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Date Created: 07/30/13
ANTH 300 Modern World in Anthropological Perspectives Instructor BEAINI PBW1300lCO05010 MARY PURITY AINIQNNGER ARK FAPERBACKS London and New York Wm om 3 ampa m 9 1usumum wan w uxmaw S mmw ask 3 cf 33 F33 33 E E mmw EC m 9 34 Mmmuuw m 2 muwz mmom Hmmuuwxm A amp amcm mam uaam 6 2 mE ua wi m mm umuwmva mam umwmwa 3 mnuwmwuaw mo mmcwmsw om SH a mu uau umau u suwm n N mmumamu ab Exam m ampamp nohuawouuam ammgmw WHZMHZOO QRu Aw ltm3 E Eampw mm a mumuampaampw kw Euus Eh kuk wwukw mexh Kw k nm Q RnwQmuam2e ELQK ts 2 hmumhok un 3 A32 mew nah kw tum 621 39 Qwmaanw buww gamma vs mm mu 9 Q mruucm tU mm 33 mam wwumtm N CS 3 Nam e mm p uw d xw nh xw ampmuonu wmxlt N umumymuwummw am 25 MW Qowmmmmwm 3 9 3 9 3 3 m n Em m 5 SQ gm 3 3 it im csti 1g S0 we read through virtuose displays of learning on the relation l tW t 2l magic and science whose ihcorctical importance remains GlJ3 LIK lt t All in all as laser a harmful gnc He took from Robertson Smith that sltlzelarquots mos peripjrl ral teaching afxd perpetuated an illltltnsidcred division between rel gioa and jnagic He disseminated a false assumption 3l 1i the primitive View of the universe worked by m chanical symbols and amgher false assumpzion that ethics are strange to primitive religion Bxfcm we can approach the S 1lj C of ritual dcfilcmcm these assumptions mad to has corrected The mean intractable puzzles in comparazivc religicm arise because human experience has bean thus wrongly dividssd In this bank Wit try to rv unite some of the separated segments In the first place we shall not expect to understand religion if we con ne ourselves to considering belief in spiritual beings lwwevcr the formula may be re ned There may be mntcxts of enquiry in which we should want to line up all exmm beliefs in othcr beings zombies antstars demons fairiesmthc lot But fallawing Robertson Smith we should not suppose that in cam loguing he full piritual population of the universe we have necessarily caught the essentials of religiazm Rather than stop ping 0 chop de nitions we should try 3 wrnpaze peeplcS39 views about man s destiny and place in the universe In the second place we shall net expectquot to understancl ether pltzplc s ideas ef contagion sacral or secular umil we have confronted mzr own 28 2 Secular DeElement Companxrxvr 3211010 has always been bedcvillcd by n39 Hicall39l materialism Some argue that even the mast excstic of nkzicrii rites have a sound hygienic basis Others tlmugh agreeing that I primitive ritual has hygiene for its abject take the 0ppasit View of its soundness For thctm 3 great gulf divides auxquot seundl ideas of hygiene from the primitivefs erroneous fancies But both these medical approachcs to ritual are fruitless be cause of a failure to confront our awn ideas af hygiene 3421 dirt W On the first appmach it is implied that if we only knew I the circumstanccs we would nd the rational basis of primitive ritual amply justi ed As an interpretation this line of thought is deliberately prosaic The importance of incense is not that 12 symbcrliscs the ascending smoke of sacri ce but it is a means of making tolerable the smells of unwashed humar ty Jewish and Islamic avoidance of park is explained as due to the dangers of eating pig in hot climates It is true that there can be a marvellous cmrrespondcnce ht twcen the avoidancc of contagious disease and ritual avoidance The washings and sepamtiorxs which serve the one practical pur pose may be apt to cxprcss religiaus thcmvss at the same time So it has been argueci that their rule of washing before eating may have given the Jews immunity in plagues But it is one thing to point out the side bene ts sf ritual actions and anuthcr thing to be content with using the by products as a su icienz ex lanatiozi Even if scazne of M0s3 s dictary rules were hygienic ally bene cial it is a pity to treat him as an enlightened public health administrator rather than as a spiritual leader 29 R M2 u cc 3 u 22 m mzmxu 3 Buma box 2 m am 35 53 33 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owummmuqa wmwwmmou w H REOOL ma a Ex 3 mimosa mhmgmam 33 Nawmm w mvmmmsmmu mg d zu E am mm mix is m m 9 wow mai ou m w mmEE m cb 33 m Emm mam 53 m mmmm ammn 5 3 a E Em gnaw H sw gr E mwmnm am ua mu ho so mm a an M Ems mmH E omm aw xxx 83 w mm 9 ya msmm mwkm Ma a use 5 33 umba wgtmamp Q n mw mfg duo x um m m 35 max o 63 m 3 ROM b3ampm2 aw mummswmmmn m mm guwam mam wmxmu an Jxm 93 8 Em o 35 max mmmb on 2 33m 3 MM mmm Hm we ma a m mm 3 mwExEmEou xmmomuwmmn mwmcnmw mm m am mm 3m m m3 m no Emma 39 how mum o mam Eavmwm ma mamas 32 w wwmmzuxm 38 mean mam 9 5 m 5 tow ou has 8 35 a mc wmw Em 5 33 meg 25 Ewes umwmm E3 333 593 Jam E m mmbom m wag 9 3 avg Emw 539 E Emomm Hm wmmm m mm m E 533 ems m M axum Ekmxmu K P 39 J 4 0 quot3 A 39393939 amp i W A quot J 1 is Ygtc 9 K f v as 5 r ag L vNex m t J x 2 La K1 u v Lgtlt 95 V v ltr L9 99 23 c O 3 139 5gt quotW5 p g t Vfgtquot SgyWquotc3 wlt lt 1 3 ltZa 3939s x323 2 24239 39 quot 39 3939 39 239 P gs quotquot z2 39 N 231 3939quotvs3943939 5 39amp39 39 s quotquot quot 3939 e 539J t39 quotss3939quot39 z 5 mg 2 3939gt 9 39 3 v39quot nag quot quot 39 39 39 39a quot Ia 2 139 l quot A 39 S 5 quotI 339 3 K 39p up isi 5 39 3939 1 wt 51 394 1 quot3 3 a 3 a n P nmt x i i 339L1 S 31fi pZw 2211 rim Yam cue cf tine evzzrricjsss 12cm rip mill Ci1Liiquot c ppcaxa 11a ts ifietza tiaEquot we t1ac r Ym S 1Tiii ri xvquot39i39quot 391 394quot1i393t39iI39i 1S so twittlz ziii i sizaiaaa 0 paint 2 11 uiim1t apgazxang emss If a1i11iIati 1 K g IFS js1 I p p d E3iquotdyquotE3quoti1WI7i 39 1f11j 39 0 cgaf 1m mt m l is I21t3x 3397z Imtiij P ts fiz3S Mmt csf h Cj3Sf33939 f 391i 1s E p Kw pC 0 y y pE s 0E Xx M p y 52 V S pzy my 0i y 0 iy o pa y 0K y p ey e y P Ry t y q q 0 A E 8 p aaf 0I m d P y zy 0 o 0 J sy uy a uy U x pZ 1 0 0 x P x u 4 p PV T 0 P 0 0 o O R 0 0p A D p 0 LE3CEJA z2r1c ocmsazz max 51 they War playing and whtn they were watching says Klinc Wart glaringiy dif ferent with the players swaating chair hcarts pcxundirzg while ch others lacked on with hcighircncd but far lass l1 it 31S2 anxiety lt s cneugh to convince Klimt that playing bslligcrcnt vidao games cor rclatcs with aggressive bchavior and feel ings What s more Klimt argues the makcls cf games like MK driven by b0tt0mline canccms build li1tleimagi nation into du products they hawk ts rnirzers Kline agltatcs for the cynical twerrbillioxhdollar vidcgtgarnc industry ta put saint of its blood money into rrzstarch an tlw fiquotcct3 ofics games Thcy should pay likc the czigarcttc companies dc he says The pmblczm is that chEl drcn are being made to learn haw to be consumers of violcnct In the Walt of schoel slaaghtcrs in Sgntcc California and Littlston Celorado academics schcolcd in tllt quantizativc 39 analysis lt Jf mcdia affects have been sum mencd 30 testify bcfcrc the Senate Committee on Commcrcc Science and Transportatirm Mast of thus scholars concur that adolescent cxposuxc to violent media especially vidw gimcs carrelztcs strongly with aggrcssivc bchavier But if mcdiawffccts scholars spcak lcmdcst on these issues tlmy may I201 have the last word Thcy share their territory with scholars fram 9 lass quantitative tradidon cultural studies It s 2131 a eld that in m cnccs public gailcgr its pmgd oagis EEC mrcly sumrnoncd to testify bcforc Con grass Biz cultural studies has produced a rival analysis that calls for a mere aptimisfic assessment sf managers pcrwcrs of dls c srrzmcrzt Rather than shcltcring kids ism Vl l I1 ixnagcs thcsc scholars say adults slmulcl sack ta undcrstand what these images really mcanwlt35 den mcanwte tccnagcrs It s a cempelling argument Of ceursd say cx dcs iI s also an apgdroach that scams the interests cf 3 pcjywtr zl mziltix billiondollar industry l llr llll I Ti many obscrvcrs tod3y s tccnagcrs are expri cnci g some pardcinlarly disturbistxg Hands Th ameunt cf money that corparaaions spend can marlzating Vi lt39I lZ aznuscmcms ti minors is fast inczrcasilxg and children spend mom time th n cvcr playing or watching Violent Vidco games or mosaics Tha Federal Comrnuzlications Comnlissien 52 cuamvs LA deregulated childr239n s tclevisicn in 1984 a mm Diane Levin the author of cmare Cemrraf Cbilziboaal Combating the Hazard afM d39z Guitars bclicv5 was crucial to the spread ofvielcnt products Fm childrcza and to the emergsnct ofa new kid culturc ofsrnash hits that mirmrs the adult wgrld of blockbusterbased con sumerism And Wha s Elli problem with all this 1 nambcr of aorrclativu studies shew that kids who View a let 35 Violent media are likely to dcvclop pmblcms with aggrcssivc behavior According to the Urzivcrsity of Michigan psychcziogist L Rowcll Hucsmann the cerrclation is as stark as that between cigarette smoking and lung canczcr Mediacffccts sclmiars ltan t de nitivaly isdlatc cicpeaszxrc 10 sim ulated violence as 3 cams of teen aggres sion But they claim that the rrsiationship is ted striking to ignore I Mcdimcffttcts rcscarch has its rears in the World War II cm Whcn psychelagsm socialegzists and pelltical scicn sts studitcl the impact of propaganda on American scldiers At the time progagancla was tlwught to work like at magc bullet The recipient of propagandist messages was presumed to izitczmalizc them Wholesalc Eating the pastwar years gcsvcrnmcm mding of rcsaarch into mcdia rcccption bolstered the new discipline ltgtfccgtmrmni cations The National Comnzissien on tlu Causes and Prcvcndon of Violcnct paid sacial scientists to study that affects an chil dxm dfvidlc 1 carc3g55 221 like while 5 number offcdcrally mded lexxgtudinal smdiczs spanning high schools acmss the ltru1try and ccznizizmigzg through the 19703 and 19863 tracked thr l0ngtr m crmst qumccs scarf exposure to vicaltnt media Mediaaffects schclars who compared larceny rates arid thc prevalence of tslvi Si vkwlng ccncludcd that the ICWO rates wctrc climbing in tzndcm Ancstlzcr study fmmd that the boys wlw spam the most time viewing violent television shows at age sight wars the mast likely to have trim inal convictions by age thirty Perhaps the bestknown mediacffccts experiment dates back to 311 19603 Wham the Stanford lJZ1lV 3 393ltYSOClOlGglStAll3ClTt Bandura had a group cf childrcn watch a lm clip efadults and cartoon charactcrs attacking Bobs th Clown dolls The Bobs dolls were weighted sc that thcy returned 3 an upright pdsitlan after hay wen smzck lVlt amp1Wl1lll control groups 0fchil drcn wart sparcd Eh Babebcatixl 39 mcmtage Aftcrward all the hildcn wcrc allowed to play in 3 room that included a Edbo doll Thosr whn had scan thc Babe dnll being lzil wcrc much mom aggressive in their play than those who had RG12 It was Bandum whcs in the late l90s cstablishcd the theoretical faunda cn 0f mcdiacffcis scholarship known as social lcaming thcory According ten Bazxdura children mimic their f3VO 39lI39 zncdia pro taganists identifying with hc1 oEsl1 gtml cidai or notwand apixzg thcir acdons Video garncs which force players into a repeti vc identi cation with on brutal 0 mm dcmus chamatcr an by thcsc lights ccnnsidcrcd the wars in ncncc on yo1mg stars Along with violent lms and almi sion shaws video games are thought to amuse childxczfs prmtxisting aggrcssivc tlwughts and G dcscrzsitizc them to fresh scem5 of vic cncc Craig A Andczrscm 3 University 05 lirlicbigan gsychologist when does mt fewer mgulanhgviolcizzt vicico games tested these tiaerorics in a study he gublishcd last year in the fazgrmzl sf Persamniizy and Sncial Pmriwlagy First he and a colleague Karen E Dill oflznoirRlzync College had 210 collcgc studcmzs play Wolfcnstcin 3D in ftccnminutc spurts In that game the playcr armcd with an automatic weapon a lcnifc a rcvolvcr 01 a amzthmwcr dodges Nazismldlling guards Gtszrman shepherds and ultimatcly the ilzrcr himself A control gimp spent the same amount oftimc glaying the sol and lyric fantasy game lviyst when advcnmrcs invclvc time travel and puzzle solving ftcrward rasaaxchars paircd the smdcnts up ft anatlmr game in which the wirmer punished the lostr by blaring whiiazz ncisc into his or hcr headphones Tim sm dcnts who had played Wolfcxxstcira SD kept the White noise going much longer making thcir opgoncnts mere Il 392CDII1fOI39Eampl3l than thus who had plzycd Myst ndcrsan cazuzludcs Now that we have a su eicnt number of studies on violcnt vidw games ta do a mamanalysis 39 WC can reliably assert that for collegeage kids or youngcr playing video games can relates with incrcastd aggzcssivc lmhavior in the short ttrm Moreover violacat mcdia induce a persiszerzt fear ofvic im ization according to a 1999 study by Ioannc Cantor a pmfessor 2tmcrims of communications at tlzm University 0f Wisconsin at Madison Cantor mind tlmt WWWLil ii3UAF RANCACM Yi3 quotlt CWEHS B0710 LEFI To R1GH J TJDON i covsum swam irmsazzn umvzzassrv umvenswr as Ho1l5T0I4 c15A2 mg a percent of colicgc students havc rcsiciuai anxiety from the violent lms thcy viewed in chilcihood and adolcscmcc T H E H 3 3quot E3 5 F3 3397 may look stark but thcy are aiso aught with ambiguity say cultural studies scholars For 021 thing Corrclativc studits incvitabiy raise qucs tions abszzt cause and affect How can we lmow that the chiidrm who seek out vioicnt vidao gamcs or watch vioimt movics watcn the more aggcssivc kids in the first piacc And aithcmgh statistics may resvcal broad patterns thcy c31 t tcll us what an cxpczicncc means to a particular individual Int alane how violttnt mcciia affect the culture as a whcsie Hcnry Ienlcins the f0rtytWoycarold chairman of MIT s Comparative Media Studies rogram sports a Con 1ci11s1ilc beard and a provocazEvciy permissive mkt on video games At 3 Smart hcmirzg two years age he cautioned that it takts a series of interpretive leaps and stcula tions 0 znavc Eom statism39ltL data no any nzcaningful c aim that media imagcs cause rcabworld viltz1cc Net even Stati3ti cians maim such bold ciaims ha pointed out because deszadcs ofrcscarch 1311 media violcncc stiii yricids ccznrraciictory and com fusing rctsuits More prociuctivct than ail the handavringixig over mcdia rcgulation said Ianlcias wcmid be 3 sezicms effort to cstabiish an accspting and accmnmo dating climate in cur schools that is quot t 3i crant of diffcr nclt and scaks ti understand the cultural choices made by students razhcr than trying 10 pmhib than apcn cxprrcssion Icxlkins iatcr wroic that he was eager to tcsti r bcftnrc the Smart comrz ttcc whttn he realized he wouid be the on1y academic speaker when was not 2 social scientist and who did net sec pnpuiar cuimrc as a social probicm A scholar sf digirai lm and vidc0 gamlt and Eh editor 31 Tiber Cirifsiresr Cnlmrg Reader NYU 1993 Itrnicins Mlicvts that the study 0f video games W133 one day be a cid in its own right Iika lm smciics Video games are mofs ft teenagers imaginati3ns he explains as Wt sit in his book mcd living mam near the Charics Eivcr Amen gxlrezs lie prostrate bcfmc tzhecsry compcndimns on the bttsokshclvcs 15 Icnkins wzitcs in his cona bu on to Pram Bw iz is Martin Ifawzmzt Gender and Campmtm Gama MIT 1998 an anthology he cowcdited with Iustinc Casse vidccvgamt culturc dis places physicai viaiancc hate a symba c rcalmm Rather than baiting aach Qth f up behind the scimoi boys combat imag inaxy charactcrs nding 1 potcntiaiiy safer ouzict for their aggcssivc fcc ngs Ienkins and his coiicagucs in cuitural studies and media studies fault the median effects camp for arnoag otlwr things prc suming that adoiescent audicncas are nafcvc imprcssicma bis uncritical says UCSan Dicge communications professor Ella Scitcr and that tcicvisimn viewing is passiva and mindicss What thc sacia szim sts are missing say Scittr and Icnkins is that ymmg auditmccs o cn extract 1z1az1 ticipated meanings from Ccmmercial 3 sv3939 9 9 1413 5 g39 9 an I I 4 3939s39 95 p ii i F h LEFT HERRY JENKINS STEPHEN KEANE H8 FGWLE3 pepular cuimrc In his Scnatc tcs mcmy fcnkins citcd a group ofgirls who play the nomrieusly vioient games Quake and Boom fhcsc Women were taking grcat piaasum in bcating aha boys at their own games they cxpcricnccd the aggrcssivc oniinc piay as 1 vchicic of cmpewcp rncntthat wcuid htip that plt paz39c for profcssforiz live wheila vsoui39a1 have ta compete ivitiz men Iib Fawics a cemmurz ca ons profcssor at fiat Univcrsity of HoustonClear Lake and the author of I79 Cma xr falevisivn Viczlemre Sage I999 go s S0 far as tax advocate sanguinary telwision I rl1in lt violence is hclp ta chz39ldrc1 hclgas them maintain cma onal balanca he says UNESUA FRANCA acreage L100 53 ELBERT S ij a his bask ht notcs that levels if tcl vi sizin violcmzs mmainccl ccsnstant in the Unitcd States during the 19905 but that actual rates OfquotJiOl 1t crime decreased Ha also cites the Univzrsiry of Tcsrontc psy clmlogy professor Ionathan Freedman who has argued that the studies Connecting media violence to aggrcssicm are far ram conclusive According to Freedman what the I39 1 di3Cff Ct camp presents as overwhelming cvicicncc for such link ages is sugportcccl by Qnly abeut 25 perccm ofall smdiezs T 39 E33194 1 5 5 quot3 Fig mast famous instance of media violence supposedly begctting rcallifc child Violence was the 1993 abduction and murder ofthc British mmycarcgtid Iamcs Bulge by two tan ycamald boys Sacxmc ccimmcntators spec h 39n39 Iu ulatcd that thc Qld r children were inspired to beat the toddler to death after Watching thc 1991 movie Child Play 3 in which a tccrlagc bay must hunt down and 3193 Cimcity a p0ttymauthcd Eciiicr cioii Wii takes possession of a younger chilci David Buckingham a cuitural studicsworicnted professor of education at the University ofLondon made the Bulgcr case thf subjcct of one ofhis many books on childmifs rccagtion ofclecurarzic media After czttcnsivc interviews he ccmcluclcd that Cliilztl Play 3 did 10 profoundly affect mast chiidrcn iii ceurse it did have an impact cm same vicvstcrswbut far complicated masons Buckingham messes He believes that variations in term and genre halp cxglain why kids are disturbed by one video nasty and not another Perhaps the most pawer il media genre is news importing indeed many of Bultlltingharn s subjects found the news covaragc if the Bulgar casc mare dis mrbing that CI399iEzi 3 Play 3 Buckingham adds that childrei s rcspscmsc to lm can be as cmatienaiiy rich as that lt3f3ampultACcrrdiI1g to his rcscarch RESEARCH IRS 390U B TEA K505 EXPOSED TC VEDLERT IMAGIZS WERE MGRE LEKELY T13 IUTIXCK A BGBG THE CLGWN DGLL kids revel in the black mmtdy of slasher movies vieswirig them with the same facil iztgs of delight and istrcss that oidtr ViltZW I S do One iX7f3i Old subject described what appczzrcd 0 be a satire of A3533 in which an alicn thing burst out of this pcrsem s tummy and started 39 daz391ltiz1g quot writes Buckingham if was she said mny and horrid and nilte The kids in Buclringhaws books make stringent distinctions bcztwccn real life and vielcnt fiiins tclcvision shows and vicico games They often describe ims like Nightmare rm Efm Straw inc writes 33 umcalis ci and even as laughable par ticularlythc older children Many were kaart to draw atttndon to the liberal use of tomato k tchupquot and m3lltc up Bucicingi1am s rescarch was mdccl by Britain s