CURR TPCS IN COGNITIV NEUROSCI
CURR TPCS IN COGNITIV NEUROSCI PSY 394U
Popular in Course
Popular in Psychlogy
This 62 page Class Notes was uploaded by Marco Wolf on Monday September 7, 2015. The Class Notes belongs to PSY 394U at University of Texas at Austin taught by Randy Diehl in Fall. Since its upload, it has received 45 views. For similar materials see /class/181793/psy-394u-university-of-texas-at-austin in Psychlogy at University of Texas at Austin.
Reviews for CURR TPCS IN COGNITIV NEUROSCI
Report this Material
What is Karma?
Karma is the currency of StudySoup.
You can buy or earn more Karma at anytime and redeem it for class notes, study guides, flashcards, and more!
Date Created: 09/07/15
The Acoustic Characteristics of Aspiration Merger in Korean Mi J ang The University of Texas at Austin Dec 06 2006 A threeway contrast in Korean stops Lenis Aspirated and Tense stops p t k ph th kh p t k Minimal contrasts for Korean lenis and aspirated stops Lenis Aspirated par room ph an bang tal moon thal mask kaeta to fold up khaeta to dig up Aspiration Merger in Korean The heterornorphernie sequences of lenis stop and h become an aspirated stop in the word medial position KimRenaud 1986 pep law hak learning study pel ak jurisprudence pephak at the rst ham a clause tfo an the rst clause tfo than The phonetic correlates of the three way contrast VOT tense stop lt lenis stop lt aspirated stop Fo lenis stop lt aspirated stop tense stop The duration of the stop closure lenis stop lt aspirated stop lt tense stop Concomitant tongue and larynx movements and glottal opening found in the stroboscopiccine MRI experiment lenis stop lt aspirated stop The distribution of the aspirated stop and stopp1ush Within the Prosodic Word aspirated stop kipho air bubble iphak adrnission stopp1ush gt39ltiphak iphak iphak The distribution of the aspirated stop and stopplush Beyond the Prosodic Word a ki tfikap hanthaenun sirehay That purseAP HanthaeTop dislikedo AP Hantae dislikes the purse b Sonyaka phadolil tfoahay girlNom AP wavesACC likedo AP The girl likes waves Previous Analysis Kim197 6 Coalescence analysis which merges the two segments hp1usstop or stopp1ush into a single aspirated stop directly Iverson amp KimRenaud 1998 Aspiration Adjustment In a heterosyllabic cluster containing h and a lenis consonant spread marked features from the coda to the onset a stop h sip ten ho a number gt sipho tennumber b h lenis stop nat to give birth ta DECL gt natha give birthDECL cf h exists in underlying representation because the Post Obstruent Tensing does not apply to this output ie nat a Problems in the previous analysis Iverson amp KimRenaud 1998 Variation depending on the different speech stylesThey cannot be explained in terms of coalescence extra careful careful casual ipphak iphak iphak admission sokkhi sokhi sokhi fastADVERBIAL nattha natha give birthDECL Johnson amp Oh 1995 Both aspirated and tense consonants are lengthened intervocalically and there is little difference in emphatic lengthening between a single laryngeal consonant and two underlying consonants intervocalically To explain the stop gemination Iverson amp KimRenaud assumed 1ntermed1ate processes such as coda neutral1zat1on gem1nate reduct1on Problems in the previous analysis 39 aspirated stop lenis stop no rightward extension of spread glottis into following lenis stop kip deep kiphe deep DECL kip ta kipt a deepDECL kiptha There is no uni ed explanation about the Aspiration Merger and no production study to provide phonetic evidence for the described pattern of the Aspiration Merger in Korean The similarity between ph and p h 4M1 pn i w39ll r39 Ja I in 4101 w I U l Ml WW 2 ubwnmmmm kaQ Hanthge k Tpurse Hantae PARTSMP i i 613 ha 1O Research Question Is there physical similarity between the two categories If so does the difference between the two categories lie in the timing of the gestures Another question is whether the Aspiration Merger is phonetically complete neutralization or incomplete neutralization Port amp O Dell1985 the word nal devoicing in German incomplete neutralization The Accentual Phrase in Korean Beckman amp Pirrehumbert 1986 Pirrehumbert amp Beckman 