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by: Kurtis Spencer I


Kurtis Spencer I
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This 51 page Class Notes was uploaded by Kurtis Spencer I on Wednesday September 9, 2015. The Class Notes belongs to LING 566 at University of Washington taught by Staff in Fall. Since its upload, it has received 15 views. For similar materials see /class/192180/ling-566-university-of-washington in Linguistics at University of Washington.




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Date Created: 09/09/15
Ling 566 Nov 13 2008 Raising Control SL1 Publications Overview 0 Intro to topic 0 In nitival t0 0 Subject raising verbs 0 Subject control verbs 0 Raisingcontrol in TG 0 Object raising and object control 0 If time Problem 124 2003 CSLI Publications Where We Are amp Where We re Going 0 In the last two lectures we have seen a kind of subject sharing that is cases where one NP served as the SPR for two different verbs Examples 0 Last time we looked at dummy NPs that is non referential NPs Examples 0 Today we re going to look at the kind of subject sharing we saw with be in more detail 0 Then we ll look at another kind of subject sharing using dummy NPs in differentiating the two kinds 2003 CSLI Publications What Makes This Topic Different The phenomena we have looked at so far agreement binding imperatives passives existentials extraposition are easy to pick out on the basis of their form alone 0 In this chapter we look at constructions with the general form NP V NP t0 VP It turns out that they divide into two kinds differing in both syntactic and semantic properties 2003 CSLI Publications The Central Idea 0 Pat continues to avoid con ict and Pat tries to avoid con ict both have the form NP V to VP But continues is semantically a one place predicate expressing a property of a situation namely that it continues to be the case 0 Whereas tries is semantically a two place predicate expressing a relation between someone Who tries and a situation she tries to bring about 0 This semantic difference has syntactic effects 2003 CSLI Publications The Status of In nitival to 0 It s not obVious What part of speech to assign to to 0 It s not the same as the preposition to Pat aspires to stardom Pat aspires to be a good actor gtXltPat aspires to stardom and be a good actor 0 We call it an auxiliary verb because this Will make our analysis of auxiliaries a little simpler 2003 CSLI Publications The Lexical Entry for In nitival t0 ltt0 FORM base SYN HEAD INF AUX verb HEAD INF FORM base COMPS SEM INDEX 3 INDEX 3 SEM RESTR 2003 CSLI Publications The Syntax of In nitival t0 FORM base SYN HEAD INF AUX This makes it a verb because AUX is declared on verb INF uniquely identi es the in nitival t0 Verbs select complements With different combinations of FORM and INF values egg 0 complements of condescend are FORM base and INF 0 complements of should are FORM base and INF 0 complements of help are FORM base The meaning of AUX becomes clear in Chapter 13 2003 CSLI Publications The Argument Structure ARG ST lt HEAD VAL SEM verb INF FORM base sPR lt gt COMPS ltgt iNDEX s 0 What kind of constituent is the second argument 0 The tagging of the rst argument and the SPR of the second argument is exactly like be 2003 CSLI Publications The Semantics of In nitival t0 verb HEAD INF FORM base AL V COMPS lt SENI iNDEX 1 INDEX g SEM RESTR lt gt 39 The INDEX value is taken from the SEM of the second argument 0 So What is the semantic contribution of to 2003 CSLI Publications Dummies and continue 0 Some examples There continue to be seats available It continues to matter that we lost Advantage continues to be taken of the innocent gtXltIt continues to be seats available gtXltThere continues to matter that we lost gtXltAdvantage continues to be kept of the innocent 0 Generalization Non referential NPs can appear as the subject of continue just in case they could be the subject of the complement of continue 2003 CSLl Publications A New Type for Verbs like