Broadcasting Stan arcls Cotmcil aim he has rccesmmcndcd that that gow crnment respond 3 violent media with education rather than cmsorship British and Australian cultural studics scholars W110 spc ciaiizc in chiiaircnis czulture hwlt been caliczi on for policy rccommcndatiens But tim samc is rarcly the case in hit United Statcs Imltins says he longs for the day when Amqican media mdi5 scholars will play a caznparablc mi in the policy debate And h s doing his bits to bring that moment about Last yaar when an Indianapolis viciato arcaci lost its legal right to admit minors the itiiatiozzal CO3litiC Against Ccnsorsliip the First Amcndment Project and chi Fm Expression 0iicy Pmject lttd a brief on the arcade s behalf Drawing on the work of raltins FGWICS Ssittr Vivian Sebchack and Constanta Pcnlcy among others the bziefqucstioncd the scxxiai scicnce rcscarch that szzgpenrttzd Iihti cmrt39quot s ciccisimri Far a relatively few predisposed young people a pzzztimiar lm TV show 0139 video game may inspire imitation the bzicfread but 23 a far greater number the same work may be relaxing cathartic or simply cuter tai139zing As Henry Jmltins has Wrimcn tmivczrsalizing claims arc fixzzdamtzitalljgr inadequate in accounting fiat rrzcsdizfs secial and cultural irr1p3ci Icnkins bclievcs that thc Inclianapeiis bricf as wall as his own Swat appcar ancsz marks 2 shift towar a grszatcr pres ence for scholars lilo himself in policy tbares cm childrerfs media The was immediate of those clabates ccrnccrns flu efforts cf Senator Icsseph Lieberman to extend the videogame ratings system to movics and music as wall Thc game industry resists this move centcnciing that the cartoon imagery 01quot vidcto games slmlxid not be ju gcci by the samt standards as lm violence Jenkins admits that tht crii cabtlteory jargan sndcmic tea his eld probably keeps him and his peers out of the public eye We still Sptak an arcane language that s s 3939 a 4 X scl ghatttsizcd You have to take a grad mate course in theory beibrc yen can un czu stand gt23 ag1zmt1ts he complains The mcdia cffmts people spcals a vcrnacuiar languagtr that can 13 heard in Washington According to some mediaaffects scholars hewcvcr t1at s not the wily reason car cultural studies absence mm the policy makers table We have the highctst prsstigc with govcrnmcnt thiniters bccausc WE can vcrify and cvaiuate objec tively says W39islttmin s Cantor Eur con sansus on methods givcts as enhanced credibility over humanists THE QEFFEREHCE between til we camps are nct merciy mcthadologicai Kline who censiticrs Buckingham and Icriicins his key icndiy opponents is struck by the media studies scholars indiffarcneze to the commercial prcssuics acting or tccnagcrs In casting this debate as the cuimra stuciies libera ters against the moralizcrs Kline says the media studies people ignore the mar kctplacc and only look at vicicogaxatec play as mcaingmakingquot But tltltiay s kids 1s2euA FRANCA oczroaan 290 55 shaped by the market and its mer V chandising machinery Raised at a time when better teehzmlogy is previded every few years they believe they must have iricreasingly realistic colarful lzsmtalizy In imfs interviews teens enclersecl the 1997 game Golden By 007 over an elcl classic like Mcartal Kezmbat They partimlarly enjznyccl the range ofways characters cried out or fell down when dying A media studies sclzelar miglit exelsim Of course and so Whatquot Yes teenage beys delight in playing James Band tra versixeg the Siberian seeppes and the Cuban jungle in order to lcill and maim slaying squads of seldiers and showing to kill a treacherous Russian enemy who looks suseieieusly like Alan Cumming Is that so had Haven such things always sparked kids iznsginat onsl Kline replies When Ienlcins argues that children need eedom er explore and develop their own sense of place ire the cultural World and that exposure to magic and the dukes element is part of that expleeatien I agree I am not revolted by Goth culture for iz1stas1ce But vielezxt video games are not about elarlc mags or zsnagnauon They are about merchandising Levin concurs The media studies p055 tlon is a prolndusery posltien she says bluntly whether the scholars intend their arguments to be used that way er not Mark Crispin Miller an NYU professor sf media ecology and a harsh aria of media merchandising mates There s a marked tendency in cultural studies 0 apelogize for mainstream media lxrilaybc tl2ere s nothing to apalogize fear replies Fowles He laughs But I plead guilty he acl s As he sees it the mediae 39ects scholars W210 attack televi slam violence are elitists who evince Corr tempt far the pleasures eforelinary people Tl1ereisFcgtwles malntains merit to an approach that seeks to explain the anti televisionviolezzce campaigls in terms of ceneealed class antagonisms Given the mass popularity ofvideo games and televi sien he says and the highbrow distaste for popular cilltufe this debate is little more than the psaiciazzls versus the plebelsns And Jenkins He readily adrnits that he has organizecl a cenferenee irflt3llabors ywv an M 3939 Sv39quot3939quotTlt39 n tiedquot with the gaming imzlustry He has alse been hired to speak before videogame ltltgtmpan es cm eccasizm Indeed his work with the entertainment industry was one of the reaszms that his presence was requested on the Senate flavor was years ago During the hearing he recalls he was clustered with Jack Valenti the president and CEO of the Motion Picture Asseciation of America and Deug Lowerastein president of the Interactive Digital Scsfrware Assecieeion The erueh is I was called by the industry and the media effects geoylewere called by conservative think faults or Republican Sezxater Sam BgtWnback says Jenkins Should we nd that trltgtz1 bling Perhaps But Jenkins cierzesrft seem tea As he points out There are only two seats at the table Alissa Lart s work has appeared in 7amp9 New Yer Times the Landon indepen dam and SaEereem Her article quotThe Lost Emperors Japan Scholars Struga gie to Unearth the Past appeared in the Eeeember 206 iamxary 2091 LE m COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE FOR RESEARCH IN AFWCANWAMERICAN STUDUSS EASE ACRGSS EGRDEIKS CQNFEEENCE October 31 2633 406 m 6639E is m and yquotv3939gsaus Navembezr I 2061 9l am560 pm Lerner Hall Room 569 There arenumerous meanings of globalization and each focuses our understanding of identity and social life by hlghllghung different dimensions of glcsbal interchange With the flow of images symbols goods and peepic crossm state and ether borders conventional Ways sf marking subjectivity and belgznging are being rewritten Tins ee public cenference will critically ex lore how the recon gxlration of terrzmries is lcacizng to new eenee malimtions sf persorgal and eallective i entitles Panelists include Dean Robetham 71 Graduate CmzerC llll g Fave IIarrison Uizzizmrizy 39 Tennessee Amrite Base Amherst Caflegzz Leith lsllgilhzzgs Ilse Graduate CenterC 39 Heward Winsnt em Ze Umzrersity 33 Ilintzen Uez versi of Cczlz mzm at Berkeley Zgnlazsi N we Hezrerfarzi College San ya Shulels Comm ia Uvsivzrsigyg Arvin Raja 3 al New l zrk Uemvsrsztyg Sun eta Cl1aIna University ef Illimm at Ur rsmsg Gina Perez Hummer Csllegef Rob Sznitlz Bmsaserd Calls e Nicheles Dc Geneva Csiam ritz Um vers zy39 Avelarda Valdez University sf Taxes use 3392 Antee a smile Charles Baruch C0llvgre CUlTlC39 Leeds R Gordon Brawn Unieersitgz Vgay Prsshaci Trinity 63651535 An ela Gilliam l3F6 3939 13 State Cailggcg Steven Gregiary Caizmzbzia Uesivsrsirgr ms Manning Marable Cnlssmllia niversiiy TOWARD A THIRD RECGNSTEUCTIONP RER RA39I IONS RACISM AND AEJEZRICAN s DEl 0 RACYquotf Symposium Nevembee 2 2001 9613 an1 z pm Saba ire Cemer s Davis Au stomum This aeadenzic year the Institute will host two sym osza an Reps39aai011s cism and American Dexnocrsay as part of an Inseimtesportserecl working gmup 0 scholars exsmmin structural racism in the Unsted ates past and present The first symposium sehedgled for Ncvember 2 001 will em hasize the sacml sceme perspective Whilt the second scheduled fer spring 2002 vsg 39ill faces on the arts and umaniries l resenteci papers Will be part of fan sntholo The Case fear Regveratzom or published in the Iustiz1te s oureal Semis I 1VIZCCl partzci ants include Ran all Rolqiqson Charles Ogeltree Camel West Farah Grif n ohm DAG Kelley Ronald alters Thomas Boston William Dazity Iolmneeta Cele aszd lsleaning Marable Contact the 1StifIlI t at 219 854 7880 to eequest additieaal infmrmatien Te peeaefistesr for the ccnfereneeer sympcrxsx3 whee are free and an en in the public please send an em 39 mating your nasne maalxng address and title af the event 1 at yen plan to atteez to sh2G4ce1t1mb sed11 39 39 Leisure Activities Perils of the Princess Gender and Genre in Video Gamesl Sharon R Sherman Video games have come under clese scrutiny in the media recently he muse of their eygpegted lihgjg IWZIgZ t 39 For example e Les Arzgeles Times article descrih ng the 1999 Littletcm incident in which 12 high schoel students were killed by two of their classmates observed quotThe teens cackled and shouted as though playing one cf the ttterbicl video games they lOl1 3i They ended their spree by sheeting themselves in the heett the nal act in the game Postal amt infect the only may to end it 391 US News and Werld Repert g g stery explored this issztefwther eshirz g the question Dz39d the sensibilities cre etezl by the meclerrz video games pley at rate in the Ltttletoh massacre Their answer was e resmzhettng Yes Nete the soot ehd casual cruelty the etztlerzdish arsenal of weapons the cheering Lena laughing while hunting down victims one by me All cf this seems to re ecrtthe styte end feel cf the video killing games they played so oftert Videe games then by many err icazmts cause sighzfieetzt changes he the ihdheduels who play them This leads the researcher to ask some best questions ehoztt video games namely what is their primal drew fer childrerz end teerzegers emf whet specific chertges might they effect it pteyers helteetere ette ettttuttes In the article that fellews University of Oregarz English professor Sheree R Sherman exengtggs tgiqlgg games from the point cf view affolklertc studies ettempttrzg to establish 2 thematic ccmhecttoh between vitlee games and myth Focusing her ettehtiah mainly on the Super Marie Brothers game Sherman asserts that traditional mythic steriee cf both western and ttorzwest ere cultures have been trerzsletetl to the video eheirehmeht and this they er cezzrzt ire large pertfer their appeal g Furthermore Shertrzerz notes that spetrzfic portrayals sf gender rates found he folklcre also existttrz computer games such as Sztper Marie Quake Doom and Deulzle Dragon Teenage hays te cite one telling example rerety iderzttjfy with the princess gure tr Super Mario hecezese they view her as 2 helpless gure wha must be Sevedwm traditionally passive view offemhzthity which the game helps reihferee As yet read this erttele consider yam owe 13931 earlier version of Mu paper appeared in Spanish in Revtete ale Itzzzeetigecienes Pelhl0rz39 ces 8 Deltember1993 3441 331 53972 l Leisure intellectual reaction tn Shermzme thesis regarding myth and gender Father mare you agree with Sl1er7rzrm s thesis dc you believe these mythic federal crrtirrms are prafomzd enough to lead clzrcmic players to model their behazrior on certain gemesperhevs leading to frrrgeciafes such as the one that feel place in Litfleton Once upon 21 time in 1972 cemputer programmers created Pong a table tennis game after found inside of fables in bars and restaurants After Pong came Pac Man A number of other games fltl lowed Seen the games were sold as cartridges that plugged into game consoles hoaked up to computer monitors mast ef which warked on a system invented by Atari But heme computer graphics did not com pare with the developing arcade game market The Video arcade be came the perfect environment for the postmodern adolescent It was a place Where the loud noises ashing colors and rapid quotahytl39n39ng can happen now actions of the screen world mirrored the one in which the games were located In these Ways the games were sirnilar to pin ball Nevertheless by 1985 sales were waning and the videe game craze seemed to be just another passing fed In 1986 Nintendo began marke ng a video game system with hand cerrtrollers that changed the action and the outcome on the screen high quality SC 1I tCl and rapid vivid sophisticated graphics All fone needed was a televisicarr and a few connectors But now the player a precinct of the first generetierr tr grew up with televisierz could in a sense jump ifzf the screen realm and control a heretofere uncontrollable television like image and master his er her own fate This new generation of chil drerz was waiting ready to be as Nintendo advertised 39playing with power Video arcades once again flourished as places where children could try out games they did not own at home and mule meet with othe ers learn from each other and gain status as video game experts Like Tammy who became immortalized as the Pinball Wizard by the rock group The Whiz in the late 1968s a young child becomes the star ira a film called The Wizard 1989 created by Universal In this in stance the film evokes that 05 allusion an allusirm not even known 0 the chjlctlrerr whose market it was tergerir1g but rather an allusion thrown to the parents in a you played this kind of game tsgt0 message As Marsha Kinder effectively demorzsrre tee in Playing with Power fr Marries Televisian and Videe Games 1993 The I zT39gtrzrci introduces Nix tend0 s third Super Mario game directly to its imencled audience of chil dren by cleverly playing upon the power sf imertexruality the children know Marie from his first two games they know the film s star Fred A Savage fmm TVquote The Wonder Years and the film is abeut a group Of children whe go egtn the read much like Dorethy who travels to a Sherman I Perils ef the Princess 573 wizard te compete in playing a new game of Mario at least that is the legend the childxren have heard on their journey The National Video Championel p competition is held at Universal Studios theme park which like videe games has multiple worlds and interactive pessilgtili ties In yet another film Super Marie Bree 1993 produced by Jake Eberts Nintendo creates its own cinematic versien of the game Scholars have examined market strategies ch139ld psychology com puter literacy eyehand coordination and the intertextuel nature of Nintende Kinder 1991 for example masterfuly presents the teamma dia aspects of the games and how they link with Saturday morning tele vision programs films commercials and toys to relate interactivity with consumerism and pestmoclemism But another means of analyz Eng Nintendo lies in an unexplored comer of this intertextual picture in the realm cf folklore particularly in folk narrative Most Nirztente Entertainment Systems or game consoles came packed with a game cartridge featuring a version of the Super Mario Brethers Thus most chilczlren learn the Mario scenario first I believe that video games as exemplified byNir1tendo s Super Marie Brothers series among others often appeal to players because they identify as heroes in a fantasy quest Although Kinder finds these games to be a surrogate for the father or partriarehal authority whom one can best in an Oedi palizecl drama one also might linllt Im1g s archetypes with Campbelfs structural interpretative of the hero journey or quot39mc nomyth Drawing upon interviews with players I hypothesize that the appropriation of mythic content and form ensures the success of this arena of popular culture and perpetuates gender stereotyping Enticing players into an otherweldly dimensiett tl e realm like the willful suepeneien ef lt1isbe lief in narrating promotes an intense liminal state The games are capti vating tie males primarily because players cempete with each ether and with the machine to seve the princess They know this narrative well from multiple scrurces and are eager to actually become the here in the tale Nevertheless as I will discuss females subvert the male mes sage changing the object of the game the gender ef the main character whenever possible and the quotmessage STRUCTURE AND PLGT Fer Joseph Campbell in The Here with a Thcmsmzd Faces 196860 the meeemyth is summed up as A hero ventures forth from the world of cemmen day into a region of supernatural wonder fabulous forces are there encountered and a deci sive vietery in won the here comes back from this mystericxus adven ture with the pewer to bestew beans en his fellew man 574 Leisure Campbell and others saw a structural pattern underlying the mythic hero s life depicted in epics such as Gilgamesh the Illfad and the Odyssey Beowulf Chanson tie Roland biblical tales including ones about Moses Elijah and Jesus and ancient Greek and Roman myths about Jason Zeus Agamemnon Oedipus and a host of others Each scholar placed a slightly different emphasis on the signi cance of this structural underpinning for Raglan 1936 Et could be divided into the three titu ally signi cant stages in ohe s life birth transition from childhood and adolescence to maturity and deathmall times at which rites of passage occure for Carl Jung 1968 the quest pattern is crucial to quotthe process of inclividuatioo which mirrors the stages of the psychological develop ment of the individual Vladimir Propp 1928 saw a similar pattern but he limited his discussion to whatAntt1 Aarne 1910 called quotthe ordinary folktale or Miirchen Propp thos analysed the structure of what could be called the quotmlddle of the pattemwthe passage from childhood to adulthoodfound at the center of that suggested by those who detailed a longer story of the hero of tradition eg Campbell de Vries et al ln deed Archer Taylor in his quot The Biographical Pattern in Traditional Narrative 1964 points out how similar the conclusions were which some of these scholars reached I believe this journey is so signi cant that popular culture creators from Disney to George Lucas to Steven Spielberg to Nintendo game producers recreate the themes most impor tant to them from their own remembered childhood pests and at the same time create an httertextoal framework instantly recognized and reinforced by children on a global scale never dreamt of by historic geographic researchers The game of Super Mario Brothers has Mario and his brother Luigi who acts as the protagonist for a second player journey to save a princess Mario and Luigi are Italian lplumberrs which explains the mtmber of pipes and girders appearing in the game Both are known to players from earlier games As one of my informants a thirteen year old boy explained Mario is Nintehdos quot slogatt he appears in Pinball to keep the ball in play and a girl from falling for Wrecking Crew Mario and Luigi program the action choose the monsters and destroy a building in the Origiazl Donkey Kong Marlo must save a girl named Pauline amidst construction girders ladders and elevators tr Donkey Kong I22 Mario has the player s father in a cage and the player most free him and in the original arcade game Mario Brothers plumb ing and sewer pests are central