1988 The prosodic units larger than a word based on the surface phonetic form of an utterance by looking at suprasegmental features such as intonation and nal lengthening Jun 1993 1998 The prosodic hierarchy in Korean Prosodic Word ltlt Accentual Phrase ltlt Intonational Phrase An AP can have one or more Words and is marked by a tonal pattern phraseinitial rise and phrasefinal rise ie LHLH or HHLH The AP initial strengthening Lenis stop voicing within AP Goals To compare the underlying aspirated stop to stopplush with and without the Aspiration Merger To vary the prosodic domains and to place the target segments across the Accentual Phrase AAP and within the Accentual Phrase APM Speakers Three males and three females from Seoul Korea Their ages ranged from 2545 They were recruited from the graduate students at the University of Texas at Austin Speech Material 1 p h a AAP ki munka pAP anthaenun AP sirehay AP SNPThat stationery case S NP HanthaeTop VP disliked0 Hanthae dislikes the stationery case b APM Pyurjkap haksaerjkwa AP papi1 meke AP SPP Pyungkapname studentWith VP NP a meal V eatending With Pyungkap I have a meal p h in AAP i p h in APM 1b ii 300 280 260 240 220 200 180 160 140 120 100 Speech Material 2 W aAAP Kinyeka AP phadolil tfoa hay AP SNP sheNom VPNP wavesACC V liked0 She likes waves bAPM Pada phalun AP atf u kiles a AP SNPPadaname armsTop VP Advvery VP longpast ending Pada s arms were very long ph in AAP 2a i 300 280 260 240 220 200 180 160 140 120 100 ph in APM 2b i 300 280 260 240 220 200 180 160 140 120 100 Procedure Subjects were asked to read materials written in Korean orthography at a natural speaking rate The test sentences were presented in random order on separate slides in a timed PowerPoint presentation Speakers were recorded in a soundproofed booth using solid state recorder Maranz PMD 670 in the UT at Austin Phonetics Laboratory 21 Measurements Physically p h and ph have the same oral and glottal gesture but the difference lies in the timing of the gestures In ph the glottal spreading gesture peaks around the release While in p h it would be expected to lie in the h The timing difference in the gestures would be re ected in the duration of noise and the change of intensity at the noise onset 22 The Noise Duration The vocal fold spreading gesture is earlier in ph than in p h and the vocal fold closing phase of the gesture in ph is expected to come sooner as well 28 The Change of Intensity Since spreading the glottis occurs during the closure and it maximizes air ow up into the supralaryngeal vocal tract ph is expected to have greater pressure buildup during closure than p h 24 The Preceding Vowel Duration p h with the Aspiration Merger is expected to have longer preceding vowel duration than p h without the Aspiration Merger 25 Hypotheses a In the AAP the duration of noise at the noise onset in p h is longer than that of noise in ph but not in the APM b In the AAP the change of intensity at the noise onset in p h is smaller than that of the intensity in ph but not in the APM c In the AAP the duration of the preceding vowel in p h is shorter than that of the preceding vowel in ph but not in the APM 26 Results For each of the 6 speakers 80 sentences were recorded 20 sentences X 2 segment types X 2 prosodic domains for a total of 475 tokens In the ANOVA test Independent variables segment typesph and ph prosodic domainsAAP andAPM dependent variables the noise duration the preceding vowel duration and the change of intensity at the noise onset 27 28 Cell Mean for Noise duration ms Mb 07 on o N o oo o o O o Cell Mean for Noise duration ms I AAP I APM Speaker 3 Speaker 4 Ph NbmcoON 0000000 1 r 1 gt 39U g39U Cell Mean for Noise duration ms Speaker 1 Cell Mean for Noise Duration ms 0888888 I 13 Speaker 2 The Noise Duration The Noise Duration Speaker 5 6 Speaker 6 I E C O 120 I AAP I AP ph ph All main effects are signi cant for all speakers Fisher s PLSD p h in AAP gtgt ph in AAP gtgt p h in APM ph in APM p h is completely neutralized into aspirated stop in the APM 29 The Preceding Vowel Duration Speaker 1 Speaker 2 3 225 225 g 200 2200 g 175 175 g 150 g 150 g 125 I AAP 0125 gt 100 AP gt 100 