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by: Erich Mueller
Erich Mueller
GPA 3.8


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This 8 page Class Notes was uploaded by Erich Mueller on Sunday September 6, 2015. The Class Notes belongs to LIN 393 at University of Texas at Austin taught by Staff in Fall. Since its upload, it has received 57 views. For similar materials see /class/181572/lin-393-university-of-texas-at-austin in Linguistics at University of Texas at Austin.


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Date Created: 09/06/15
Polarity and Wh constructions Bhatt amp Schwarz Fall 2003 Wide Scope Universal NPIs in Japanese Junko Shimoyama Oct1 2003 1 Indeterminatem0 NPIs 1 a Yokowa daremo shootaishinakatta YokoTop WhoMO invitenotPast 39Yoko didn39t invite anyone b daremo Yokoo shootaishiLkatta WhoMO YokoAce invitenotPast 39Nobody invited Yoko Lit Anybody didn39t invite Yoko Like Hindi 2 A partial list of indeterminate pronouns g2 low tone dare person nam thing doko place a dareQ 39who39 naniQ 39what39 dokoQ39where39 b dareka 39someone39 nanika 39something39 do 39somewhere39 c daremo 39everyone39 nanimo 39everything39 dokomo 39everywhere39 1 remo 39anyoneNPI39 nanimo 39anythingNPI39 komo 39anywhereNPI39 e edemo 39anyonch39 nandemo 39anythinch39 kodemo 39anywherch39 0 M0 as 39alsoeven39 Like Hindi bhii 3 Yokowa Saburom shootaishita YokoTop SaburoMO invitePast 39Yoko alsoeven invited Saburo 0 Can we extend Lahiri39s 1998 analysis of Hindi NPIs to indeterminatem0 NPIs I Indeterminatem0 NPIs have more limited distribution1 1 Minimal value NPIs e g torimo one Clpmon MO 39even a single person39 and exceptive NPIs e g T arosika 39anyoneNpl but Taro39 require sentential negation too There are other less studied types of items NPIs that seem to have Wider distribution e g sonnam39 39so muchthat much39 Y S Lee 1993 Nam 1996 Yoshida 1997 1 4 Descriptive generalizations for indeterminatem0 NPI licensing a Sentential negation requirement b Clausemate requirement But see Yamashita 2003 c Immediate scope requirement not absolute Linebarger 1987 d Scope rigidity general property of LF in Jpn 0 Scope of fewer than ve students 5 gonin ikano gakusei ga nanimo yonda veClperson fewerthanGen studentNom WhatMO readPast 39Fewer than ve students read anything 0 Restriction of every 6 nanimo yonda dono gakuseimo gookakushita WhatMO readPast every student passPast 39Every student who read anything passed 7 Three types of NPIs See Bernhard39s handout on 82703 a Weak any ever mere monotone decreasing context b Strong lift a nger antiadditive context c Superstongone bit sentential negation 8 a Taro didn39t say that Yoko invited anyone bTarowa Yokoga daremo shootaishita to iwaLkatta TaroTop YokoNom Whomo invited that saynotPast 39Taro didn39t say that Yoko invited anyone 2 Existential vs universal analyses of NPIs 9 a Yoko didn39t invite anyone b Yokowa daremo shootaishiLkatta YokoTop WhOMO invitenotPast 39Yoko didn39t invite anyone 10 a Narrow scope existential Exx is a person amp Yoko invited x b Wide scope universal Vxx is a person gt Yoko invited x 2 11 a anyonedaremo XPExpersonx amp Px b anyonedaremo kPVxpersonx gt Px 0 Any NPIs Narrow scope existential Ladusaw 1979 Carlson 1980 0 indm0 NPIs Assumed to be like English any e g Nam 1994 Recent proposal What we see in 9b is a negative concord phenomenon Kawamori amp Ikeya 199x Watanabe 2002ab Negative concord phenomenon 12 a Nadie ha venido Spanish from AlonsoOvalle amp Guerzoni 