continue SubjectRaising Verb Lexeme srvlxm SPR ARG ST lt COMPS SEM INDEX RESTR ltARG 0 Notes on the ARG ST constraints ltgt ltgt Q gt O The subject sharing is just like for be and t0 the subject of continue is also the subject of its complement 0 continue imposes no other constraints on its subject 0 Note on the SEM constraint 0 The index of the complement must be an argument of the predication introduced by the verb 2003 CSLI Publications The Lexical Entry for COntinue ismmm VP ARG ST X INF continue lt INDEX 81 gt SEM RESTR RELN continue 81 2003 CSLI Publications Entry for continue With Inherited Information ltContinue STU33m verb P ED HEAD R SYN INF AGR VAL SPR lt AGR gt HEAD nominal ARG ST 1 lt VAL SPR lt gt COMPS MODE prop INDEX 31 SEM RELN continue RESTR lt SIT 31 82 VP INF gt SPR lt gt INDEX 32 i 2003 CSLI Publications Key Property of Subject Raising Verbs The subject plays no semantic role in the predication introduced by the SRV itself Its semantic role if any is only in the predication introduced in the complement HEAD nominal VP A G S INF R T VAL SPR lt gt 7 SPR COMPS ltgt INDEX quotMODE prop INDEX 81 SEM RELN continue RESTR lt SIT 81 gt ARG 2003 CSLI Publications Hence constraints on the subjects of SRVs are imposed by their complements 0 SRVs take dummy subjects When and only when their complements do 0 SRVs take idiom chunk subjects When and only when their complements do 0 Passivizing the complement of an SRV doesn t change the truth conditions of the Whole sentence Skeptics continue to question your hypothesis Your hypothesis continues to be questioned by skeptics 2003 CSLI Publications Continue With active complement s N fP SPR H NOM PSPR ltgt A Skeptics continue V SPR ltgt V PSPR ltgt lt RELN question DOUBTED J J your hypothesis 2003 CSLI Publications Continue With passive complement S i pg VPSPR H VSPR H VPSPR H Your hypothesis continues VSPR ltgt VPSPR ltgt Jo limo o 75 uestioned P7 NPq RELN question 1 i RESTR ltDOUBTER i gt by NOM L DOUBTED j J skeptics 2003 CSLI Publications Control Verbs Control verbs like try appear in contexts that look just like the contexts for raising verbs Pat tried to stay calm looks super cially like Pat continued to stay calm Control verbs also share their subjects With their complements but in a different way 0 A control verb expresses a relation between the referent of its subject and the situation denoted by its complement 2003 CSLI Publications Control Verbs Are Not Transparent They never take dummies or idiom chunks as subjects gtXltThere try to be bugs in my program gtXltIt tries to upset me that the Giants lost gtXltAdvantage tries to be taken of tourists Passivizing the complement s verb changes the truth conditions The police tried to arrest disruptive demonstrators Disruptive demonstrators tried to be arrested by the police 2003 CSLI Publications A New Type SubjectControl Verb Lexeme scv lxm SPR NE ARG ST ltNPi COMPS ltgt gt INDEX 82 SEM RESTR ltARG 39 This differs from srvlxm in that the rst argument and the SPR of the second argument are coindexed not tagged 0 This means that they only need to share INDEX values but may differ on other features And the rst argument the subject must have an INDEX value so it cannot be non referential 2003 CSLI Publications The lexical entry for try scvlxm lttry SEM VP ARG ST ltNPZ INF gt INDEX 81 RELN RESTR lt SIT TRIER try 81 73 gt Note that the subject NPi plays a semantic role With respect to the verb namely the TRIER 2003 CSLI Publications lttry Entry for try With Inherited Information scvkrwz STKPJ ARELST lt Slihd HEAD DAIJ verb PRED IIlJF AGE SPR lt AGR gt1 ff IlJF SEM INDEX 52 TNDEX thHDEl RESTRJ NPq ISPR NE 1I J 81 prop RELN try 81 ITRIER 239 Jl 82 Things to Note The rst argument has an indeX The rst argument is coindexed With the SPR of the second argument Both the rst and second arguments play semantic roles in the try relation Very little had to be stipulated in the entry for try 2003 CSLI Publications Questions 0 What rules out dummies and idiom chunks as subjects