen Poe. Nor am I one of your Hollywood movie ectoplasms. I am a man of substance, of flesh and bone, fiber and liquids—and I might even be said to possess a mind. I am invisible, simply because people refuse to see me. Like the bodiless heads you see sometimes in circus sideshows, it is as though I have been surrounded by mirrors of hard, distorting glass. When they approach me they see only my surroundings, themselves or figments of their imagination, indeed, everything and anything except me.” Fanon, “The Fact of Blackness” o Born in Martinique (19251961) o Trained as a psychiatrist in Paris o Joined Algerian side of Algerian War for Independence from France o Black Skin, White Masks (1952) “Look, a Negro!” o “I came into the world imbued with the will to find a meaning in things, my spirit filled with the desire to attain to the source of the world, and then I found that I was an object in the midst of other objects.” o “Ontology—once it is finally admitted as leaving existence by the wayside—does not permit us to understand the being of the black man. For not only must the black man be black; he must be black in relation to the white man.” o “For several years certain laboratories have been trying to produce a serum for ‘denegrification’; with all the earnestness in the world, laboratories have sterilized their test tubes, checked their scales, and embarked on researches that might make it possible for the miserable Negro to whiten himself and thus to throw off the burden of that corporeal malediction.” o “In the white world the man of color encounters difficulties in the development of his bodily schema…The body is surrounded by an atmosphere of certain uncertainty…It does not impose itself on me; it is, rather, a definitive structuring of the self and of the world—definitive because it creates a real dialectic between my body and the world.” o “I was responsible at the same time for my body, for my race, for my ancestors. I subjected myself to an objective examination, I discovered my blackness, my ethnic characteristics, and I was battered down by tom toms, cannibalism, intellectual deficiency, fetichism, racial defects, slave ships, and above all else, above all: ‘Sho’ good eatin.’” o “I am overdetermined from without. I am the slave not of the ‘idea’ that others have of me but of my own appearance.” o “When people like me, they tell me it is in spite of my color. When they dislike me, they point out that it is not because of my color. Either way, I am locked into the infernal circle.” Human Nature St. Augustine, Hobbes, MacPherson, Marx Tell them that its human nature… o Are humans inherently equal and, if so, in what ways, and on what basis? o In what ways are humans unequal? o What are and what should be basic human motivations and purposes? o Are humans rational and autonomous in choosing their conceptions of the good life? o Are there ideas about human nature that most people can accept as a minimal basis for political agreement? St. Augustine o St. Augustine (354430 AD) Steady decline of Roman Empire o Linear History of Humanity Creation Fall of Man Redemption o “Original Sin” Using free will to turn away from God’s will Deane on St. Augustine o Evil is absence of good, not a positive creation of God, therefore God is not responsible for evil o Human nature: egoistic, prideful, selfinterested, disobedient, insatiable desires o Bifurcated World City of God: Eternal, peaceful, harmonious City of Earth: Corrupt, Selfish, Materialistic o Humans need government to contain their sinful ways o Predetermination of saved and damned, wealthy not necessarily righteous and vice versa Hobbes, “Natural Conditions of Man” o Men are by nature equal in strength and intelligence o From equality proceeds diffidence/insecurity/fear o From difference proceeds war à first for security, then glory and recognition o Outside of civil states: war of all against all (state of nature) Hobbes’ “State of Nature” o “In such condition, there is no place for industry; because the fruit thereof is uncertain: an consequently no culture of the earth; no navigation, nor use of commodities that may be imported by sea; no commodious building; no instruments of moving, and removing, such things as require much force; no knowledge of the face of the earth; no account of time; no arts; no letters; no society; and which is worst of all, continual fear, and danger of violent death; and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” Social Contract o Fear of death, desire for commodious living, hope to work hard to attain material goods pushes men to agreement o Submitting to the rule of the Leviathan is better than being out in the state of nature o Locke modifies Hobbes’ argument while retaining the premise of the cruelty of the state of nature MacPherson on “The Early Liberal Model of Man” o Utilitarian conception of human nature arises with industrial capitalism and maturation of liberal democracy o Preliberal democracy (Rousseau and Jefferson) à New Conception of Man o Liberal democracy à Man as Utility Maximizer o Money = Happiness/Utility MacPherson on “The Early Liberal Model of Man” o Utilitarian Base: “The only rationally defensible criterion of social good was the greatest happiness of the greatest number, happiness being defined as the amount of individual pleasure minus pain.” o Minimalist role for government o How to deal with inequality? Expand the vote to satisfy the