features which resurface years later in Super Mario 3 For many children Mario has become as familiar as Mickey Mouse and Bugs Bunny A Because most video game creators are children of the 19603 drug culture seems to play a subtle role in some of the games For Mario the people who aid the hero are mushrooms just as quotmagicquot39 mushrooms 10 Sherman I Perils of the Princess 539 S presumably aided Carlos Castaneda 1968 the anthropologist turned guru whose infomtent Don Carlos taught him to see the Wg11d diffep ently by eating mesealine mushrooms The 1960s saw the growth of hole loctloogeoic drug use and psychedelic music and images The notion Qf other realities 39 described in I R R Tollltier s popular Lord of the Rings trilogy 1962 and the worlds created by LSD use became the popt ay culture of the creators of video games As Mericfs physical body alter netely grows and shrinks back to its normal size during the games echoes of Lewis Cartolfs Alite s Adventures in Wonderland 1893 re vive by Disney in 1951 and that enjoyed a resurgence of interest in the 60s also emerge The examples of such allusions seem endless In Super Mario Brothers children learn from the game booklet that One day the kingdom of the peaceful mushroom people was invacled by the Koopa a tribe of turtles famous for their black magic The quiet peaceloving mushroom people were tamed into mere stones bricks and even field horseheir plants and the mushroom kingdom fell into min The only one who can undo the magic spell is the Princess Toad stool daogher of the mushroom king Unfortunately she is presently in the hands of the greet Koope turtle king Mario the hero of the story maybe hears about the mushroom peoples plight and sets out on a quest to free them from the evil Koope and restore the fallen kingdom t ou are Mariel lt s up to you to save the mushroom people from the black magic of the Koopal This plot outline corresponds well with l ropp s functions e1dlCamp bell s mohomyth ARCHETYPES In 3 twompleyet game Mario ie the hero archetype For Iurxg he would be the ego consciousness which leads one forward and takes risks Iits shadow figure or the negative hiclclen or unclaimed or re pressed aspects of his personality are manifested by Luigi his brother and his opponent for whom Mario serves as the sheolow Mario or Luigi may appear in his regular form he presents his mask or per some or socially eoapted roles when he becomes the enlarged Super Mario by touching perhaps eating 3 magic mushroom which enables him to reach blocks or l 1ltl3I39lClltS which are actually mushroom people turned into bricks by the magic spell some of whom can reward Mario with coins or a power boost whee he essumee the persoxta of Fiery Mario by eating a fire ower he can use fireballs to kill Turtle tribe enezrties and Little Goombee omshrooms who betrayed their 11 12 13 576 Leisure people if he hits a star he assumes the role or persona of hnvincible Mario a state which lasts for a brief time when these extraordinary Mario personas are bumped into by an enemy ogre they don t die but rather return to their former selves while in this transition they flicker are marllted and are lovioeible as a form of protection In Super Mario 3 Mario may assume the role of Froggie a fastswimmer Racoon Mario who ies and hits objects with his tail or Tanooki who looks like Racoon Mario but can turn himself into a statue as if stared upon by Medusa and a Medusa character does appear as an object in Super Mario 2 The player decides which of these personas to assume depending on the skills deemed necessary for the games action Mario also experiences rebirth one of Izmg s primary archetypes He is in a sense reborn as he moves from above ground to the under world and is resurrected in the next level of the game The initial Mario game has eight worlds with four levels each The fourth level of each of these Worlds in the first Super Mario Brothers has a castle with a retainer of the princess who announces Than1lt you Mario But our Princess is in another castle He must arrive at the end of each World within a given time after avoiding traps and enemies and tackling the terrain on his journey The princess is in the last and most heavily guarded castle For Freudiane the castle and the forest Mario travel through lo reach it may be seen as feminine symbols For Iungiahs the castle is a place where the hero Confronts the self or centering core of his psyche In either analysis first he must pass tests and overcome time and space through a rebirth CONTENT Mario s rebirth Within the span of a eirzgle life may be augmented by acquiring a number of extra Marioe or lives One hundred gold coins grant another life and receiving a 391 UP mushroom gives him an addi tional life as do other hidden places which can be found by acciclent leaming the secrets from observing friends subscribing to Nintendo Power Magazine or buying other game secrets books in each game the opportunities for irzcreasing the number of Marlee expand Without these possibilities players would have to continually begin over until they had a mastery of each increment of the game Each game becomes progressively more difficult As Mario performs he becomes a pa3tici pant in the process of transformation anal is thus a ritual figure much like Raglaxfs hero of traoition in i3 ropp s terms after an initial lack he has moved from childhood to adulthood and from function XV THE HERO IS TRANSFERRED DELIVERED OR LED TO THE OBJECT OF HIS SEARCH to functioo XIX THE INITIAL MISFOURTUNE OR LACK IS 15 Sherman I Perils of the Princess 5 LIQUIDATED The hero provides the ultimate rebirth by eventually completing the game and reestablishing human or in this case mush room existence Often marriage is implicit funtion XXXI and in a jun gian sense Mario accepts his inner ferrzirrine anima Whom he as ego rescues to illuminate and accept his own uniqueness as an individual Folklorists might explaod on any of the traditional elements presm em in the Super Mario games The gold coma for example are often found in a treasury which lies behind a hidden entryway F7214 Uo dergrourrd treasure chambers or they may be acquired in an otherw Worldly heaver lke realm reached via a beanstalk F542 Plant grows to sky Bowser the Koopa turtle king looks and breathes fire like a dragon He must be defeated to rescue the princess R111 Primess ab ducted by monster In Super Mario 2 a hidden door leads to a new and dark unknown locals and a magic potion aids the hero who encounters the egg of the World as an obstacle T51l72 quotCosmic egg All the Super Mario games have a Grendellillte underwater place and forests with trees that change appearance from one level to the next In Mario 3 the Worlds appear on a map so that players can gauge the terrain and the level of difficulty One world for example is giant land Also found in Mario 3 are magic boxes like that of Pandora from which magical 013 jects are given One is a magic whistle One toot a double enteodre to drug jargon or this whistle will take you to another larzd Thus the Super Mario games and others such as Fexatzedo note the blatant play on Xanadu from Samuel Taylor Coleridgeis poem quot lltobla Khan the poetry of an elite culture which is popular with quot stoner drug culture use a journey and magical agents which must be earned to save a kingdom or world El13851 Quest for Stolen Princess The appropriation of the folk narrative to both form and content elements by video games is obvious Mario is but one example but he is the one most children know best Marlo acts out the monomyth He begins in an ordinary setting travels through enchanged forests goes to the underworld F80 Tourney to lower world overcomes demons F771 41 quotCastle inhabited by ogres has supernatural helpers the imprisoned mushroom people is constantly reborn in new worlds eventually saves the princess by slaying a dragon and thus breaks the spell N7112 Hero finds maiden in magic castle Hence he brings booms to society Campbell and Iurog would undoubtedly recogtize him LIMINA LITY What is not so readily apparent is the liminal nature of both Mario and the player Mario exists in a moment of eternity in time Players live in that moment vicariously experiencing themselves as 15 17 18 578 Leisure Mario I died is a common exclamation Players tell me they did not conquer the game for months aha spent many unisaterruptecl blocks of hours playing intently As Loftus and Loftus comment he Mimi at Play 1983 video games utilize reinforcement Variable scheduled rewards make game behavior increase Replaying allows one to correct this takes In some games a password returns a player to the level at which he laat played in others such as Mario players leave the game on quot pa39ase or Very adept players begin over and quickly reach a cer tain poiatto quotwarp to a higher level much like characters on Star Trek and in Star Wars When the game is turned off the character exists in limbo ready to be reborn at the tom of a switch Although the player may be playing with power Nintendo is certainly pIayiog with him Like television the image is always there ready to spring to life twenty four hours a day One player told me quot You re hooked It s like a drug He commented that he played throughout the winter vacation after receiving his first Nintendo set I probably played and sleptquot Two hoye iotervlewednoted that they played almost constantly quotAbout half a year to a year just trying to learn the controls and stuff It was new when We started playing Loftus and Loftus note that regret over what they might have done causes players to try again until that level or error is corrected that possibility of correction combined with reward leads to addiction What happens once a player beats the game Once the goal is reached one boy remarked fade away In effect the player identi es so strongly with the hero that he too disappears from this liminal realm and away from the absorbing image on the screen He or she will live again as another eharactez in the next video lahd The image is being constantly refined In 1991 the company introduced Super Nihtertclo with Super Mario World followed by Yostzfs Island Super Mario World 3 In 1996 Nintendo 64 a system with a 64 hit processor appeared and added a 313 quality to the games Each improvement required the purchase of an entirely new game set Neverthelees Nintendo according to advertising on the In ternet quotls proclaimedthe greatest video game of all time The music is one tieto to the previous games But Nintendo 64 has a Mario who takes a nonlinear journey He can approach the castle open doors to enter any one of the various rooms and jump into tapestries or picturee on the wall to come to grips with a different die mansion Unlllce the linear 2D Mario the SD Mario can look up and clown and the player can see Marioe point of view by icking a con trol The media camera can aleo be made to appear reportlng live 3Fzitp39n64gamesltam Sega s Genesis and Sony Play Station are other systems built on the same technology 28 Shermart I Perils ofthe Princess 579 and quoton1ocatioo showing the player the rtrediafs point of view and covering the action as if it were a televised competition Similarly the player can zoom in and out like a camera to see different aspects at the world he inhabits as Mario SOCIAL ROLES in the world of his peers the expert player exhibits a supremacyquot which he may not otherwise enjoy While playing he may become a hero within his social group If he knows secret moves and has dextrbus skills superior to his friends others may idollze him for his feats His auw dienee gazes upon him and the screen as he operates the game only re linqoishin g the controls after rnaking an error or using up a prearranged time set by the group so that someone else might play He acquires co cial poWer earned by long hours of developing his game skill Video game players share their iderrtities as Mario characters they are at once acting as heroes in a plot yet also as individuals with their S lfld I1liti8S shifting within the social situation Audienee members must fulfill the roles of audience members but they also wish to assume the role of storyteller These commur ca ve roles illuminate the similarities between gamers and storytellers especially when seen through the frame of both individual and group behavior One boy said it was lucky for some players namely girls that they quotaren t throwing their lives away with the video games You shouldxft do it way too much you could play tOOmuCil39i used to But a girl revealed a quiteeimilar obsession when she first began to play at home ljllte til three o clock in the mornirtg playing Nintendo on school nights Like ritual the adventure game represents a trartsitional state which must be overcome To see the child as a limirtal person located at this adolescent marginal stage of life and located in the game realm via his or her identification with the actions of the game hero is easy to ao eept To see the character of Mario as a limirlal passenger in the game realm takes a leap into the screen Victor Turner in drawing upon van Germep e division of rites of passage into three phasesmseparation transition and imorpora don de nes the midpoint as one of liminaltyt 39limina1 entities are neither here not there they are betwixt and be tween Duriog the liminal period the characteristics of the ritual subject the passengetquot are ambiguous he passes through a cultural realm that has few or none of its attributes of the pastor coming state 1994 95 Adolescence with all its own attendant rituals eg bar rtnitavahs female ini atory rttertstruatiort rites Q1IiIlC fl l amp Sweet Sies teens debutante balls is also a midpoint or transitional state irt the life cycle as a whole in a puberty indeeed unstable phase of the imrididval s 21 23 24 sso social development The game world provides a tl1I39 ShG1C13 1l g39a39f porary World of power Mario with Whom the player so strohigly 31 fifies is also a lim1 ha1beihg Llrm39haI entities Turner explainsgl M may be represented as possessing nothing They may be disguised as monsters wear only a strip of clothing or even go naked to demon strate that as liminal beings they have no status property iztsigx a Seen la clothing indicating ranl or role position in a kinship systemmia short nothing that may distinguish them from their fellow neophytes or initiands It is as though they are being reduced or ground down to a uhiform condition to be fashioned anew and endowed with additional powers to eoable them to cope with their new station in life 196995 Mario certainly ts these requirements as do characters in similar ad 26 venture games In Metrofd for example the character is indeed naked in I exaaadu the character begins with nothing and must pass tests to acquire weapons life energy and information while living Within a constant traosforma ve state Players are similarly transformed they become so focused on and 27 conquered or uncompleted games that they lose all sense of Where they are Nintendo has given players more and more quot39power After the game narrative concludes players may go back and play for time or poims Boys revealed that they played for levels but that once they had mastered the game they wanted to quotdo everything and still pass the levels finding all of the hidden places one has missed on the jour hey becomes the new challenge for boys The two girls I interviewed vaelllated Both initIaHy said fhe played for points so you can get extra guys One remarked that points were only important at the ar cade because quot you get to put your name on the list Thus for these girls the idea of saving the princess is less important than haying oth ere know of your abilities much like graffiti armouhces your moniker in yet another anonymous domain GENDER The priocelss may be seen as the female counterpart of the 33 hero For males she is that which the hero lacks in all of the games Like l 139opp s function Villa ONE MEMBER OF A FAMILY EITHER LACKS SOMETHING OR DESIRES TO HAVE SOMETHING this lack of a princess sets the plot in motion In an interesting twist to in crease its player base Nintendo offered four different characters for the player of Super Mario 2 to select as the protagonist Every girl I asked responded instantly that she played the princess in this sequel Boys on the other hand play Luigi or Toadstool Sherman I Perilsef the Princess 581 J l Mario is called primitiVe by one boy With the constant advent ef new games new Wbrlds are explered Male interviewees told me they prefer sports games like Rad Racer or role playing games such as gm Fantasy in which the player must quot tallte care ef 39 his gcharactermfeed him decide when he needs te sleep cast spells upon him cheese his Weapons and the like Dissimilar both games are still perceived by boys as having a goal In Rad Racer quot yltm re driving to get te the geal Far girls driving the car and the action itself are paramount Patricia Marks Greenfield in Mind and Media The E ectsefTeZeeision Video Games and Csmpeters 1984 has noted that action is what makes the games popu lar The aggressive I123 titre of many games may some fear reinforce boys and leave girls behind in the field of computers a field to which most chilclren are first exposed by video games Parallel procesitxg and the ability to deal with complex interacting dynamic Variables which lead to inductive reasoning add to the excitement Marks notes Girls eften play games which provide expetience Skete or Die Rad Racer BMX Racing or Mike Tysarfs PI 1Chmi created long before Tyson was convicted ef rape A game featuring Tyson seemed like a dubiouslcheice for e few 39 male If I beat him lquotd be happy remarked one of the girls Boys have their connection with the computer reinferced by the now common PC personal cemputer games The University of Ore gon distributes the shareware versions of a few games on the CD ROM it prevides to all students so they can heek up to the Internet Quake and Doom two of the most popular videe games played on the computer are vielemr fantasies In Doom players are told to male the registered Val sion Act like e men Slap a few shells into your shcrtgtm quot39 In Quake the enemy enters Earth from anether dimension through a slipgete de vice akin to the transporter room on Star Trek Players pass through levels and slipgetes combating ogtes mttweilers zembies and other enemies whe ell serve as obstacles in the herds attempt to complete his quot missi0aquot to destroy Quake The enemies are graphically tom to pieces by some of the available weapons For most girls the action in Quake is abhorrent and the plot nothing more than an exercise in aggression Both action games end adventure games are experienced differ ently by females and males Boys see the option ef playieg the princess in Mario 2 as strange because quotshe s the one yeifre trying tr save girls see her es the heroine who saves the mushmem people much like she class in the other Mario games but with a distinct differezteem she doesn39t need Mario to release her from a spell One boy remarked In 2 yet get to be the princess and thet s really weird I asked Why He replied Now she39s helping yeti