2003 nbody has come 39Nobody came39 b M ha venido nadie not has come nbody 39Nobody came39 13 Nadie 39nbody39 is a always a negative quanti er NOBODY b always an NPI ANYBODY i narrow scope existential NPI2 ii wide scope universal NPI3 c ambiguous between a and b 14 Darem0 is always a negative quanti er Sentential negation has no semantic content daremo kP Expersonx amp Px kPVxpersonx gt Px Watanabe 2002ab m i I present evidence for 11b the wide scope univ analysis of indm0 NPIs ii It turns out that the evidence also shows that 14 is not tenable 2 See for example Ladusaw 1992 Kratzer 2003 and Alonso Ovalle and Guerzoni 2003 3 Giannakidou 2000 analyzes Greek emphatic n words as wide scope universals 3 3 Constructing cases where the two analyses make different predictions 15 Downward monotone functions See Bernhard39s handout on 82703 fAvB gt fA fB Zwarts 1998 16 Antiadditive functions fA v B fA fB 17 Antimorphic functions Sentential negation a fA v B fA fB 18 a El V b fA v fB fA B b E V 19 a Alex danced 0r Christina danced 0r Tammy danced b Someone danced 20 a Alex danced and Christina danced and Tammy danced b Everyone danced What we should look for is 21 Nonantiadditive functions fAv B fA fB 22 Nonantiadditive function QI 23 Nonantiadditive function IQ a QI El a Q El b v Qu b v Q many not more than n not mostly not not many not more than n not mostly not always Q N P I 24 The IRS rarely audits anyone Ladusaw 1979 usuallyn0t 25 r 139 1 reading actual reading i EI analysis Q El Q El ii V analysis V Q 39 i QIEI It is usually n0t the case that there is someone whom the IRS audits The IRS almost always audits no one ii VQI Evegyone is such that it is usually the case that the IRS d0esn39t audit him 4 4 Indeterminatem0 NPIs as Wide scope universals QAdV 26 kopiishitsuniwa taiteigno baaihotondono baaimettani copy roominWA in mostalmost all cases NPI Neg daremo inai yo iruto sureba Peterda who MO isnot Prt isif Peteris 39It is mostlyalmost always the case that there isn39t anyone in the copy room If anyone it39s Peter39 27 QAdv NPI Neg possible reading actual reading i EI analysis Q El Q El ii V analysis V Q 39 Q V 39 i Q I El mostly I someoneK X is in the copy room ii V Q I everyoneK mostly I X is in the copy room lt4d SR amp 4c ISRgt ii39 Q V I mostly everyoneK I X is in the copy room NPI QAdV 28 daremo taiteino baaihotondono baaimettani in mostalmost all cases Neg kopiishitsuniwa inai yo copy roominWA isnot Prt who MO okiruto sureba Peterda isif Peteris a same as 26 b 39For everyone it is mostlyalmost always the case that he or she is not in the copy room If anyone it39s Peter39 29 NPI QAdv Neg possible reading actual reading i EI analysis Q 39 El ii V analysis V Q 39 V Q 39 ii V Q I everyoneK mostly I X is in the copy room ltISR not satis edgt What39s the picture now i Universal quanti cational phrases that are not polarity sensitive and undergo normal QR darem0 39everyone39 dokomo 39everywhere ii Universal quanti cational phrases that are speci ed to be polarity sensitive and undergo QR to Spec of NegP4 rem0 39everyoneNPI39 komo 39everywhereNPI39 iii M0 in indeterminatem0 always contributes universal quanti cation 5 Could they be negative guantifiers 28 also shows that the meaning of darem0 cannot contain negation as in 14 14 daremo kP EXpersonx amp PX kPVXpersonX gt PX Watanabe 2002ab Puzzle for both negative and nonnegative guanti er analyses What39s going on with negative fragment answers What kind of ellipsis is involved 30 Q Ti idhes 