working class Marx on “Estranged Labor” o Industrial capitalism coincides with liberal democracy But according to Marx, under liberal democracy humans are politically free but socially unfree Liberalism protects private property; but only wealthy have property. The poor have only their laborpower, which they own and sell for a wage Only the capitalist class if both politically and socially free. They rely on unfree labor in order to get richer. Vote is only there to placate the masses, who choose between one billionaire or another Alienation o Workers are alienated from the means of production as well as from the final product of their labor. o This alienation turns workers into commodities, into things, not human beings. o Species being of humans is essentially free à humans live on inorganic nature; humanize nature through language, labor and knowledge o Nature is man’s inorganic body à extension of body o Labor is man’s essential being à becomes estranged under capitalism PART II Marx on Human Nature o Marx uses the term “speciesbeing” (essence of species) instead of “human nature” This is because he thought that humans were always shaped by their social relations and that, to some degree, humans shape their own nature Bourgeois ideology (liberalism) theorizes human nature as abstract, ahistorical and individualistic Marx on Human Nature o Distinction between animal and humans Animals produce unthinkingly Humans produce after first thinking and planning o Humans “humanize” nature Reproduce nature for their own ends (surplus production) Humans are rewarded with the fruits of their labors Humans find their meaning/happiness in their life activity (think artisans, independent producers, etc.) Marx on Human Nature o Under capitalism labor becomes estranged/alienated Worker is detached from means of production (becomes a cog in the machine) Worker is also detached from ends of production (i.e. final product itself) o Capitalism increases surplus accumulation through efficiency (technology) and exploitation of labor But with rising efficiency comes rising alienation, workers revolt o In Communism, work is no longer alienated because worker is not estranged from product/process of labor Questions for Marx o How likely is such a communist world where all workers are unalienated and spiritually fulfilled by the work they do? o What makes work something that humans want to rebel against, yet ultimately submit to at the end of the day? o In the middle of the twentieth century, why did America stop talking about workers and begin talking about consumers? o At the end of the day, are we all just consumers? From a Marxist perspective, is that our speciesbeing? Kropotkin on “Mutual Aid” o Human evolution is driven by two dialectical forces: Individual selfassertion (celebrated in Western thought) Mutual aid (ignored by and large) o Mutual aid reduces struggle for existence in both animal/human society o The poor tend to celebrate mutual aid and interdependence much more than the rich, who tend to forget who helped them out on their way to the top Rawls, “Rationality and Motivation of Parties in the Original Position” o Humans are not irredeemably selfcentered, dogmatic, prideful, etc.—they have at least the capacity for genuine toleration and mutual respect (given the correct—liberal—institutions) o Humans wish neither good nor ill on each other, make their own life plans by acquiring social goods (income, wealth, power, status, education) o Original position: abstract space/time when individuals rationally agree to a sense of justice that can contain the negative consequences of individual pursuits Sandel, “The Procedural Republic and the Unencumbered Self” o Sandel argued in “America’s Search for a New Public Philosophy” (wk. 4) that democracy requires a strong sense of community and civic engagement o Here he argues that liberals like Rawls and Kant use an abstract individualism (unencumbered subjects guided by rationality) as the basis for moral law/justice o But humans are not abstract, unencumbered subjects, they are shaped by community, family, history, etc. These in turn shape our sense of morality and justicer Liberalism fantasizes unencumberance, denies entanglement Parekh, “Conceptualizing Human Beings” o Humans have universal traits, instincts, processes Survival, nurturing, birth/death, etc. These are not “human nature” Humans are deeply socialized, so we have no access to “natural” humans in the raw o The politics of human nature Philosophers and thinkers often posit particular conceptions of human nature to justify particular social/political arrangements Male/female gender roles justify inequality/oppression Parekh, “Conceptualizing Human Beings” o Three levels of thinking human nature as universal Common species Cultural/social communities Individual consciousness o Possible responses: Cultural relativism à ignores what is shared Strong universalism (monism) à ignores what is distinct Weak universalism (minimalist) à ignores cultural meaning of universals Parekh, “Conceptualizing Human Beings” o Pluralist universalism Different cultures/societies define universal human instincts/traits/processes in distinct ways Universal morality is not an abstract Form (like in Plato) or rationality (like Rawls/Kant) that comes from a transcendent realm (the heavens, abstract theory, etc.) Pluralist universalism emerges from crosscultural encounter and dialogue If we disagree