of try 0 What accounts for the semantic non equivalence of pairs like the following Reporters tried to interview the candidate The candidate tried to be interviewed by reporters Why does continue behave differently in these respects 2003 CSLI Publications T ry With an active complement s NEAVPFPR H A VSPR lt0 VPSPR lt0 The police RELN try A tried VSPRltigt VPSPRlt1 gt 82 I A TRIER 239 SPR 7 TRIED 31 to V ltEgtl NP RELN arrest SIT 31 arrest ARRESTER i the susepcts ARRESTED j 2003 CSLI Publications NP T ry With a passive complement s A The suspects RELN SIT TRIED TRIER 9 J 81 try 82 VPSPR H VSPR my VPSPR ltjgt tries PSPR 9 to PSPR ltjgt be Pi A RELN arrest arreSted Pi NPi SIT 81 i IARRESTER i by 4 ARRESTED j the pohce 2003 CSLI Publications The main formal difference between raising and control verbs is in ARG ST VP VP INF INF ltNPz SPR ltNPigt gt lt NP SPR ltgt gt SEM INDEX 32 SEM INDEX 32 CONTROL RAISING Which is which Why 2003 CSLI Publications Raising amp Control in Transformational Grammar 0 Raising continue the dogs to bark T l 0 Control the dogsi try NPi to bark 39 In early TG the NP got deleted 39 In more recent TG it s a silent pronoun 2003 CSLI Publications Problems with the TG Accounts 0 Details never fully worked out eg Where does to come from 0 What blocks gtXltThe cat continued for the dog to bark or gtXltThe cat tried for the dog to bark 0 Failure of experimental attempts to nd evidence for psychological reality of these transformations 2003 CSLI Publications We make another raisingcontrol distinction ObjectRaising Verb Lexeme orvlxm SPR ltgt ARG ST ltNP COMPS ltgt gt INDEX 32 SEM RESTR ltARG 32 0bjectC0ntrol Verb Lexeme ocvlxm SPR NPZ gt COMPS lt gt gt ARG ST ltNPNP7 INDEX 52 SEM RESTR ltARG 32D 0 The formal distinction is again between tagging and coindeXing 0 This time it s the second argument and the SPR of the third argument 2003 CSLI Publications Example orvlxm and ocvlxm Entries ltexpeet ltpersuade SEM 07quotUlzzm ARG ST lt NPj X pcvlxm ARG ST ltij NPi I SEM l IRESTR lt INDEX 8 INDEX 8 RESTR lt VP INF gt RELN QT EXPECTER RELN SIT VP gtl INF gt persuade 8 PERSUADER j PERSUADEE z39 l gtl 0 Note that the persuade relation has three arguments but the eXpeet relation has only two 0 And the object s INDEX plays a role in the persuade relation but not in the eXpeet relation 2003 CSLI Publications J ustifying the difference between expect and persuade Prob 124 Construct examples of each of the following four types which show a contrast between expect and persuade i Examples with dummy there ii Examples with dummy it iii Examples with idiom chunks iv Examples of relevant pairs of sentences containing active and passive complements Indicate whether they are or are not paraphrases of each other 2003 CSLI Publications Overview 0 Intro to topic 0 In nitival t0 0 Subject raising verbs 0 Subject control verbs 0 Raisingcontrol in TG 0 Object raising and object control 0 If time Problem 124 0 Next time Auxiliaries 2003 CSLI Publications Chapter 15 Variation in the English Auxiliary System Overview 0 AAVE copula absence 0 Why it s not phonological deletion 0 Alternative syntactic analyses 0 The Winner An empty element D 0 Re ection on syntactic argumentation 0 Questions about HW 8 Linguistic Argumentation The available data usually underdetermines the analysis cf t0 Sometimes appeals to naturalness can help Further constraints come into play when we try to make interacting analyses consistent Still just about everything could be done differently if we re willing to change assumptions Data underdetermines the theory dif cult to argue that something must be analyzed a certain way An Unusual Case 0 The verbless sentences in Chapter 15 provide a rare example Where the data seem to force a particular kind of analysis 0 Speci cally an empty element 0 And we tried very hard to avoid it Notes on African American Vernacular English aka Ebonics Black English and various other things All natural languages are systematic This is just as true of stigmatized varieties as