32 Q Nanio mita no what saw2sg whatAcc seePastQ 39What did you see39 39What did you see39 A TIPOTA A Nanimo nthing whatMO 39Nothing39 Giannakidou 2000 39Nothing39 Watanabe 2002ab 31 a TIPOTA dhen idha 33 a Nanimo mi naleat t a nthing not saw ls g whatMO seenotPast 39I didn39t see anything 39I didn39t see anything bTIPOTA idha bNanimo mi ta nthing saw ls g whatMO seePast 39I saw anything 39I saw anything 4 Giannakidou 2000 466 reports that there are recorded instances in southern I gbo where 39anyoneanything39 and 39everyoneeverything39 are distinguished only by tone Appendix Why teasing the two analyses apart is so dif cult in Japanese The properties 4c and 4d conspire to make it very dif cult to construct cases that decide between the narrow scope existential and wide scope universal analyses What follows is a chronicle of unsuccsessful attempts to tease the two analyses apart despite the potentially deciding con gurations that contain nonantiadditive expressions Ar H Q HNPI HNeg H Q NPI Neg 1 ookuno seijikaga daremo yoba nakatta Sohn 1995 manyGen politicianNom whoMO invitenotPast 39Many politicians didn39t invite anyone 2 possible reading actual reading i EI analysis Q El Q El ii V analysis V Q 39 Q V 39 i Q I El many politiciansK I someoney x invited y ii V Q I everyoney many politiciansK I x invited y lt4d SR amp 4c ISRgt ii39 Q V I many politiciansK everyoney I x invited y f 3 possible reading actual reading i EI analysis 39Q El Q 39 El ii V analysis V Q Q V i I Q El I many politiciansK someoney x invited y lt4c ISRgt ii V I Q everyoney I many politiciansK x invited y lt4d SRgt B o NPI Q Neg NPI Q Neg 4 daremo ookuno seijikao yobanakatta whoMO manyGen politicianAce invitenotPast 39No one invited many politicians 5 possible reading actual reading Q i EI analysis Q 39 El 39 El ii V analysis V Q 39 V Q i Q I El many politiciansy I someoneK X invited y lt4d SRgt ii V Q I everyoneK many politiciansy I X invited y lt4c ISRgt i39 I El Q I someoneK many politiciansy X invited y ii39V I Q everyoneK I many politiciansy X invited y f 6 possible reading actual reading i EI analysis Q El El Q ii V analysis V 39Q V 39 Q i I Q El I many politiciansy someoneK X invited y lt4d SR amp 4c ISRgt ii V I Q everyoneK I many politiciansy X invited y Partial References See the refs on the syllabus for what39s not listed here AlonsoOvalle L amp E Guerzoni 2003 Double negatives negative concord and metalinguistic negation Ms UMass Amherst and MIT Carlson G 1980 Polarity any is existential L1 11 799804 Kawamori M amp A Ikeya 199x Japanese negative polarity items and negative concord in XXX Kratzer A 2003 Indefinites and functional heads from Japanese to Salish talk given at SALT 13 Univ of Washington Ladusaw W 1992 Expressing negation in Proceedings of SALT 2 237259 Lee YS 1993 Licensing and semantics of any revisited in Proceedings of NELS 23 27 128 5 Nam S 1996 The semantics of before and negative polarity items paper presented at the 11th Pacific Asia Conference on Language Information and Computation Sohn KW 1995 Negative Polarity Items Scope and Economy PhD diss Univ of Connecticut Watanabe A 2002a Feature checking and negfactorization in negative concord in Y Kato ed Proceedings of the Sophia Symposium on Negation 5177 Watanabe A 2002b The genesis of negative concord ms Univ of Tokyo Yoshida K 1997 Three types of negative polarity items handout for Japanese syntaxsemantics LSA Linguistic Institute


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