with some culture’s moral framework, “All we can do is ask their spokesmen to justify their decisions when they appear unacceptable to us. If they can provide a strong and reasonably compelling defense, we should respect their decisions. If not, we should remain skeptical and press for change.” Carole Pateman – Women and Consent Context – feminist critiques of liberalism o Pateman is responding to what feminists call a “double bind” Should women attempt to seek obtain absolute equality with men? Does this mean women should become more like men? Does this not reproduce inherently male standards of evaluation and qualification for positions of power/authority/respectability? Does this not accept the social devaluation of practices, characteristics and values that societies label as “feminine”? Should women instead celebrate their “femininity”, their “difference” from men? This perspective celebrates the distinct views, achievements and dispositions which supposedly characterize women, and aims to give them larger social spaces in which to function. But since women’s differences have been created under conditions of oppression (historical male domination), the difference perspective in practice affirms characteristics which bear the marks of adaptation and resignation to oppression, and thereby encourages women to opt out of activities that challenge men’s domination. Hillary Clintons Double Bind o “I don’t think feminism, as I understand the definition, implies the rejection of maternal values, nurturing children, caring about the men in your life. That is just nonsense to me.” o “We need to make equal pay and equal opportunity for women and girls a reality so women’s rights are human rights once and for all." “Fresh Air” Terry Gross interviews Rebecca Traister o GROSS: You covered her campaign in 2008. You wrote a book about her campaign called "Big Girls Don't Cry: The Election That Changed Everything For American Women." A central part of her 2008 campaign was breaking the glass ceiling that prevented women from advancing professionally and how, if she was elected, that breakthrough would resonate throughout the nation for women. And she often talked about what it would mean to have, like, a woman president. I'm not hearing her talk like that now. Why do you think that's true? o TRAISTER: Well, you know, she actually only hit that symbolic high in 2008 where she talked about the glass ceiling and really acknowledged her gender as this historic feature of her campaign. She really only hit that in her moment of defeat or acknowledging defeat. That was in her concession speech in 2008. And in fact, the campaign that she ran in 2008, at especially at first, really worked to minimize her gender as a factor. She was getting a lot of advice from her 2008 campaign manager, Mark Penn gave her what looks, in retrospect, to be very bad advice to sort of minimize that women are open to having a female president, but they don't want to be reminded that she's a woman too much. And so Hillary came into that 2008 campaign with a lot of sort of masculine, pugilistic language. I'm in it to win it. You know, we can't be patsies when dealing with she was, you know it was like Jimmy Cagney. She didn't emphasize the historic nature of her run for a good deal of her presidency. And I think that a good deal I'm sorry. o TRAISTER: For a good deal of her campaign for the nomination for the presidency. And I think that what she found, to her surprise here was Barack Obama, who also wasn't exactly emphasizing his race but was using a lot more symbolic language and forging this imagined covenant of progress with his supporters. We're going to breaking a historic barrier. We're in this together. And Hillary, who'd been advised to stay away from all kinds of emotional language, all kinds of inspirational language, wasn't doing that. And I think that the sort of Mondaymorning quarterbacking on her campaign, including for me, was that that was probably a strategic error and that in the moment of defeat, she gave that incredible speech which was really sort of the rhetorical highlight of that 2008 campaign. o GROSS: How do you hear her now referring to or not referring to the fact that if elected, she would be the first woman president and what that would mean? o TRAISTER: Well, she's been much open about it right? in the debates, and she often uses it not always gracefully as a deflection against and, you know, I don't know that this is the rhetorical answer either. But when in running against Bernie Sanders, she's accused of being a member of the establishment. You'll often hear her say, how can I be establishment? There's never been a woman president before. Now, this is true on the merits but doesn't really satisfy those whose nonetheless see her as part of a political establishment, that, you know, her husband has already been president. She's been in the Senate. o There's you know it's not satisfying, but she certainly is more open about it. She's running a much what feels to me like a much more relaxed and confident campaign. Her demeanor has been much calmer, has been much more upbeat. It's not that's she's saying we're going to break the glass ceiling. She's certainly not using that language in her stump speech, for example. But she is much more interested in talking about her work for women and girls around the world. She's much more interested in putting reproductive rights at the center