5 75 50 g E 25 E 0 0 0 O p h ph p h ph Speaker 3 Speaker 4 9 Cell Mean for Vowel durat Cell Mean for Vowel duration ms The Preceding Vowel Duration Speaker 5 Speaker 6 A 25 ph ph Both ph and ph have longer preceding vowel duration in the AAP than in the APM The results don t support the hypothesis in c 81 82 12 0 Cell Mean for Change of Intensity dB 0 N 4 m on o N Speaker 3 2 0 a I AAP 6 I APM 4 2 0 ph ph Speaker 4 Cell Mean for Change of Intensity dB Speaker 1 Cell Mean for Change of Intensity dB 8 S O I Jgt U 339 U 339 D 00 I gtgt Ugt i U Speaker 2 The Change of Intensity The Change of Intensity Speaker 5 Speaker 6 2 I 0 O I AAP I AAP I APM I APM Cell Mean for Change of Intensity dB Cell Mean for Change of Intensity dB O Mb D 00 8 6 4 2 0 ph ph ph ph None of the main effects is signi cant for four speakers The rest speakers show signi cant results but their p values are very close to the alpha level The results cannot support the hypothesis in b 88 Discussion The results in the noise duration show that p h and ph have physical similarity In the AAP the contrast between the two categories is caused by the different timing of gestures In the APM the two categories are completely neutralized The complete neutralization is sensitive to the syntactic context 84 The Domain initial Strengthening The domain initial strengthening ph in AAP gtgt ph in APM Jun Beckrnan and Lee 1998 In the glottal opening area using a berscopic technique the glottal opening is longer phraseinitially than phrasemedially for the voiceless aspirated stop The greater aspiration enhances voicelessness of the stop 85 The Phrasefinal Lengthening Cho amp Keating 2001 a small but signi cant difference between the AP Accentual Phrasefmal and wordfmal vowels Lim 2001 Korean has shorter vowels in closed syllables than in open syllables eg ma na gwa the capital of Nicaragua gtgt maljang nan joke The effect of the Aspiration Merger to the preceding vowel may be overwhelmed by the effect of phrase fmal lengthening in Korean 86 The Remained Questions What are the other phonetic cues to distinguish the two categories In the perception test it is necessary to investigate Whether native speakers distinguish the derived aspirated stop from the underlying aspirated stop 87 References Browman C amp L Goldstein 1989 Articulatory Gestures as Phonological Units Phonology 6 201252 Cho YM Y 1990 Syntax and Phrasing in Korean The PhonologySyntax Connection 4762 University of Chicago Press Cho TH Jun SA amp Ladefoged P 2002 Acoustic and aerodynamic correlates of Korean stops and fricatives Journal of Phonetics 30 193228 Iverson G amp KimRenaud YK 1998 Phonological Incorporation of the Korean Glottal Approximant Description and Explanation in Korean Linguistics 3550 Cornell University Press Jun SA Beckman M amp Lee H 1998 Fiberscopic evidence for the in uence on vowel devoicing of the glottal con gurations for Korean obstruents UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 96 4368 Kim HS amp Kiyoshi H amp Shinju M 2005 Stroboscopiccine MRI study of the phasing between the tongue and the larynx in the Korean threeway phonation contrast Journal of Phonetics 33 126 KimRenaud YK 1986 Studies in Korean Linguistics Seoul Hanshin Kim Sookon 1976 Palatalization in Korean Doctoral dissertation University of Texas at Austin 88 References Kingston J 1990 Articulatory binding In J Kingston and M Beckman eds Papers in Laboratory Phonology 1 Between the Grammar and the Physics of Speech 406434 Cambridge University Press Cambridge Myers S amp Hansen BB 2005 Neutralization of vowel length contrasts in nal position To appear in Natural language and Linguistic Theory Lim B J 2001 The production and perception of wordlevel prosody in Korean Indiana University Lofqvist A amp Hirohide Y 1980 Laryngeal activity in Swedish obstruent clusters Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 68 792801 Nespor M amp I Vogel 1986 Prosodic phonology Dordrecht Foris Port R amp M O Dell 1985 Neutralization of SyllableFinal Devoicing in German Journal of Phonetics 13 45 5471 Selkirk E O 1986 On Derived Domains in Sentence Phonology Phonology Yearbook 3 371405 89 Speech perception by