instead ef creating the problems sort crf She ltlidnquott create the pmblem but you know you were trying te save her And new in Super Marie 2 youfte supposed to save the people that live there Now you get to use Princess Teedsteel to yam advantage leughs When the female character is chosen by males it 29 30 31 532 Leisure is because she can float in the air the longest but the notion of using her may also have sexual connotations In Mario 2 the onexperienced part of the plot and thus the forgotten narrative element of the princess saving the people is foregrounded in the Weird scenario of having the princess capable of action The same boy commented fur ther that shequots wearing some dress out in the micldle of eome desert whereas they39re the males all wearing some sort of rugged clothes The female cloesn t quite fit as the hero and the boys tend to play other characters Girls seize the chance to regender the hero rev inforce the femalek3 role as savior and create a new message In Metroid the heroic character is female but the boys did not find that strange perhaps because ahe is an alien quotShe has green hair I thinlcf said one The other remarked l picture it as an it Despite the game booklets description of the character as female girls thought the character was male He s got an astronaunt thing a helment Thus the same game is discerned differently the female becomes a greenhaired a monster for boys and a male action figure for girls Girl heroines seem to he mere twins of the male in adventure games Girls noted that the Mario games are quotjust an adventure for Mario In Mario 2 unlillte the melee quot weirdquot goal of saving the people rather than the princess one girl stated quotquotYou don39t save a princess or anything You just beat the last gay and it s all a dream and then you wake op Indeed according to the game booklet the game is a dream a point not mentioned by the boys who expect Mario to continue in his role as savior of the princess Games in which women are purely helpless objects are not pleye g by females because the message cannot be subverted One girl stated she would never rent Double Dragoe lts never interested me t was two guys and they were just killing things I asked Why quot391 dioln t know she answered The answer most have been suppressed because the garne s narrative is obvious upon even a cursory viewing As the boys told me You re tryng to save your girlfriend Yotfre fighting on the streets sort of like gang Warfare The other boy intezjects Lillte Detroit downtown I asked quotquotSave her from what From someone that cap tured herquot replied one From the big evil dru g lord guy whatever re sponded the other For boys traditional attitudes are reinforced In Video Kids Making Serzse ofhlfetendo 1991 Eugene F Provenzo I12 ana lyzed the illustrations on video game covers and found most wotne portrayed as provocative but SLll3I1 1iSSJlV victims in need of rescue He sees the games as dangerous reflecting gender stereotypes and unclerw scoring sexual cliscrimiztiation against women My reasearch indicates that children are quite conscious of these messages In response to a question I asked about the popularity of games in which girls had to be rescued one boy began by telling the what he thought I wanted to hearwthat the games were sexist Despite 3 34 Sherman I Perils of the Princess 533 his awaxeness he revealed how deepseated his biases were And I carft explain it but it39s just sexism but you play it though because sometimes you kinda went to be in that spot Because that s how life has been that s how it used tr be really sexist it used to be that the men would always have everything The women ltouldn t do this the men would do this and the women weuld do that This is treditienal sexism and you ltan t cor1trolit Beth sexes were aware of the sexism 39 in games I asked the girls if they wanted to add anything at the end cf the interview The sexist thing time stated Geme Boy a portable version of Nintendo is sexist because they say only boys play because it39s called Game Bay The other remarked l dltm t know Why bays always have he be on the commercials Why can t girls Because the mythic stereotypes transfer into the popular culture world females do play Nintende less than boys Girls see themselves as playing as much as boys but their comments indicate less lqnowl edge of game speci cs One noted On TV one time a girl played Also in The Wizard The girl in The W zard though dees not win and she is one taker female in a room 0f male players Beth girls whe 10 not have brothers meted that in their househelds their fathers played the most These females who do play prefer games like Teiris which requires the selving of a puzzle rather than the completion ef a quest For girls mere stuff like Tem39sthat doesnquott involve little men or k ling and stuff Like the prirzcese who seems re passively sit and spin gold or Penelope who re weaves the shroud while Odysseus has his adventures the female previcies solutiens to ques ens er like Psy3 Che Rapunzel Cinderella er Beauty she breaks out of her proscribed role to experience life CONCLUSION In the lntertextual dimension cf myther2d video games the narrative serves as its core The games reinforce gender reles and blur genre distinctions as the players transit threugh their adelescem lverlds Much like the narrating sessien once served up examples ef haw one travels on a perilous journey to become an aduli vl eo games appropriate the monemythicz folkloric kingdom creating a recharlneling 31 traditional cement elements and structures Neverthe less females reVisiltm the text to make the female central and power ful akin to whet Alicia Ostrilzer calls quotrevisionist mythmakingf whereby women appropriate 3 talef0r altered ends 1986212 Like rites cf passage and areas of margirzaljty all these expressions of narrative transcend boundaries and have in Turner39s sense a multi mcrel character having many meerzizzgs and each is capable ef mew 35 36 S84 Leisure Eng peaple at many psychobiological levels simultanemrsly 1969 L29 At the level of psychological analysis the limslrzalify 0f the folk tale WO139ld moves one fltmugh the territory of the uncenscious and of fers wisdcvrn abmzf iraztsitional stages via symbolic language The games replicate that narrative imagery In their appropriation of follo lere viclee games have created Super Mythsfor the Super Maria and Princess Teadstoel aclalescent WORKS CITED Aame Antti 1910 Verzrefcizrzis der Mairclzerztyperz Ilelsinlci Suoma laisen Tiecleakatemien Teizzlituksia Campbell jclseph 1968 I949 The Hero with 22 Thousand Faces Bellin gen Series 17 Primteton Princeton University Press Castaneda Carlos 1968 The Teachings cf D922 Jzmz a Yaqui Way cf Knowledge Berkeley University cf Califamla Press Carroll Lewis 1922 I893 AIz39re 5 Adventures in Wonderland Garden City NY Dcsubleclay Page ale Lauretis Teresa 1984 Alice Doesrz tl Femirrism Semiotics and Cinema Bloorninton Indiana University Press de Vries lam 1963 Hemic Song and Heroic Legend Landau Oxford Uni T varsity Pmss Dumzles Alan 1964 On Game Morpholegy A Study of the Structure sf NorVerbal Folldcre New York Falklore Quarterly 2027688 Georges Robert A 19693 Tcrward an Understanding of Storytelling Events jaurrzal qfAmerz cm2 Fzvlklore 8231328 196917 The Relevance of Medals far Analyses sf Traditional Play Activities Sauthem Falkfare Quarterly 33 l 23 1970 Sirucfure iii Folktales A GeneratiVeTran5fcrmati 01131 Ap preach The Conch journal ef frzltarz Cultures and Literatures 24117 19372 Recreations and Games In Folklore and FelklzfltA1z Inim duction ed Richard M Dorscm 173 89 Chicago University of Chicago Press 1976 Pram Folktale Research to the Stucly Qf Narrating Studio lquotermica i2015968 1979 Feedback and Response in Storytelling Western Folklore 38104110 1980 Towarcl a Resolutien of the TextContext Contmversy Western Fcrlklore 3934 4B L 1981 Dc Narraters Really Digress A Reconsideration of Aw dierzce Asides in Narra ng Western Folklore 4094552 1990 Cemmumlca ve Role and Social Identlty in Storytelling Fszlaula 31457 Turner Victor 1969 The Ritual Process Structure an ShermanPeri1eofihei x in es 1 39 a Z 535 and Alan Dundee 15953 Tcsward a Structural Definition of the Riddle journal ofAmer cm Follclere 76111 18 Greenfield Paizricie Marks 1984 Mirzd and Media The Effects of Tefgyf Sim Video Games and Compufers Cambridge Harvard University Press lung C G 1968 1959 The Archetypes and the Ceilecfive Uncoznscieus trans R F C Hull 2nd ed Pzinctorz NJ Princeton University Press Kinder Marsha 1991 Playing with Pewer in Movies Teievisiorz and Video Games from Muppet Babies to Teenage Mzzt2mquot Ninja Turtiee Berkeley University sf California Press Loftus Geeffrey R and Elizabeth F 1983 Mind at Play The Psychology of Video Games New York Basic Beaks Inc Ostr lter Alicia 1986 Stealing the Language Boston Beacun Press Pmpp Vladimir 1928 Morfalegiya skezki Lenixigrad Pmvenzo Eugene 13 II 1991 Video Kids Making Sense sf Ninfezzde Cambridge Harvard University Press Raglan FitzRoy Richard Somerset Baron 1936 The Here A Study in Tredifiwz Myfh end Dreme London Methuen amp C9 Rank Otto 1952 The Myth of the Birth ofthe Here A Psyckelogieel Infer gzzreiefion of Mythology frame F Robbins and Smith Ely jel ffe New York R Bmxmer Taylor Archer 1964 The Biograplnicsai Pattern ix Traditizmal Nana tive Imzmal cfthe Peikloee Institute 111 3129 b d Amz39Sfructzzre Ithaca Camel University Press Vm FWm I 1864 Grfeckische and elbzrmesisehe Msirehen 2 volumes asavswnnn Leipzig White Privilege Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack Peggy McIntosh quotI was taught to see racism only in individual acts of meanness not in invisible systems conferring dominance on my groupquot Through work to bring materials from vvonzen s studies into the rest of the curriculum i have often noticed rrierfs unwillingness to grant that they are overprivileged even though they may grant that women are disadvantaged They may say they will work to wornerfs statues in the society the university or the curriculum but they can t or won t support the idea of lessening rnenls Denials that amount to taboos surround the subject of advantages that men gain from Wonierfs disadvantages These denials protect male privilege from being fully acknowledged lessened or ended Thinking through unacloiowledged male privilege as a phenonienor1I realized that since hierarchies in our society are interlocking there are most likely a phenomenon I realized that since hierarchies in our society are interlocking there was most likely a phenomenon of While privilege that was similarly denied and protected As a white person l realized I had been taught about racism as something that puts others at a disadvantage but had been taught not to see one of its corollary aspects White privilege which puts me at an advantage l think whites are carefully taught not to recognize white privilege as males are taught not to recognize male privilege So I have begun in an untutored way to ask what it is like to have white privilege I have come to see white privilege as an invisible package of onearned assets that I can count on cashing in each day but about which I was quotuieantquot to remain oblivious White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions maps passports codebooks visas clothes tools and blank checks Describing white privilege makes one newly accountable As we in women39s studies Work to reveal male privilege and ask men to give up some of their power so one who Writes about having White privilege must ask quothaving described it what will i do to lessen or end itquot After I realized the extent to which men work from a base of unacknowledged privilege I understood that rnuch of their oppressiveness was unconscious Then I remembered the frequent charges from women of color that white women Whom they encounter are oppressive I began to understand Why We are just seen as oppressive even when we don39t see ourselves that Way I began to count the Ways in which I enjoy unearned skin privilege and have been conditioned into oblivion about its existence My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an oppressor as an unfairly advantaged person or as a participant in a damaged culture I was taught to see myself as an individual whose moral state depended on her individual moral will My schooling followed the pattern my colleague Elizabeth Minnich has pointed out whites are taught to think of their lives as morally neutral normative and average and also ideal so that when we work to benefit others this is seen as work that will allovv thernquot to be more like quotusquot Peggy lvichitosh is associate director of the Wcilcsley Collage Center for Research on Women This essay is excerpted from Working Paper i89 quotWhite Privilege and Maia Privilege A Personal Account of Coming To See Corresponderices through Work in Women s Studiesquot l 988 by Peggy Mclntosh available for 408 from the Weiiesley College Center for Research on Woinen Wellesiey l vi i 0238 The woifking paper contains a longer list of privileges This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter i990 issue of Independent Qniorxni Daily effects of white privilege I decided to try to work on myself at least by identifying some of the daily effects of White privilege in my life I have chosen those conditions that I think in my case attach somewhat more to slrin color privilege than to class religion ethnic status or geographic location though of course all these other factors are intricately intertwined As far as I can tell my African American coworkers friends and acquaintances with whom I come into daily or frequent contact in this particular time place and time of Work cannot count on most of these conditions 1 I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time 2 I can avoid spending time with people whom i was trained to mistrust and who have learned to mistrust my kind or me 3 If I should need to move I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing housing in an area which I can afford and in which I would want to live 4 I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to me 5 I can go shopping alone most of the time pretty Well assured that I will not be followed or harassed 6 i can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race Widely represented 397 When I am told about our national heritage or about quotcivilization I am shown that people of my color made it what it is 8 I can be sure that my children will be given curricular materials that testify to the existence of their race 9 If l want to I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this piece on white privilege I0 I can be pretty sure of having my voice heard in a group in vvhichl am the only member of my race 1 1 I can be casual about whether or not to listen to another person s voice in a group in which she is the only member of hisfher race l2 I can go into a music shop and count on finding the music of my race represented into a superrnarltet and find the staple foods which fit with my cultural traditions into a hairdressers shop and nd someone who can cut my hair 13 Whether I use checks credit cards or cash I can count on my skin color not to work against the appearance of financial reliability Peggy Mclntosh is associate director of the Weilesley Collage Center for Research on Women This essay is excerpted from Woriiing Paper l89 White Privilege and Male Privilege A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Women39s Studiesquot 1988 by Peggy Mcintosh avaiiable for 400 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women Weliesiey MA 023 81 The working paper contains a longer list of privileges This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter Z1990 issue of independent Qnlnnnl I4 I can arrange to protect my children most of the time from people who might I1l like them 15 I do not have to educate my children to be aware of systemic racism for their own daily physical protection 16 I can be pretty sure that my childrerfs teachers and employers will tolerate them if they fit school and workplace norms my chief worries about them do not coricem others attitudes toward their race l7 I can talk with my mouth full and not have people put this down to my color 18 I can swear or dress in second hand clothes or not answer letters withouthaVir1g people attribute these choices to the had morals the poverty or the illiteracy of my race 19 i can speak in public to a powerful male group without putting my race on trial 20 I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit to my race 2l I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group 22 I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the world39s majority Without feeling in my culture any penalty for such oblivion 23 I can criticize our government arid talk about how much I fear its policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider 24 I can be pretty sure that if I ask to tall to the quotperson in chargequot I will be facing a person of my race 25 If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return I can be sure I hayerrt been singled out because of my race 26 I can easily buy posters postwcarols picture books greeting cards dolls toys arid childrerrs magazines featuring people of my race 27 I can go home from most meetings of organizations I belong to feeling somewhat tied in rather than isolated out of place outnumbered unheard held at a distance or feared 28 I can be pretty sure that an argument with a colleague of another race is more likely to jeopardize herhis chances for advancement than to jeopardize mine 29 I can be pretty sure that if I argue for the promotion of a person of another race or a program centering on race this is not likely to cost me heavily within my present setting even if my colleagues disagree with me 30 Ifl declare there is a racial issue at hand or there isn39t a racial issue at hand my race will lead me more credibility for either position than a person of color will have Peggy Mclntosii is associate director of the Weilesley Collage Center for Research on Women quotthis essay is excerpted from Working Paper l89 quotWhite Privilege and Male Privilege A Personal Account of Co39miog To See Correspoadeaces through Work in quotWomen s Studies i988 by Peggy Mclatosh available for 408 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Womeri Wellesiey MA 02181 The WO 39llIg13E p i CflEtli1 a longer list of privileges This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter E990 issue of independent Qrl1nrl 31 I can choose to ignore developments in minority writing and minority activist programs or disparage them or learn from them but in any case I can nd ways to be more or less protected from negative consequences of any of these choices 32 My culture gives me little fear about ignoring the perspectives and powers of people of other races 33 I am not made acutely aware that my shape hearing or body odor will be taken as a reflection on my race 34 I can worry about racism without being seen as self interested or selfseellting 35 I can take a job with an af rroative action employer without having my