of prestige dialects The claim that AAVE has no discernible rules columnist William Raspberry is blatantly false This is not to deny the social and economic value of using a prestige dialect But prestige is not correlated With systematicity 5 Missing be in AAVE 0 Some AAVE sentences Chris at home We angry with you You a genius They askin for help 0 Like SAE sentences With a form of be missing 0 Analogous sentences occur in many languages AAVE Also Allows Sentences With be Chris at home We angry with you You a genius They askin for help Chris is at home We re angry with you You are a genius They re askin for help LaboV s Deletion Account 0 Copula absence comes about When contracted auxiliaries s and it re are deleted altogether 0 Predicts that copula absence is only possible Where contraction is strong claim You got to be good Rednall gtXltYou got to Q good Rednall Be nice to your mother Q Nice to your mother It ain t a ower Show is it gtXltIt ain t a ower Show s it gtXltIt ain t a ower Show Q it Counterexamples to Labov s Account How old you think his baby is gtXltHow old you think his baby s How old you think his baby Tha s the man they say is in love gtXltTha s the man they say s in love Tha s the man they say in love 0 The relevant examples here are With fully contracted s 0 These examples show that copula absence can t depend on copula contraction Our Challenge 0 Provide a precise analysis of AAVE copula absence Within our theory 0 Account for all of the facts covered by the deletion account 0 Deal With the counterexamples to the deletion account TWO Possible Analyses l The initial symbol is HEAD PRED not HEAD verb p08 HEAD PRED SPR ltgt VAL COMPS m 2 Write a special grammar rule for verbless Clauses phmse HEAD WI HEAD PRED 1 CASE nom VAL SPR ltgt VAL SPR J AGR nonsing MODE SEM INDEX prop SEM INDEX A Counterexample to Both How old you think his baby Q 0 LDDs require that a non empty GAP list be licensed by a lexical head that is missing an argument 0 Neither the initial symbol analysis nor the grammar rule analysis posits a lexical head corresponding to is that would license the gap 0 If we posit a silent variant of nite forms of be we solve this problem The Silent be Analysis Silent be Lexical Rule i7 ule INPUT ltbe xgt AGR non18mg OUTPUT ltgb HEAD FORM n gt INV 0 This is a highly specialized lexeme to word rule i rule Some Questions About This Rule Silent be Lexical Rule z397 ule INPUT ltbe xgt HEAD OUTPUT lt AGR non1 sing FORM n gt INV QUESTION ANSWER Which lexemes does it apply to Those spelled be Why is the output FORM n gtXltYou got to Q good Why is the output AGR nonIsing gtXltI Q hungry Why is the output INV gtXltIt ain t a ower Show Q it How does this account for LDDs Silent be Lexical Rule irule INPUT ltbeXgt OUTPUT lt HEAD INV AGR non182719 FORM n gt Answer The usual way That is the output of this rule silent be can have a non empty GAP list The fact that the verb is not pronounced doesn t matter l5 A Possible Objection 0 Earlier we touted the WYSIWYG character of our theory everything justi ed by something observable 0 Doesn t positing an inaudible verb undermine that claim 0 Response A word With no phonology is just the shortest possible word Positing one such word With restricted distribution is qualitatively different from allowing multiple empty categories that can appear in many places l6 Conclusions Studying a variety of languages and dialects is important to discovering what formal devices are necessary to account for natural language Formulating a precise theory of grammar allows us to investigate in detail the differences between dialects and between languages We were able to make the argument for a silent verb because our analyses were precise and the consequences could be worked through l7 Overview 0 AAVE copula absence 0 Why it s not phonological deletion 0 Alternative syntactic analyses 0 The Winner An empty element D 0 Re ection on syntactic argumentation 0 Questions about HW 8


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