of her message. It's in her stump speech. She says the word abortion. o She was really radical out there, really the first mainstream presidential candidate ever to emphasize the repeal of Hyde as part of her message. Hyde is the amendment that prevents state insurance for paying for abortion and creates this incredible economic inequality around reproductive access. And Hillary has really been out front. It's a very radical thing to oppose Hyde, especially if you are a mainstream frontrunning candidate for the Democratic nomination. On the other hand, she's still encountering lots of the same problems that she did in 2008, including an incredible generational divide around support for her. Carole Pateman o The social contract has always been first a sexual contract that authorizes the domination of men over women o All the major social contract theorists allow for inequality between men and women even as they rely on the concept of consent to establish equality of citizens under liberal gov’t o Paradox of consent: women both can and cannot consent to domination (example of marriage contract) Hobbes: assumes strict equality between m+w; conquest as consent Rousseau: assumes inequality; women are inferior incapable of political participation Locke: women are (partially) equal but it is rational for them to consent to subjection to men This is the paradox: how can it be rational for equal citizens to submit to domination unless they are in reality unequal? Consent for Hobbes and Locke o Hobbes (express and inferred consent) Express consent Inferred consent o Locke (express and tacit consent) Liberalism and Consent o Pateman Who consents to liberal contract? Can we ever choose NOT to consent? “Consent as ideology cannot be distinguished from habitual acquiesce, assent, silent dissent, submission, or even enforced submission. Unless refusal of consent or withdrawal of consent are real possibilities, we can no longer speak of ‘consent’ in any genuine sense.” (p. 150) o Liberal democratic theory NEEDS consent to ground its larger voluntarist theory of society But in Locke and Hobbes, everything, even force and threats of violence count as consent Consent merely reinterprets the fact of power and domination Rousseau and rape o Pateman: “According to Rousseau, men are the ‘natural’ sexual aggressors; women are ‘destined to resist’…Modesty and chasteness are the preeminent female virtues, but because women are also creatures of passion, they must use their natural skills of duplicity and dissemblance to maintain their modesty. In particular, they must always say ‘no’ even when they desire to say ‘yes.’” o Rousseau: “Why do you consult their words when it is not their mouths that speak?...The lips always say ‘No, and rightly so; but the tone is not always the same, and that cannot lie…Must her modesty condemn her to misery? Does she not require a means of indicating her inclinations without open expression?” Rape culture o “No” means “yes” à men must “interpret” even resistance as consent o Consent of women to sex is presupposed by marriage contract o “Marital Rape Is SemiLegal in 8 States” (Samantha Allen—Daily Beast) Lawmakers in Ohio are trying to remove archaic forms of “marital privilege” in state laws pertaining to rape, The Columbus Dispatch reports. Although marital rape is illegal in Ohio as well as nationwide, the notion of marital privilege or exemption dates from an era when a man could only be charged with rape if the alleged victim was not his wife—an era that only ended in the United States on July 5, 1993 when North Carolina criminalized marital rape, becoming the final state to do so. But although marital rape is illegal in the United States, Ohio is one of several states in which marital rape continues to be handled in a substantially different way than rape outside of marriage, whether it is charged under a different section of criminal code, restricted to a shorter reporting period, held to a different standard of coercion and force, or given a different punishment. Together, these double standards make marital rape—an already “infrequently prosecuted” crime according to the Rape, Abuse, and Incest National Network (RAINN)—even more challenging to prosecute. Patriarchy and liberalism o Today women have formal, legal equality with men, “but their formal legal status is contradicted by social beliefs and practices.” (156) Burden of proving rape falls on victim “Reasonable fear” of women “Reasonable belief” of men o In liberal legal discourse, both rape and racism are treated as extreme/exceptional cases, rather than as structural or foundational to liberal governments Liberalism acts as if legal realities precede social realities o Rape is not about lust/desire but about power (structural) Language of consent reproduces relationship of sexual domination: women (passively) consent to (active) men “An egalitarian sexual relationship cannot rest on this basis; it cannot be grounded in ‘consent’.” (164) Persisting Gender Norms o Norms of femininity tend to socialize women as individuals who do not conceive of themselves as aggressive, selfseeking bargainers, and who hence are not motivated to act on such a selfconception o Norms of heterosexual relationships: a man who gives up career advantages in order to take up equal responsibilities for housework and childrearing has made a great sacrifice relative to his peers and has thus ‘earned’ the gratidude of his