coWorllters or the job suspect that I got it because of my race 36 lf my day week or year is going badly i need not ask of each negative episode or situation whether it had racial overtones 37 I can be pretty sure of nding people who would be willing to talk with me and advise are about my next steps professionally 38 I can think over many options social political imaginative or professional without asking whether a person of my race would be accepted or allowed to do what I want to do 39 l can be late to a meeting without having the lateness reflect on my race 40 I can choose public accommodation Without fearing that people of my race cannot get in or will be mistreated in the places I have chosen T 39f139Iquot39 U kquot I1 l 39Y39 I L can uc s 1631 tit 1 seed legal or rnerli ai help my race all not K rk agarost mo 11 1 42 I can arrange my activities so that I will never have to experience feelings of rejection owing to my race 43 if I have low credibility as a leaderl can be sure that my race is not the problem 44 l can easily find academic courses and institutions which give attention only to people of my race 45 I can expect figurative larrgoage and imagery in all of the arts to testify to experiences of my race 46 I can chose blemish cover or bandages in flesh color and have them more or less match my skin 47 i can travel alone or with my spouse without expecting embarrassrnent or hostility in those who deal with us Peggy Mcintosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage Center for Research on Women This essay is excerpted from vVorking Paper 189 quotWhite Privilege and Male Privilege A Personal Account of Coming To See Cortesposdences through Work in Womerfs Studiesquot 1988 by Peggy McIntosh available for 480 from the Wellesiey College Center for Research on Women Wellesley MA 0218 The working paper contains a longer list of privileges This excerpted essay is 1 6p1 lIiEd from the Winter 1990 issue of Independent Qnlxnnl 48 I have no difficulty finding neighborhoods where people approve of our household 49 My children are given tests and classes which implicitly support our kind of family unit and do not turn them against my choice of domestic partnership 50 I will feel welcomed and norrnalquot in the usual WEtllS of public life institutional and social Elusive and fugitive quotl repeatedly forgot each of the realizations on this list until I wrote it down For me white privilege has turned out to be an elusive and fugitive subject The pressure to avoid it is great for in facing it I must give up the rnyth of rneritocracy If these things are true this is not such a free country one s life is not what one makes it many doors open for certain people through no virtues of their own In nnpacking this invisible knapsack of White privilege I have listed conditions of daily experience that I once took for granted Nor did I think of any of these perquisites as bad for the holder I novv think that we need a more finely differentiated taxonomy of privilege for some of these varieties are only what one would want for everyone in a just society and others give license to be ignorant oblivious arrogant and destructive l see a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege a patter of assumptions that were passed on to me as a white person There was one main piece of cultural turf it was rny own turn and I was among those who could control the turf My skin color was an asset for any move I was educated to want to rnalre I could think of myself as belonging in major Ways and of making social systerns work for me I could freely disparage fear neglect or be oblivious to anything outside of the dominant cultural forms Being of the main culture I could also criticize it fairly freely In proportion as my racial group was being made con dent comfortable and oblivious other groups were likely being made ancon dent uncomfortable and alienated Whiteness protected me from many kinds of liostiiity distress and violence vvhicli I Y heing subtly trained to visit in turn upon people of color For this reason the word privilege now seems to me misleading We usually think of privilege as being a favored state whether earned or conferred by birth or luck Yet some of the conditions I have described here work systematically to over ernpovver certain groups Such privilege simply confers dominance because ofone39s race or sex Earned strength unearned power I want then to distinguish between earned strength and unearned power conferred privilege can look like strength when it is in fact permission to escape or to dominate But not all of the privileges on my list are inevitably damaging Some like the expectation that neighbors will be decent to you or that your race will not count against you in court shoald be the norm in a just society Others like the privilege to ignore less powerful people distort the humanity of the holders as well as the ignored groups Peggy liclntosh is associate director of the Weilesley Collage Center for Research on Women This essay is excerpted from Working Paper l89 quotWhite Privilege and Male l3rivilege A Personal Account of Coming To See Correspondences through Work in Wonrerfs Studies 1988 by Peggy Mclntosh available for 400 from the Wellesley College Center for Research on Women Weilesley MA 02181 quotfire working paper contains a longer list of privileges This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter i990 issue of Independent qnlqnni We might at least start by distinguishing between positive advantages which we can work to spread and negative types of advantage which unless rejected will always reinforce our present hierarchies For exaniple the feeling that one belongs within the human circle as Native Americans say should not be seen as privilege for a few Ideally it is an unearned entitlement At present since only a few have it it is an nnearned advantage for them This paper results from a process of coming to see that some of the power that I originally say as attendant on being a human being in the United States consisted in nnearned advantage and conferred dominance l have met very few men who truly distressed about systemic unearned male advantage and conferred dominance And so one question for me and others like me is Whether we will be like them or whether we will get troly distressed even outraged about unearned race advantage and conferred dorninance and if so what we will do to lessen them In any case we need to do more work in identifying how they actually affect our daily lives Many perhaps most of our white students in the United States think that racism doesn39t affect them because they are not people of color they do not see quotwhitenessquot as a racial identity ln addition since race and sex are not the only advaotaging systems at work we need similarly to examine the daily experience of having age advantage or ethnic advantage or physical ability or advantage related to nationality religion or sexual orientatiozo Difficulties and angers surrounding the task of finding parallels are many Since racism sexism and heterosexisrn are not the same the advantages associated with them should not be seen as the same In addition it is hard to disentangle aspects of anearned advantage that rest more on social class economic class race religion sex and ethnic identity that on other factors Still all of the oppressions are interlocking as the members of the Cornbahee River Collective pointed out in their quotBlack Feminist Staternentquot of 1977 One factor seems clear about all of the interlocking oppressions They take both active forms which We can see and embedded forms which as a member of the dominant groups one is taught not to see In my class and place I did not see myself as a racist because I was taught to recognize racism only in individual acts of meanness by rnernbers of my group never in invisible systems conferring unsooght racial dorninance on my group from birth Disapproving of the system vvorft be enough to change them I was taught to think that racism could end if white individuals changed their attitude But a quotwhitequot skin in the United States opens many doors for Whites Whether or not we approve of the way dominance has been conferred on as Individual acts can palliate but cannot end these problems To redesign social systems we need first to acknowledge their colossal unseen dimensions The silences and denials surrounding privilege are the key political surrounding privilege are the key political tool here They keep the thinking about equality or equity incomplete protecting unearned advantage and conferred dominance by malring these sobj ect taboo Most talk by Whites about equal opportunity seems to me now to be about equal opportunity to try to get into a position of dominance While denying that systems of dominance exist lt seems to me that oblivioosness about White advantage like oblivioosness about male advantage is kept strongly incoltarated in the United States so as to maintain the myth of rneritocracy the myth that Peggy tIclntosh is associate director of the Wellesley Collage Center for Research on Women This essay is excerpted from quotWorking Paper 189 quotWhite Privilege and Male Privilege A Personal Account of Coming To See Coirespondences through Work in Wornerrs Studiesquot E988 by Peggy lviclntosh available for 400 from the Wellesiey College Center for Research on Women Wellesley MA 32l81 The vvorking paper contains a longer list of privileges This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter l990 issue of Independent Qnlmxnl democratic choice is equally available to all Keeping most people unaware that freedom of con dent action is there for just 3 small number of people props up those in power and serves to keep power in the hands of the same groeps that have most of it already Although systemic change takes many decades there are pressing questions for me and I imagine for some ethers like me if We raise our daily consciousness on the perqeisites of being ltghtsllti1t1ed What will we do with such knowledge As we know from watclnieg men it is an open question whether we will choose to use unearned advantage end Whether We will use any of our arbitrarily awarded power to try to reconstruct power systems on a broader base Peggy 1WCl l0Sl1 is associate director of the Wellesley College Ceererfor Research on Wemen T1215 eseey is excerpredfronz Working Paper 189 Wlzire Privilege end Male Privilege A Personal Account 0f39Coming T0 See Corresperzderzces through Work in Womeels Stz zclles 1988 by Peggy McIntosh available for 400fr0m lee Wellesley Cellege Cenrerfor Research on Women Wellesley MA 0218 The working paper contains at longer list Of privileges This excerpzed essay is reprinred em the Wmzer 1990 issue oflrzdeperzdem School Peggy Melntoslz is associate director of the Weliesley Cellage Center for Research on Women This essay is excerpted from Working Paper 189 xgt231 te Privilege and Male Pxwilege A Personal Aeeeent of Cemieg To See Correspondences through Week in Womeeh Stedies 1988 by Peggy Mclntosh available for 408 from the Wellesiey College Center fer Research on W omen W ellesiey MA 02181 The working paper lto1tz39inS 2 longer hst of privileges This excerpted essay is reprinted from the Winter 1996 issue of Independent ltLm1 23939 Jeffrey M Fish Mam Anzetiaczrzs believe that peaple can Zia ciivided into races For them races are bialogically defined groups Arzzfhrapologisis an be other hand have long argued 2523 18 racial gmzips axis American cuZzwacontmc mans they reprezserzr the way Americans clas5i people rather than a generi cally determined reality In this articie Jef ey Fish demonstrates the cuiruraf basis of race comparing how races are defined in the United States and Brazil In Arraezica a person 3 mice is dezerrnizted ml by how he or ska leaks Emu by his or her heritage A parses wi be classi ed as black far exampfe if we af his er her parerzrs is eZa5s i eamp zhaz way no znczrier what the person Zwlcs like In Brazil an the 022326 hand people are nfassified ma 2 e39ie5 cf tipes an the basis affmw they Zoefc The same couple may hczve children elas si ed izzzzo aree or few cfifferegrzz tipos based an 5 mmzber ofpizysiml mark erg south as skin calm and nose shape As a resuit Fiskfs daugfzzevt who has brown skin amf whase mother is Bmzz39Zim2 can change 2312 race from bfack in the Urzired Smres 0 moreno brunette 2 categsry just Eaekimzi branca bZrmf in Brazil by simpZytaltr391 zg ca plane there Mixed Blozsd by Jeffrey M Fish Psychoiogy Today Novemberm ecemher 1995 Reprinted with perznissien from Psyc zoiogr Taday Magazine copyright 1995 Sussex lmblishers Inc 26 a Mixee Blood 271 Last year my daaghter who had been living in Ric de Janeire and her Brazil ism bay iend paid a visit to my cress culturel psychology class They had agreed to be interviewed ebaut Brazilian culture At 038 point in the interview I asked her Are you black She said Yes I then asked him the question and he said quotNo How can that be I asked He39s darker than she isquot Psychologists have begun talking about race again They think that it may be i3 fI in explaining the biological bases of behavior For example following publicatien of The Bell Curve there has been renewed debate about whetlmr blackwwhite group differences in scares an IQ tests reflect racial differences in intelligence Because this article is about race it will mainly use racial terms like black and white rather than ctzlturel terms like AfricanAmerican and EurepeanAmerican The pmblem with debates like the one ever race and IQ is that psylthe10 gists on both sides cf the controversy make a totally unwarranted assumptien that there is 3 hielegieal entity called quotraee If there were such an entity then it wzmld at least be possible that differencee in behavior between quotraces might be lzriologieally based Before considering the conireversy hewevez it is reasonable to step back and ask ourselves quotWhat is race If as happens to be the case race is net at bi olegically meaningful cencept then looking fer biologically based racial difw ferences in behavior is simply a waste of time 39 The question What is racequot can be divided into twe more limited ones The an swers in both questions have leng been lmown by anthropelegists but seem not he have reached other social or behavioral scientists let alene the pub e at large And both zamswers differ stxilcingly from what we Americans think cf as race The first questien is Haw can we understand the variation in physical ap pearance among human beings It is interesting to diecever that Americans including researchers who should know better View enly a part of the varia tion as racial while oeher equally evident variability is not so viewed The second ques en is Ilow can we understand the kinds of racial ales si ceticms applied te di erences in physical appearance amcrng human be ingsquot Surprlsingly cliffereet cultures Le uel these physical dil ferencee in differem ways Far from describing bielogical entities American racial Cate gories are merely one ef numerous very culmre specific schemes fer reducing uncezteimy abeut how peeple shuuld respond an other people The 6 that Americans believe that Asians blacks Hispanics and whites constitute bielog ice entities called races is a matter of culmral interest rather than scientific subsiancee It tells us something about American culturembut ncrthizlg at all about the human species The short answer to the questizm What is race is There is no such thing Race is a myth Ancl eur racial classification scheme is loaded with pure fantasy Lefs star with human physical variation Human beings are a species which means that peaple from anywhere on the planet can mate with ethers 272 S I K I Identity Roles and Greaps from anywhere else and produce fertile effspriag Horses and denkeys are two different species because even thcugh they can mate with each other their cffspring mules are sterile Om species evolved in Africa fmm earlier forms and eventually spread out areuad the planet Over time human pepulations that were geographically sep arated from one anether came to differ in physical appearance They came by these differences thmugh three major pathways mutation natural selection and genetic drift Since genetic mutations eccur randomly different mutations occur and accumulate ever time ia gecgraphically separated popuiatierzs Alse as we have known since Dalfwin different geegraphical envimnments select for different physical traits that ccnfer a survival advantage But the largest pm portiett of variability ameng pcpaiations may well result from purely random factors this random change in the frequencies of already existing genes is known as genetic drift If an earthquake or disease kills eff a large segment cfa pepulaticn these who survive to reproduce are likely to differ from the original populatien in many ways Similarly if a group divides and a subgrenp meves away the twe groups will by chance differ in the frequency of various genes Even the mere fact of physical separation will ever time lead twc equivaleat populations to differ in the frequency of genes These randomly acquired populatien differ ences will accumulate ever successive generations along with any others due to mutation or natural selection A number ef differences in physical appearance among populaticns around the globe appear to have adaptive value Fer example peeple in the tropics of Africa and South America came to have dark skirts presumably threugh natural selectien as protection against the sun In cold areas like northern Europe or northern North America which are dark for long periccls ef time and where people cevetecl their bedies fer warmth people came to have light skit1s light skins make maximum use of sunlight ta predace vitamin D The indigeaeus peoples of the New Wcrld arrtivecl abcut 15600 years ago during the last ice age following game across the Bering Strait T he sea level was low eneugh ta create a land bridge because so much water was in the form of ice Thus the darkskinaeci inclians cf the South American tmpics are dew scencled frcsm lightslltitmecl aacesters similar in appearance to the Eskimo In other words even theugh skin color is the most salient feature thought by Americans to be an iadicatm of racewwaad race is assumed to have great time depth it is subject to relatively rapid evolutionary change Meanwhile the extra epieat1thic fald of eyelid skin which Americans also View as racial and which evolved in Asian populations to protect the eye against the cold continues to exist among Seuth American native peoples be cause its presence unlike a light skin effers nca reproductive disadvantage Hence skin color and eyelid farm which Americans think as as traits of differ eat races eccur tcgether ca separately in different pepulations Like skin calm there are other physical differences that also appear to have evclved through natural selectionmbut which Americans do not think if 26 I Mixed Blood 273 as racial Take for example body shape Some populations in very cold cli mates like the Eskimo developed rounded bodies This is because the mare spherical an object is the less surface area it has