the chinchilla Identi cation functions for synthetic VOT stimuli Patrica K Kuhl amp James D Miller JASA 1977 Introduction To account for the data in speech experiment it is useful to distinguish between auditory levels of processing and phonetic levels of processing The evidence supporting a dichotomy between the two levels a lack of acoustic invariance between the acoustic cues and our percepts Liberrnan et al 1967 the discovery of perceptual behaviors like categorical perception evidence from studies of selective adaptation Questions about the dichotomy Invariant cues for stop consonants may be found in the dynamic con gurations of spectral energy over time Fantl973 Stevens 1 975 Perceptual behaviors have been demonstrated for complex nonspeech signals Pisoni 1977 The effects of selective adaptation thought to provide evidence for phonetic feature detectors now appear to be attributed to auditory Solution A direct test of the distinction between auditory and phonetic levels of processing using animal listener who has no phonetic resources The rationale for this comparative approach is to tease out the perceptual effects from those that are unique to speechsound processing Previous Analyses Liberman et al1967 categorical perception is considered unique to the processing of speech sounds For nonspeech stimuli Cutting and Rosner 1974 plucked or bowed Pisoni1977 Eimas 1974b Infants perceives the stimuli in a linguistic mode and may categorically discriminate voicing contrasts that are not phonemic in the infant s linguistic environment Kuhl 1978 While the infant s perceptual proclivities are linguistically relevant their origins may re ect constraints that are psychoacoustic rather than specifically linguistic Goals In an attempt to differentiate perceptual effects that are attributable to auditory and phonetic levels of processing in speech perception Kuhl amp Moller 1977 undertook a series of experiments with animal listener The results obtained with alveolar stimuli are reported in experiment 1 results obtained with labial and velar stimuli are reported in experiments 11 and III Experiment IV is a report of results obtained when the stimuli from all three continua were used Experiment I Stimuli The speech sounds were synthesized at the Haskins Laboratories on the parallelresonance synthesizer For a speci ed VOT the upper two formants were excited with thermal noise for the duration of the interval at the end of this interval the two formants were excited with periodic pulses The rst formant was off throughout the VOT interval 5ms for bp and dt 20ms for gk stimuli VOT s from O to 80ms in lOms steps was recorded on a fulltrack tape recorder and then rerecorded onto a disk pack of RAP Subjects Four chinchillas each about two years of age Two of the four animals had been previously trained to categorize naturally produced alveolar tokens as either d or t syllables The other two animals had never been trained Four Englishspeakingadults Apparatus A doublegrille cage with a loudspeaker in a soundtreated booth The cage divided by a rnidline barrier and having a door buzzer at one end Presentation of a speech sound was initiated by the experimenter and controlled by punched paper tape and a highspeed papertape reader The punched tape was prepared according to the randomization spei cations Discriminating training On positive trials the animal had to cross the midline barrier to avoid a mild shock and the surrounding of the buzzer On negative trials the animal could remain at the drinking tube If the animal successfully inhibited the crossing response it was rewarded with free water At the end of that experiment two animals had learned to classify correctly the voiced and voiceless CV syllables produced by eight different talkers in siX different vowel context Randomization of positive and negative trials by computer punched paper tapes Generalization testing On half of the trials the endpoint stimuli O and 80 ms VOT On the other half of trials the stimuli between these endpoints 10 to 70 ms VOT During generalization testing shock was never presented and all feedback was arranged to tell the animal he was always correct