wife that he does not owe to her, for this arrangement makes her a gainer relative to her peers. o Norms of heterosexual relationships also construe the very acts of offer and acceptance asymmetrically. When these norms prescribe that the man initiates all proposals, or when submission to greater power is counted as acceptance and women are trained in submission, sexual agreements between men and women can hardly be expected to make them equals. Political Community Aristotle on Political Community o Various associations arise naturally out of the diverse but complementary needs of people living in proximity of one another. o Political communities must be large enough to be nearly selfsufficient à capable of providing inhabitants access to a “good life” o “When several large villages are united in a single complete community, large enough to be nearly or quite selfsufficing, the city comes into existence for the sake of a good life” o “Every city is a community of some kind, and every community is established with a view to some good; for mankind always act in order to obtain that which they think good.” o “The city is by nature clearly prior to the family and to the individual, since the whole is of necessity prior to the part; for example, if the whole body be destroyed, there will be no foot or hand… The proof that the state is a creation of nature and prior to the individual is that the individual, when isolated, is not self sufficing; and therefore he is like a part in relation to the whole...” Madison, Federalist Paper #10 o Argument A welldesigned Union can overcome the violence of faction Advocates for a centralized government to rule over expansive territory and increasing population Faction o “a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.” o Factions arise “As long as the connection subsists between [one’s] reason and his selflove, his opinions and his passions will have a reciprocal influence on each other, and the former will be objects to which the latter will attach themselves.” You can’t stop them. You can only hope to contain them. o Causes of factions cannot be cured: “nature of man… circumstances… religion… government [viewpoints]… attachment to different leaders…” o “But the most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property” creditors vs. debtors, landed vs. manufacturing vs. mercantile vs. moneyed interests o “The regulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principle task of modern legislation” o Republican versus democratic government Small/pure democracy breeds less faction but is more prone to tyranny of majority Large/republican gov’t breeds more factions but less likely for one majority to rule others (multiple parties) Fear of the multitudes o “A rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division of property, or for any other improper or wicked project, will be less apt to pervade the whole body of the Union than a particular member of it” Smith, On Civic Identities o No political community is “natural” o How civic identities are created and sustained à politics of citizenship laws, myths o Laws designating the criteria for membership in political community o Narratives/mythologies of civic collectivity o Create collective civic identity (artificial, arbitrary, contested, changing) American civic identity o City upon the hill (exceptional) o American dream (universal) o Doesn’t matter whether they are true or false, but rather effective or ineffective, who they include and exclude, based on what ascriptive attributes (ethnic, religious) or political principles (liberal) Globalization and political community o Defining globalization (integration/homogenization) o Appadurai (heterogenization) Ethnoscapes Technoscapes Financescapes Ideoscapes Mediascapes o Conjunctive/disjunctive –scapes à what challenges does globalization pose for political community NYT, “On trade, angry voters have a point” by Eduardo Porter o Were the experts wrong about the benefits of trade for the American economy? The nation’s working class had another opportunity to demonstrate its political clout Tuesday, as primary voters went to the polls in Illinois and Ohio, Rust Belt states that have suffered intensely from the loss of good manufacturing jobs. Last week, the insurrection handed Michigan’s Democratic primary to Bernie Sanders while continuing to buoy the insurgent Republican candidacy of Donald Trump. Voters’ anger and frustration, driven in part by relentless globalization and technological change, may not propel either candidate to the presidency. But it is already having a big impact on America’s future, shaking a oncesolid consensus that freer trade is, necessarily, a good thing. “The economic populism of the presidential campaign has forced the recognition that expanded trade is a double edged sword,” wrote Jared Bernstein, former economic adviser to Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. What seems most striking is that the angry working class — dismissed so often as myopic, unable to understand the economic tradeoffs presented by trade — appears to have understood what the experts are only belatedly finding to be true: The benefits from trade to the American economy may not always justify its costs. In a recent study, three economists — David Autor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, David Dorn at the University of Z
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