to radiate heat In contrast some populations in very hot climates like the Masai developed lanky bodies Like the tubular pipes of an oldfashioned radiator thehigh ratio of surface area to volume allows people to radiate 22 lot of heat In terms of Amcrican s way of thinking about race lanky people and rounded people are simply two kinds of whites or blacks But it is equally rea sonable to View lightskinned people and darkskinned people as two kinds of lankys or rourdeds In other words our categories for racial classification of people arbitrarily include certain dimensions light versus dark skin and ex clude others rounded versus elongated bodies c There is no biological basis for classifying race according to skin color irr stead of body forrrimor according to any other variable for that matter All that exists is variability in what people look likewend the arbitrary and culturally specific ways different societies classify that variability There is nothing left over that can be called race This is why race is a myth Skin color and body form do not very together Not all derkskinncd peo l ple are lanky similarly lighvskinned people may be lanky or rounded The same can he said of the facial features Americans think of as recial eye color nose width actually the ratio of width to length lip thickness evertedness hair form and hair color They do not vary together either If they did then a totally white person would have very light skin color straight blond hair blue eyes a narrow nose and thin lips a totally black person would have very dark skin color black tight curly hair dark brown eyes a broad nose and thick lips those in betweec would have to a correlated degreewwavy light brown hair light brown eyes and intermediate nose and lip forms While people of mixed European and African ancestry who look like this do exist they are the exception rather than the rule Anyone who wants to can 1r2ellteup a chart of facial features choose a location with a diverse population say the New York Cit srzbwey and verify that there are people with all possi ble admixtures of facial features One might see someone with tight curly blond hair light skin blue eyes broad nose and thick lips whose features are half black and half white That is each of the persons facial features occupies one end or the other of a supposedly racial continuum with no imemzediary forms like wavy light brown hair Such people are living proof that suppos edly racial features do not vary together Since the human species has spent most of its existence in Africa differ ent populations in Africa have been separated fromeech other longer than East Asians or Northern Europeans have been separated from each other or from Africans As 3 result there is remarkable physical variation among the peoples of Africa which goes unrecognized by Americans who View them all as be longing to the same race In contrast to the very tall Masai the diminutive stature of the very short Pygrmles may have evolved as an advantage in moving rapidly through tangled Z 4 S I X I Identity Roles and Groups forest vegetation The Bushman of the Kalahari desert have very large steer opygous buttocks presumably to store body fat in one place for times of food scarcity while leaving the rest of the body uninsulated to radiate heat They also have peppereorquotn hair Ilair in separated tufts like tight curly hair leaves space to radiate the heat that rises through the body to the scalp straight hair lies flat and holds in body heat like a cap By viewing Africans as constituting a single race Americans ignore their greater physical variability while assigning racial signi cance to lesser differences between them Although it is true that most inhabitants of northern Europe east Asia and central Africa look like Americans conceptions of one or another of the three purported races most inhabitants of south Asia southwest Asia north Africa and the Paci c islands do not Thus the 19th century View of the human species as comprised of Caucasoid Moagoloid and Negroid races still held by many Americans is based on a partial aad unrepresentative View of human variability In other words what is now known about human physical variation does not correspond to what Americans think of as race In contrast to the question of the actual physical variation among human beings there is the question of how people classify that variation Scientists classify things in scienti c taxonomiesmchemists periodic table of the ele meme biologists classi cation of life forms into kingdoms phyla and so forth In every culture people also classify things along eultarewspeeifie dimensions of meaning For example paper clips and staples are understood by Americans as paper fasteners and nails are not even though in terms of their physical properties all three consist of differently shaped pieces of metal wire The phys ical variation in pieces of metal wire can be seen as analogous to human phys ical variation and the categories of cultural meaning like paper fasteners versus wood fasteners can be seen as analogous to races Anthropologists refer to these kinds of classi cations as folk taxonomies d Consider the avocado is it a fruit or a vegetable Americztaos insist it is a vegetable We eat it in salads with oil and vinegar Brazilians on the other hand woold say it is a fruit They eat it for dessert with lemon juice and sugar How can we explain this difference in classi cation l The avocado is an edible plant and the American and Brazilian folk tax onomies while containing cognate terms classify some edible plants diffezw ently The avocado does not change It is the same biological entity but its folk classification changes depending on who s doing the olasszifying Human beings are also biological emilies J 1131 as we can ask if aso avocado is a fruit or a vegetable we can ask if a person is white or black And when we ask race questions the answers we get come from folk taxonomies not solen tifie ones Terms like white or black applied to peoplemor vegetable or fr39uit applied to avoeadosmdo not give as biological information about peo ple or avocados Rather they exemplify how cultural goups Brazilians or Americans classify people and avocados 26 3 Mixed Bleed 275 Americans believe in blood at folk term for the quality presumed to be carried by members of so celled races And the way e sprizxgmregardless of their physical eppearencewmelways inherit the less prestigious racial category of mixed parentage is called hypodescent by anthrepclegists A sentence thcmughly intelligible ta mast Americans might be Since Marys father is white and her tncther is black Mary is black because she has black blood American researchers who think they are studying racial differences in behav icr would like other Americans classify Mary as black althcugh she has just as much white quotbllt3ccl According to hype descer1t the varicus purported racial cetegcries are arranged in a hierarchy along 3 single dimensicn from the most prestigious white through intermediary forms Asian to the least prestigious black And when a ccuplc come from we different categories all their chil dren the descent in hypodescentquot are classi ed as belonging tc the less prestigious category thus the hypc Hence all the cffsprlng cfcz1e white parent and one blacli parentw regardless of the childrerfs physical appear anceare called black in the United States The American fell cencept of bleccl ices 1101 behave like genes Genes are units which cannot be subdivided When several genes jointly determine 3 trait chance decides which ones come from each parent For example if eight genes determine a trait a child gets four from each parent If a mother and a father each have the hypcthcticel genes BBBBWWWW then e child could be born with any combination of B and W genes from BBBBBBBB to In centrast the folk ccncept bleed behaves like a uniform and continuous entity It can be divided in two inde nitelymfcr example quaclrccns and cctcrecns are said to be people whc have 39eneqL1art39er and oee eighth black bleed respectively Oddly because of hypo descem Americans consider people with Ameeighth black blood to be black rather than white despite their having sevemeighths white blood T Hypmdescent or bleed is not informative abcut the physical appear ance ef peeple For example when twc parects celled black in the United States have 3 number cf children the children are likely to vary in physical appear ance In the case of skin celcr they might vary from lighter than the lighter pan sent to darker than the darker parent However they weuld all receive the same racial classificatlcnmblackwregardless cf their skin color All that l1yp0 descent tells you is that when somecne is classi ed as some thing ether than white eg Asian at least one cf his 01 her parents is clessi lied in the same way and that neither parent has 3 less prestigious classi cation eg black That is hypodescent is informative ebcut ezzcestrymspecificellyr parental clessi caticnm rather than physical appearance There are many strange consequences of our folk texcncmy For example someone wine inherited 110 genes that produce Africae eppeering physical features wculd still be cchsidered black if he er she has a parent classified as black The category passing for white includes many such people Americans ZY8 S I X I Identity Roles and Groups have the curious belief that people who look white but have a parent classi ed as black are really black in some biological sense and are being deceptive if they present themselves as white Such examples make it clear that woe is s so Ciel rather than a physical classi cation From infancy human beings learn to recognize very subtle differenoes in the quotfaces of those around them Bleek babies see a wider variety of black faces than White feces and white babies see a wider variety of white faces than black faces Because they are exposed only to 3 limited range of human variation adult members of each quotrace come to see their own group as containing much wider vs siion than others Thus because of this perceptual learning slacks see greater physical variation among themselves than among whites while whites see the opposite In this case however there is a clear answer to the question of which group contains greater physical variability Blacks are correct Why is this the ease o Take a moment Think of yourself as an amateur anthropologist and try to step out of American culture however briefly It is often difficult to get white people to accept what at first appears to contradict the evidence they can see clearly with their own eyesmbut which is really the result of 3 history of perceptual lesmmg However the reason that blacks View themselves as more varied is not that their vision is more accurate Rather it is that blacks too have a longmwbut differentmmhistoxy of perceptual learning from that of whites and also that they have been observers of 3 larger range of human variation The fact of greater physical var39istioI1 among blacks than whites in Amer ies goes hook to the principle of hypodesoem which classifies all people with one black parent and one white parent as black If they were all considered white then there would he more physical variation among whiies Someone with oneeighth white blood and sevenweighths black blood would he on 39 siclered white anyone with any white ancestry would be considered white In other words what appears to be e difference in biological variability is really a difference in cultural classi cation Perhaps the clearest way to understand that the American folk taxonomy of race is merely one of meny arbitrary and unscientific like all the others is to contrast it with s very different one that of Brazil The Portuguese word that in the Brazilian folk taxonomy corresponds to the American moo is ti 0 IE 0 P P e cognate of the English word type is a descriptive term that serves as a kind of shorthand for e series of physical features Because peoples physical features vary separately from one another there are so awful lot of tipos in Brazil Since tipos are descriptive terms they vary regionally in Brszilmin part re ecting regional differences in the development of colloquial Portuguese but in part because the physical variation they describe is different in different re gions The Brazilian situation is so complex I will limit my delineation of tipos to some of the main ones used in the city of Salvador Bahia to describe people whose physical appearance is understood to he made up of African and Euro 26 I Mixed Blco 27 pean features I will use the female terms throughout in nearly all cases the male term simply changes the last latter from 2 0 9 Pmcccding along a dimcnsicn frmtrt the Whitest to the blackcst tipos a foam is whiterthanwhite with straight blond hair blue er green eyes light skin color narrow nose and thin lips Brazilians who come to the United States think that a foam means a blend and are surprised ta find that the American term refers to hair color cnly A Zamnca has light skin ccaloz eyes of any C0101 hair cf any cclcr or form except tight curly a nose that is not bread and lips that are not thick Bmrzccz translates as white though Brazilians cf this tipe whe came 10 the United Statcsmespccially those from elite families are often dismayed tc find that they are not considered white here and even wcrsc are viewed as Hispanic despite the fact that thcy speak Pcrtuguccc A momma has brown or black hair that is wavy or curly but not tight curly tan skin a nose that is I101 narrow and lips that are net thin Brazilians whc come to the United States think that a morena is a brunette and are surprised tc find that brunettes are ctmsidcrcd white but morenas are nct Americans have difficulty classifying morerzas many of Wham are of Latin American origin Are they black or Hispanic One might also observe that mcaremzs have tremble with Americans fill not jug accepting their appearance as 3 given but asking instead Where do ycu come fmm What language did you speak at horns What was your maiden name OI even more crudely quotWhat are yrttquot A mulczta looks like a morcmzz except with tight curly hair and a slightly darker range of hair colors and skin colcrs A pretax looks like 3 mztlata except with dark brown skin broad mac and thick lips Tc Americans mularas and prams are both black and if forced to distinguish between them would refer to them as lightskinnccl blacks and dark sk139nncd blacks respectively If Brazilians were forccd to divide the range of tipcs from lama to pram intc kinds csf whites and kinds of blacks a clistincticn they do nut 0rdinar ily make they wmzld draw the line between morerzas and mulatas whereas Americans if offered only visual infommticn would draw the line between brancas and mommts The pmlifemtion cf tipos azxd the difference in the wlt1ite hlack dividing line do not however exhaust the differences bcirwccn Brazilian and American fclk taxoncamies There are tipos in the AfrcEuropean clcmain that are consid ered to be neither black I101 white an idea that is difficult for Amcxicans vis itlng Brazil to comprchcnd A person with tight curly blond car red hair light skin blue or green eyes bread nose and thick lips is a samrci The oppcsitc features straight black hair dark skin brown eyes narrow nose and thin lipsare those of 3 cabo Verde Smfczm and caba Verde are bath tipos that are ccnsiderecl by Brazilians in Salvadcz Bahia tc be ztcitlucr black ncr white When I izttcrviewed my American daughter and hear Brazilian boy icxid she said she was black because her mother is black even though I am white That is from her American perspective she has blacl bltmd though she is a marena in Brazil Her bcsyfricncl saicl that he was not black because xritzwing himself in tcrms of Brazilian tipcrs he is 2 mztlata not a pram 273 s 1 x u IdentityRo1es and Groups There are many differences between the Brazilian and American folk tax onomies of race The American system tells you about how peoples parents are classi ed but not what they look like The Brazilian system tells you what they look like but not about their parents When two parents of intermediate ap pearance have many children in the United States the children are all of one race in Brazil they are of many tipos Americans believe that race is an immutable biological given but people like my daughter and her boyfriend can change their race by getting on a plane and going from the United States to Brazil just as if they take an eye code with them it changes from a vegetable into a fruit In both cases what changes is not the physical appearance of the person or avocado but the way they are classi ed I have focused on the Brazilian system to make clear how profoundly folk taxonomies of race vary from one place to another But the Brazilian system is just one of meaty Haitfs folk taxonomy for example includes elements of both attceetry and physical appearance am even includes the amazing term for for eigners of African appearance zm Zjlzmc oirliterally e blackwhite In the classic study Patterns of Race in the Americas anthropologist Marvin Harris gives 3 good introduction to the ways in which the conquests by differing Eu ropean powers of differing New World peoples and ecologies combined with differing patterns of slavery to produce a variety of folk taxonomies Folk tax onomies of race can be found in many though by no means allcultzures in other ports of the world as well l The American concept of race does not correspond to the ways in which human physical appearance Varies Further the American View of race hypodescent is just one among many folk taxonomies not of which correspond to the facts of human physical variation This is why race is e myth and why races as conceived by Americans and others do not exist It is also why differences in beheyior be tween recess cetmot be explained by biological differences between them When examining the origins of IQ scores or other behavior psycholo gists sometimes use the term heritability 3 statistical concept that is not based on observations of genes or chromosomes It is important to understand that questions about heritability of IQ have nothing to do with racial differences 1110 Heritability refers only to the relative ranking of individuals within a population under given ettvironmental conditions and not to differences be tween populations Thus among the population of American whites it may be that those with high IQS tend to have highet lQ children than do those with low IQS Similarly among American blacks it may be that those with high I03 also tend to have higher IQ children y In both cases it is possible that the link between the IQS of parents and children may exist for reasons that are not entirely envbronmeotel This here tebility of IQ within the two populations even if it exists would in no way coo tredict the everege social advantages of American whites as e group compared to the average social disadvantages of American blacks as a group Such differ 2e 3 Mixed Bleed 27 ences in social envireneients can easily account for any differences in the av erage test scores between the two groups Thus the heritability of IQ wiihiez each group is irrelevant ta