Testing human subjects Four human subjects with the same soundtreated booth the same trial structure instructed to label the stimuli as da or ta ResultsExperiment 1 Location of the phonetic boundaries The phonetic boundaries of the tted curves 352 ms VOT for Englishspeaking adults 333 ms VOT for chinchillas The boundary value range 299 ms 420 ms for humans 267 ms 36 ms for chinchilla EXposure to natural speech had no effect on the location of the boundary a the two animals trained 314 ms VOT b the two animals having no training 328 ms VOT Experiment 11 Subjects Two of the four Chinchillas used in experiment I served as subject One had originally been trained on natural speech While the other had been trained only on the synthetic tokens The same four Englishspeaking adults Results EXperiment II 1 Transfer from the alveolar stimuli to the stimuli with a labial place of articulation 2 Location of the phonetic boundaries phonetic boundaries of the tted curves are 268 ms VOT for Englishspeaking adults and 233 ms for chinchillas 3 Boundary Width Each subj ect s tted curve was matched at the 50 Experiment 111 Subject same subjects in experiment 11 Procedure a Discrimination training b Generalization testing Results a Transfer to stimuli with a velar place of articulation b The 50 points of the tted curves 423 ms VOT for Englishspeaking adults 425 ms VOT for chinchillas c Each subj ect s tted curve was matched at the 50 point Experiment IV Stimuli The labial alveolar and velar stimuli previously described were used Subject A single animal the one for whom voiced stimuli were positive Procedure a Discrimination training with the endpoint stimuli 0 ms VOT and 80 ms VOT of all three continua b Generalization testing siX endpoint stimuli and 21 stimuli between the endpoints 10 ms VOT to 70 ms VOT from labial alveolar and velar continua ResultsExperiment IV Location of the phonetic boundaries The relative locations of the three boundaries did not change when place of articulation was varied randomly Boundary width The boundary widths of the tted curves from experiment I II and III are very similar to those from experiment IV Statistical Analyses Phonetic boundary twofactor Analysis of Variance species X place of articulation While the main effect of species was not signi cant F 037 6 the main effect of place of articulation was highly signi cant p lt 0001 no signi cant interactions Boundary width twofactor Analysis of Variance Both the main effect of species p lt 005 and of places of articulation plt 005 were signi cant no signi cant interactions the steepest slopes for the identi cation functionsvelar stimuli the shallowest slopes 1abial stimuli Discussion A Comparison of the labeling functions for human and nonhuman listeners Agreement between the identification functions for humans and animals for all three stimulus sets The slopes are slightly less steep for chinchillas The boundary values shift with the place of articulation are similar for the two groups of subjects A complementary relation between VOT and the F1 onset frequency The lower the onset frequency of F1 the greater the VOT Discussion B Implications for theories of speech perception and the evolution of a speechsound repertoire A mammal with the appropriate auditory capabilities and no linguistic eXperience is predisposed to hear an abrupt qualitative change in the short voicinglag region of the VOT The psychoacoustic considerations in the selection of candidates for a speechsound repertoire Speech sounds were selected to eXploit the perceptual discontinuities that are a natural result of the functions of the mammalian auditory system Discussion C Interpretations of the human infant s perceptual behavior The infant s accomplishments might re ect psychoacoustic predispositions that are favorable to speechsound perception Kuhl 1978 D Exploring the nature of compleX auditory perception using an animal model
Are you sure you want to buy this material for
You're already Subscribed!
Looks like you've already subscribed to StudySoup, you won't need to purchase another subscription to get this material. To access this material simply click 'View Full Document'