understanding differences between the groups Beyond this though studies of differences in helaavier between popula tiens of whites and blacks which seek to find bielegical causes rather thee only social ones make a serious logical error They assume that blacks and whites are pepulatieas in same biological sense as subunits of the human species Mast likely the researchers make this assumptien because they are American and approach race in terms of the American folk taxenemy In fact though the gI39Ci3IpS are sertecl by a purely social rule for statistical purposes This can easily be demonstrated by asking researchers how they knew that the white subjects are really White and the black subjects are really black There is no bielcgical answer to this question because race as a biolog ical categery lees not exist All that researchers can say is The tester classi fied them based on their physical appearance er Their school records listed their race or etherwise give a secial rather than biological answer Se when Ameican iquotesearchers39study racial differences in hehavier in Search of bielogical rather than social causes fer differences between socially de fined groups they are wasting their time Computers are wenderful machines but we have learned about garbage ingarbage out Applying complex campu taticms to bad data yields worthless results In the same way the most elegant 39 expetimenial designs and statistical analyses applied awlessly to bielegically meaningless racial categories can enly produce a very expensive waste of time As immigrants of varied physical appearance clt1me tea the United States from countries with racial fflllli taxzmemies different from eur awn they are efteri perplexed and dismayed te find that the ways they classify themselves and ethers are irrelevant to the American reality Brazilians Haitians and others may find themselvesquot labeled by strange apparently inappmpriate even pejo T rative terms and greupecl together with people who are different from and unreeeptive to them This can cause psychological complications a Brazilian liI1iI1lg 8I1 amp 39Jl l views himself as whitewbeing treated by an American ihera pist who assumes that he is net i Immigration has increased especially from geographical regions whese people do eat resemble American images of blacks whites or Asians Imer marriage is also increasing as the stigma associated with it diminishes These twe trends are augmenting the physical diversity among these who merry each othermmancl as a result among their children The American folk taxenemy of race purpertedly comprised of stable bielegical entities is beginning to change to accommodate this new reality After all what race is semeene whose four grandparents are black white Asian and Hispanic Currently the mast rapidly growing census categery is Othei as in creasing numbers el people fail to fit available options Changes in the census categories every 10 years reflect the gevemment s attempts ta grapple with the changing self idemificatieris cf Americansweven as statisticians try to main tain the same categories ever time in order to make demographic comparisons 280 S I K I Identity Roies and Groups Perhaps they will invent one or more multiracial categaries to accommodate the wide range cf people whose existence defies current classi catien Perhaps they will drop the term race altogether Already same institutions are includ ing an option to quotcheck as many as apply when asking individuals to ciassify themselves an 3 list of racial and ethnic terms Thinking in terms of physical appearance and folk taxzmomies helps to clarify the ematicna y charged but ccenfusad topics of race Understanding that different cultures have different folk taxonomies suggests that we respend in the ques rcm What race is that per5m not by Black er White but by Where and When Zi Zjiiwi IV Fmm line and Su ering ta Hm52 and Joy 339 THEN I DANCEEE WITI 39i I POWER OF THE SAINT AND was im1EB IN THE ANASTENARIA religious h aiii39ig39 is brought abcut by th tranaformation of a persezfs relationship with Saint Constantina from a nssgative me inmiving iliness and suffering to a positive ens invoivw ing health and joy 3 transformation that iakes piace when a persan becomes an Anasteriaris and acquires the supernatural paws if the Saint A person s relationship with Saint Constantinr can tharefore be scan as a pewerful metaphor for tha persoifs sacial psychoiogirsai and physiological condition The Ahastenaria providszs people who are in a weak vuhierabia or suhardinate pesition with a spirit idiam that they can use 0 gain powar ever their lives and transform both themseives and their social world in a positive Way The Ariastmaria 3130 pmvides pimple with a sematic idio1 n dancerwhich is strucmraiiy para erl to this spirit idiom Through dance possessed Aizasicnarides are able 9 express their seciai psycho Iogical and physielogicai cehdition and resolve the confiicts and ten sions they face in their everyday lives This dance is an alternative 10 the somatic idiom provided by the symptoms of iiiI 1 SS S such as nev From I 1172355 552 Hem 2 85 yika it is also a powerful expression of an At1astenarissa s relationship re Saint Constantine As her relationship to the Saint changes se does the nature cf her dance When Saint Constantine is punishing an Anasteriarisse she is ill and she suffers when she dances When she trensferme her reletieeship to the Saint she is healed and she dances with power and joy Thus the gure of Saint Constantine end the dance of the possessed Anaetenarides are we of the most powerful symbolic forms in the therapeutic system of the Anastenarie Saint Censtantine is identi ed with Censtentine the Great the first Roman Emperor te profess Christianity and the pereori largely respen sible for the cievelopment of the Rcrmen Empire into a Christian state he a elaimatit tie the throne Censtantine invaded Italy in 312 Aceorci ing to Eusehius Censtentine s victory over his rival ilIaxentius at the battle ef the Milvian Bridge was preceded by a visieri in which Cen stentine saw a cross of light in the sky bearing the inscription Le this Sign conquer In 324 Constantine became sole ruler of the Roman Empire and later dedicated Censtantineple fermerly Byzantium as the Empire s new eastern capital Constantine was baptized shortly before his death in 337 having been an effective military leader and a supporter of Christianity thmugheut his reign In later Greek Orthodox traditien Censterztine is regarded as the thunder of the Byzantine Empire and the defender and savior of the Christian religien Helm his mother Whe has also been C3f10 iZ Cl hy the Orthodox Church is credited with the discovery of the True Cross during a pilgrimage te the Holy Land In the emitext of the Aneeteearie the gures ef Censteetizie and Helen take on additiemal signi cance Censtantine s military vietery his miraeuleus Vision and his cenversien to Christianity serve as models for the peseessien of the Pmastenarides and their miraculous victories over illness and fire Similarly IIelen 3 cliscevery of the True Cross is a model for the Anastenarides discovery if their own icons long age in eastern Thrace The importance of Saints Censtantine and Helen for the Amste narides is apparent in the many steries Kostilicles tell about the origin of the xewalk Aeeerdirag te one account 3 long time ago the church of Saints Constantine and Helen in Kosti caught re As the church 5 For more an the life at Constantine see Barnes 1984 35 From Iffrzm to Hank burned cries were heard from among the ames the icons were calling out to he saved Some people ran into the burning church to rescue them and neither the icons nor the people Who saved them were burned The Annsteoarides commemorate this miracle every year on May 2 I by walking through re themselves Vfhenever people told me this account of the origin of the limesto naria they pointed out some specific historical association of the event with Saint Constantine himself One Kostilis for example said that the church that burned down had been built by Saint Constantine An other said that the church caught re in the destruction that followed Saint Cor1stantine s defeat of the Turks A third said It was the sol diers of Saint Constantine who entered the fire and saved the icons That s why the Anastennrides go into the re today they are the soldiers of the Saint e n According to another story the rewalk of the Anastenarides cele hrates a miraculous act of rewsllcing performed by Constantine him self when the city of Constantinople fell to the Turks in 1453 Helen and her son Constantine found the True Cross in fern Salem and brought it back to Constantinople They had itirt the palace when the Turks were laying siege to the city The Turks lit 2 huge re all around the city walls Constantine climbed up onto the walls and saw the Homes then he returned to the palace and brought out the Tree Cross Holding the Tree Cross in his hands he stepped into the fire Wherever he walked he put the fire out so he left behind a path Where there Weren t any ames That Way all the Christians left the city and no one was burned just as Constantine and the True Cross helped the Christiansescape the besieged city of Constantinople and saved them from destruction by re and death at the hands of the Turks so the supernatural power of Saint Constantine and the icons of the Anastenazides protect people from fire and heal their illnesses i Another account of the origin of the Annstensrie establishes 3 link between the miraculous vision of Constantine the xewalk of the Anastenerides and the town of Kosti Saint Constantine was of general originally he was an onbe liever bot his mother Saint Helen was a very religious Woman One day Constantine was ghting his enemies the infidels in Fram Ifieese 9 Heeixx 39 87 Thrace near Kesti He defeated them aed they fled To block his pursuit his enemies lit a huge re and burned down the ferest This was the re that destroyed all the 01d villages around Keen Ccmstantine stopped in front of the re What could he do But then in the sky he saw the words In this Sign conquer That meant he could pass through the re unharmed It happened am May 21 Here Saint Constantine s Vieion is interpreted as granting him and his fellowers the ability 0 Walk threugh re safely Saint Constantinek victory over fire is assoeiateel with hisVietery over his enemies Sirzzixi larly the Anastenarides victory over re symbolizes their victory over illeess and other misfortunes What is eigni caet in all these narratlves is that the erigin of the Anastenaria is situated in the wider context of Greek history In this way the local traditions of the Kostilicles are linked with the historical traditiens of the Byzantine Empire and the Orthodox Church Saint Constantine has meaning for Keetilides an al mere personal level as Well Anastenerides eften told me about dreams they had in which Saint Censtantine appeared to them as an army ef eer aepelieew man er a doctor He is 3 male gure of power and authority who is loved and reepectecl but whe is feared as Well I after heard him re ferred to as the master or the bees efeediee ancl as the head ef the family eikeeiris The Anastenaridee semetimes referred to themselves as the children of Saint C0nstar1tine as in the fellewing verses which were occasienw ally sung by possessed Anestenarides as they danced Tm Kmeeavtivoe m 22or5 fr Ereie x sewaevtgesp va K2 es Kmeeewiveg m gamed ew t 20 emixexea 139I ig39e 3CZ1L5L pt to l avo xeu 19 arezve Gag mixers The children of Censtantiee all gathered together en his right Censtaetine questions them he speake te them softly Take the incense my children and make the sign of the Cress Several Anestenarides told me that they felt at times like Saint Con stantine was a father to them In fact the term most cemmenly used te refer to Saint Constantine is pepees meaning grandfather ancestor or old man One Keetilis told me their 3 pepees was simply an olcl father 33 From Illness to Heell poiios pezfems The plural papeodes is also used to refer to all the icons of the Anastenarides and to all the saints more generally For female Anastenarides Saint Constantine is also a symbolic rep resentation of a husband When 3 Woman heeomes an Anastenarissa and each time she dances she is symbolically married to the Saint The conceptualization of the relationsh p between possessing spirit and pos sessed Worsllipez as one of marriage is quite common and is found in rituals iovolving trance and possession throughout the World The sezo ually suggestive nature of possession dances and the orgasmic nature of the pleasure and release they provide have also been Widely noted3 In the case of the Anastenarizt this relationship of marriage is ex pressed most clearly through the exchange of sirneclie These large red kerchiefs many of which were brought with the icons of the Anaste nericles f39ro39m Kosti were originally given as offerings to Saint Con stantine and are kept with the icons in the ltonaki They are said to possess the supernatural power of the Saint and to be effective in heal ing illnesses that are ettrlbutecl to him A person who is suffering from the Saint may be given a simadi to keep for forty clays Similarly when an Anastenarissa is possessed by Saint Constantine for the first time a siznadi is placed on her shoulder or around her neck to indicate that she has been offereltl to the Saint and that she now belongs to him From then on every time she dances she is given a sirnadi to hold for the duration of her dance In the context of the Anasteneria then these simaclia symbolize the relationship between Saint Constantine and the poeseseed neetenariclee In eastern Thrace these same red lcerchiefs were exchanged by the bride and groom at engagement ceremonies Io this context as in the Anastenaria these kerchiefs were referred to as sirnaclia marks or signs or as eezeee ie tokens or pledges They symbolized the rela tionship that was being established between husband and Wife On for real occasions men wore theee simad a at their Waist folded over 21 pue ple curomeebund The secular use of leerehlefs to Wrap thiegs up or tie them together makes them particularly appropriate symbols for the union or bond that is established between two people involved in a ceremonial exchange Kaloyeropoulou 19731216 1 Fiecll I96 lquotquot8 reports that the people of Vasilika referred affectionatelgzquot to God as the grandfather above 9 pzzpoze apeno 3 See Bourgoignon i976b2c2 Crapanzano I973m6 Kennedy 1967 192 Lewis I97II 96e and Obejzesekere 9833 and zoo 39 From Ilieess 9 Heczlzfa I occasionally heard joking references to the similarities hetween the marking of the new Arzaeeenarissa and the marking of the lamb to be sacrificed to Saint Constantine In additien the pmucl beauty of the lamb was compared te that of 9 bride on her Wedding day This com plex series of images links zhe young bride the sacri cial lamb and the new Ariastenarissa When a Weman beeemes an Anastenarissa she is offered to the Saint like the lamb she is symbolically married te him as Well The relationship between an lnastenarissa and Saint Constantine can therefore be seen as a metapher involving a kind of transference in which the Saint comes to steed fer important men it the Anastenarissa s life Saint Constantine also serves as a Vehicle fer articulating impor tant aspects of an lnclividual s psychologicalllheindition He can be seen as the counterpart in a spirit ldiem of what Weuld be called the 511 perego or the OI iSCl 3I1C in a psyehelegical idiom Groping for the right Words to explain why Mihalis Kitses had returned suddenly from Serres te Complete an important jab associated with the Anastenaria a Weman telcl mequot It was his conscience His ceascience made him come bade just then anether woman interrupted saying Ne No Tell him it was the Salnt that made him de it On another eceasior a woman who felt she had suffered because she and her husband had failed to ful ll a vow to sacrifice a lamb told me When We nally dial saer ee the lamb a weight left me I was released from that obligation my eenseienee was lightened The Anasteaaria then provides people with a framewerk fer ieter pretlng and dealing with guilt and other emotiens in a socially accept able manner Saint Censtantine is a pewerful symhel that stands for L many aspects cf the psychological and social reality ef the Kestilicles He emheclies important cultural ideals and in many ways serves as a mle model for the Keetilieles It is the gure of Saint Constantine that structures the trance experience ef the Anastenazides and it ie by trans forming their relationship to him that peeple are meved fmm a state of illness and suffering to a state of health and joy Ge the hypocegnitien of guilt and the lnterpretatlen ef it as illness or spirlt possesslen see Levy 19842131 and Oheyeeelcere 198373 On the relationship between com sciencequot and custom er sense of social zespor1eibil ty in Greece see IIerzfeld I980a346347 and r935239240 and 287 Fraea Ifineat to Health I 9 1 THE DANCE of the possessed Anasteriarides whieh is aa expression at the somatic level of the relationship they have with Saint Constantine plays an important part in structuring their trance experience just as the loegterm goal ef the therapeutic process of the Aaastenaria which is realized ever the course of the entire career of an Aaastenaris is the traasfermatitm of illness inte health so the short term goal of the rit ual which is realized ever the course of one dance session is the trans fermation of a negative trance experience inte a positive one What began as a dance expressing anxiety and tension becemes a dance that expresses the acquisition ef supernatural pewer When Anastenarides dance peeple say that Saint Constantine has seized or called them Initially the trance experiences at many Anasteaarides are extremely difficult They say that Saint Constantine is punishing er torturing them they report feelings of dizziness and tightness in their chest and threat As one Anastenaris told me At that time anxiety staeoseaia grips me a trembling seizes me Something threatens me When 1 mastenarides are possessed in this way they say they feel conflict they are upset they are having troubles They beat themselves and they break down In seeheases the dance of the Aaaetenarides consists cf wild violent and spasmodic movements If an Anastenarissa Writhes er twists in her seat for example people say that she is dancing sitting deem zarevi z atzfzisri Occasionally Saint Censtantine is said to strike or slap an Aaaste naris Yavasis told me that when Thoderos Yatmas collapsed en the floor of the ltenaki on May 21 2976 the Saint had struck him down because he d stayed home te week in his fields the previeus evening ieatead of eeming te the leeaalei to do the eerie ef the Saint Yavasis compared what happened ta Thedoros with what happened to Peter when he denied Christ three times The Bible says that when Peter heard the cock crow he wept bitterly That s the slap lt s the emotion the distress that Peter felt That can make you dizzy or sick it Z31 keep yet from sleep ing At that moment yea understand year mistake and you repeat That s what happened ta Judas me He betrayed Christ and then hang himself When an Anastenarissa is experiencing a dif eult trance ether Anastenarides try to ease her suffering by helping her achieve a tran 9 2 From 1 liners 0 Heoizalz sitioo to a more satisfying trance experience Gradually she begins to dance more comfortably standing upright and moving her feet in reg ular dance steps The crucial point in this transformation occurs when the dancing Anastenarissa is given an icon or simadi of Saints Coostaow tirie and Helen which she holds for the remainder of the dance It is at this point that the Anastenarissa most dramatically receives the super natural power of Saint Constantine which is responsible for the trans formation of a dance of anxiety and suffering into a dance of power and joy In the Words of one Arlasteoarissa It is impossible for you to understand how reach an Anasteoarissa suffers until she takes the icon in her hands Then she daoees satis ed and pleased Kavakopoolos 19562283 This is the point at which an Anastenaris is truly said to be damir1g with the power of the Saiit 5 l The dance of the Aoastenarides is a uniquely sacred version of the traditionalThraeiar1 folk dance known as the lcerchief dance meedilotos hams Throughout rural Greece dancing plays are important part in the celebrations that accompany joyful occasions such as baptisms Wed dings and village festivals Several Women in Ayia Eleni told me how eagerly they looked forward to the relatively infrequent occasions Wheo they had the opportunity to dance They described the feelings of ex eitement and enthusiasm shat dance music aroused in them as well as the release of tension that they experier1lted when they danced In contrast to these somewhat obvious associations of dance with feelm ings ofjoy happiness and catharsis images of dance aod dancing were also used by Kostilides to express condiiions characterized by nervous tension sufferiog punishment and unpleasant but obligatory activity A man who was high str1mg and irritable was said to be dancing be cause of his nerves Similarly the shaking and trembling that may occur during periods of intense stress or anxiety were often referred to as dancing A Woman who argued frequently with her motheoiolaw said After really bitter arguments with her Pd go and lie down but my body would be shaking arid trembling like a sh It was as if my body were damir1ge When a young child was slapped or struck by one of his parents as a form of disciplioe he danced that is he jumped about twisting and turning trying to escape from his pareofs grasp 5 This is also the point at which Crapaozaoo s Igj7z9 insight that spirit possession involves the transformation of a negative metaphor into a positive rnetoriym is most apt The possessed ill powerless 3 iCl often femalewbeeome what they were not healthy powerful and male Feooz 1 Zieess to Heofzfz 93 The ehildfs dance usually refereed to as the dance of the toci 0 zeros mo siiozt is a response to the punishment of the parent just as the early portion of the dance of the Anasteoarides is a response to the punishment of Saint Constantine l The verb to silence fwreem when used transitively may mean to control or to manipulate A strong Willecl Wife who dominated her weak and ineffectual husband was said to dance him any way she pleased that is she had him at her book and call In the some way Saint Constantine has complete control over the Aoastenarides when he orders them to dance Kostilides also referred to the performance of an unpleasant but obligatory task as dancing The proverb if you jointhe dance you will dance implies that if you become involved with a certain group of people then you must carry out the activity the group is engaged in The phrase I did it and I cl3olted was used by Kostilides to mean I did it and I paid the penalty I did it and I eufferecl the conse qtzeoces It refers to something a person did that should not have been i done A Womaofs son for example became ill shortly after she stopped serving a meal to the Aoastenaricles at the festival of Saints Constantine and Helen When her son had recovered and when she had begun serving the meal again she referred to her decision to stop the meal by sayiog I dial it aocll claoceclf These examples suggest the ambivalent nature of antze in rural Greek culture This ambivalence is the very quality by which the dance of the Anasteoarides is able to transform one complex set of emotions into its opposite Each time an Aoastenaris is possessed a dance exw pireesive of arotiety and suffering ie transformed into a lame expressive ofjoy and access to supernatural power This transformation is brought about by the structuring process that the dance imposes on the intense emotional and physical outbursts that constitute negative trance exoe riences At festivals of the Aoastenarides wild clumsy and often Vl0 lent behavior is structured according to rhythmic and kinesie patteme and is transformed into 3 dance of beauty and grace This transformation which takes place over the course of 3 single dance and which reaches its climax when the Arzasteoarides take an icon or simadi of Saints Constantine and Helen into their haocls is seme turally parallel to the transformation from a state of illness to a state of health that takes place over the course of the entire career of an Aries tenaris After their initial trance experiences which are usually on Ar 3 Hui u Suffering from the Saint Photograph by L0Eng M Danferth Frem Illarss Ia Hmlrxi 95 pleasant people who are becoming Anastenarides gradually begin ta enter trance more easily and dance more freely they learn to he pcgts sessed The point at which a woman dances powerfully and well fer the first time ia the point at which people say she becomes an Anastenarissa This is also the paint at which she is likely to situate the healing of the illness that led to her invcilvemerit with the Anastenaria in the first place saying Then I danced with the power of the Saint and was healed Later she will be given a simadi by the leader of the Anaste narides to keep at heme on her family icon shelf This simadi symbol iaes the factquot that she has entered inte a permanent relationship with Saint Constantine As leng as an Anastenarissa continues to fulfill her ritual obligations to the Saint by participating regularly in the ritual gatherings of the Anastenarides she will remain healthy By believing in Saint Censtanw tine and serving him with her actiens she receives from him help and supernatural pewer In this way what was originally an undesired call ing or afflietiion is transformed inte a highly Valued VOC3tlC 1 Peters r9820 just as the dance of a possessed Anastenaris is transferrned from an expression of suffering to an expression ofljoy so illness is transformetl lfitti health when a person becemes an Pxnastenaris and dances with the power of the Salfitg POWER AND Garmaa IN THE ANASTENARIA The essential feature ef the ritual therapy 9 the Ahasteaari es is the establishment of a proper relationship with Saint Constantine and the acqtzisition from him of supernatural pswer The dance ef the pos sessed Arlastexiarides is a symbelie language that actually creates the a concrete bodily experieacte of this pewer Participation in the Anaste maria then rmgmwars people It enables them to restructure their preb lematic relationships with ether people and l tlilquot1lS way gain mere en trol over their lives 5 On the role of dance in systems of ritual therapy and on the arsthrepelogy efdance mere generally see Hanna I978 I979 Reyce 1977 and Spencer 1985 I 7 As McGuire has observed in her tiiseiissien 0fPer1te cgtstal Catholics systems of ritual therapy give peeple an experience of being empcwerrd to handle their World and re FLtr1c tier in it more effectively I98a8 emphasis added CultureBound Illnesses in a Samoan Migrant Community lneke M Lazar The essay by Putsch explores the role of culturall3ound syndromes in dealingwith grief and bereavement in this I essay Lazar shows how such syndromes can also be in volved in the maintenance of social norms in the Samoan community in Les Angeles wornen sometimes experience ma I site aighost sickness during which they become briefly possessed by an alter a spirit from among the dead of their Family Symp1on39is of such an attaclltinchsde violent behavior and vomiting following which the woman speaks in the voice ofthe altar who e quently is male Lazar argues that such spirit possession has two dis tinct Functions in the Samoan community First it is con sidered punishment for the violation of social norms such as wearing flashy clothing or standing while eating Second women in the Samoan migrant community face herd lives and compared to men are limited in their out lets for stress release Having ma I aim allows For a period ofsocielly sanctioned release The ceremonies surrounding the curing of the disease make the individual Feel like a more important member oftheir Family unit Lazar s essay shows that what the practitioners oFtech nological medicine might call a mental disorder plays an important role in the maintenance ofthe Samoan way of lifein this migrant community Further because this illness provides a socially senctioned rneehod of stress release contracting the disease might be a partially conscious dew cision on the pan ofthe ef icteci The eminent and con troversial psychiatrist Thomas Szasz has made some simi lar argornents about the Western understanding ofrnental illness 39 As you read consider these questions 1 What is the difference between supernatural and natural causes of disease How do Samoans in Los Angefes perceive the cause of mental illnesses and what steps do they take to core 39 them What are the perceived causes ofghost illness and why are women more prone to this disease than men 1 Thomas Szasz The Myer 0fMenzo2 Illness Foundations of a Theory of Personal Comm NewYo1s Paul B Hoeber 1961 Cel uze bound Illnesses in 3 Samoan Migrant Community by lneke M Leger Oceania 553 1985 Reprinted with permission The urbanization experience of Samoans on the West Coast during the past two decades provides an unusual example of 7 e noneWestern village people who have retained their Hedi tlooal values after migration A steady stream of immigrants 0 3 bringing traditional Samoan customs and valees to mainland Pt Samoan communities in effect helps balance the encroach 0 iog pervasive in uences of znainstream American society The result in Los Angeles is an active and viable community Many migrants still Eiveie is virtual Samoan World which is 39 reaciilykienti able yet littie understood by the surrounding nonSamoan population The Los Angeles community is the single largest Samoan settlement in the continental United States Informal estimates have placed the size of the Samoan population in Southern California at between 20000 and 40000 Hayes and Levin 1984 Because of nigra ion and natural increase the present size of this popolation is probably even higher There is no clearly demarcated geographical area in39Los Angeles recognized as Samoan HoweverSan1oans interact primarily with each other instead of with pcziltzgisWhites or other cultural groups This measure of quotsocial isolation as well as continuous exchange within the Samoan population 322 help to maintain and perpetu ate a deep sense of oommitrnent to Fe o Samoa the Samoan Way of life This paper eliseasses the perpetuation of traditional con cepts of health and disease among Samoan migrants in the Los Angeles harbor area and the manner in which these con cepts contribute to the maintenance of certain core values and ways of behavior The central intent is to show the ef fects of aim ghostspiri1s beliefs which serve as covert not explicitly recognized control mechanisms for appro priate role behavior Accordingly a person who deviates from his or her expected role perfonnanee can anticipate an unpleasant visitation from an aim the spirit of a departed kin who will punish the living in the form of a variety of illnesses Data are predominantly based on repeated interviews with three rauiasea Samoan therapists and eight key Samoan women informants Samoans do not readily discuss eitu beliefs with outsiders There is little motivation to tell about events which may cause discomfort or create an ap39 parent threat to one s vvell beiog As one informant stated If you talk about an aim today you are going to see one tonight they might punish me 39 The use of a questionnaire and tape recorder was not pos sibleAniz1fonnel friendly setting became a more accepted iog ooe s back format for gaining informatics Because of the sensitivity in this area of inquiry aclcoiiate qoaati catioo of aitisrelated illnesses concerning the entire community was not possible DISEASE CLASSIFJCAWON AN D TREATM ENT Concepts of cause are part of the ideatiocal system re ect iog the cognitive orientations of roerribers of the community In order to understand indigenous causality concepts I make a distinction between supernatural and natural etiological categories of disease I follow Seijas saperoatural and noiisopernatotal categories 1973 545ln this sense so peotiatural refers to those explanations that place the origiri of iscase in suprasessible forces ie aim that cannot be ciirectly observed Natural explanations are based entirely on observable caase aod effect relationships ie injury as a result of a car accident Native classi cation of a particular illness can however include both natural and supernatural concepts when the former is intensified by the activities of aitu This is often the case with prolonged or terminal ill messes quotwhere neither modern rrieclicioe sot indigenous practitioners are able to core the patient The lack of recovw ety is then attriboted to aitu intervention Natoral Explanations Natural etiologies are restricted to diseases that do not store from the machinations of site Whether the patient seeks aid f from as i1cligcr1ous practitiooer or a Western doctor the em w piiasis is on the relief of symptoms For treatment of a so loiatic condition a Samoan will often go to a fomcs t an is cligeoous practitioner who treats natural illnesses using tnassage and herbs Diagnosis is of taiaor importance for the etiology of the N illness is clearly recognizes For example there is as obvi ous causal relationship between falling down stairs and hurt N Samoans do riot recognize mental illness as a personality K disorder Clement argues 39 he Samoan concepts of marital illness teocl to focus upon states of feeling brought about by adverse circumstances and H outside forces aim rather than abnormalities in the petsoaalit3r 19742 91 D quotSamoan concepts imply that mental problems other than those caused by brain damage are an uaderstandable reaction to C contemporary pressures impinging open the person 1974 108 Keooecly distinguishes between Western and son esters conceptions of meotal disorders on the basis of cvaloation of abooifmai behavior He notes that behavior pattems labeled rreatoses 01quot character disorders in the West are in other societies regarded as within the normal 1range 1974 1173 There is however a Samoan term maii voice which translates as road irisane or stupid Milne 1978 SECTION TEN Healing 39 323 312 Sairioans in Los Aogeies use the term for two distinc conditions 1 otgaaic conditions brain claoiage at birth and head injories suffered in fights and accidents which are deemed pcifoiatieot and held to be incotabie arid 2 ceViaoI behaviors use of narcotics and transgression of social eti qoctte whichare believed to be temporary and curable by a change in behavior patterns The distinction between temporary na i salsa and aitu illnesses is in the cause and effect of a set of symptoms A person with ma i valea knowingly violated social rules and his or her behavior is immediately recognized and classi ed by that label Causalityquot is speci c to the condition and to sponsihility for such behavior resides with the deviant iodi vidual Ma i Valca can be eliminated by a change in behav lot The etiology of an aim illness on the other hand is ascribed post facto Supernatural Explanations Mafi aitu a Samoan term literally meaning ghost sicllt ness is caused by the intervention of supernatural entities Etic functional equivalerits range from physiological to mental disorders Such oisor ers caii affect anyone in the cormiiuoity Samoan etiology for aitu related illnesses is in the form of post hoc ratioiralizatioris They are the recogni tion that the patient or a member of his family has not be haved properly Among Sarnoari migrarits who tend to ap hoid traditional values in Los Aogcles sapercatural caosality predominates and embraces not only concepts of health and illness but misfortunes in general An aito coo seqoeotly ma eves cause economic problems a break down is family relations or a string of bacl hick A tzitZc2scct indigenous therapist specializes mainly in aitwreiated illoesses and treats there ositig vat oitzr spirit medicine pate sapematural power aoclfoio massage illnesses may or may not involve spirit possessiori Two way cotrimaoication is possible in some cases Where the causiog spirit is believed to be present in the body of the pa I tient Field data indicate a variety of cases in which the spirit was maoifestecl by possession These include a special form of roa i aitu that women are subject to which will be low scriheo lates and ftfalia Visions hallucinatioss Fa alia are spontaoeoos dissociatiorial states which cari occur among both men and women In most cases these states are precipitated by a stressful life event Possession is also associated with mt i tafofo shouting and talking to oneself me i alt extreme heaciaches which may lead to a loss of coasciousiiessl and more pate eye conditions In the later case the sore eyes are caused by site who poked into the patients eyes In treatment the aim of the taolasea is to drive out the spirit Other aitu illnesses are those in which the causing agent is not petceivecl to be present is the body of the af ictcd ia dividual In such cases saperoatural causality is valitzlatecl through social mechanisms such as gossip accusations or 324 PART FOUR Sickness and Health public confessions As partof the treatment taulasea use onemvvay cornmanicatioo ivith the aim who is believed to be resporisible for the ailment This is accomplished in the form of praying and reciting magical sentences When asked speci cally taolasea replied that they prayed to Christ Other informants argue that taulasea worship devils Treatment includes the Whole person both body and mind My observations in the community suggest that the social etiology of an illness alleviates the patient s guilt for his ber physical incapacity and possible social tniscondect l5 hysi cal therapy is aimed at relieving bodily discomfort The etiology of an aim illness is ascribed post facto The error in behavior and social relations will be revealed during diagnosis Responsibility for the illness may be beyond the patients control for misconduct could have been cotnrnitted by another member of the family The point is clearly demonstrated in illnesses of children Manava tata infantile diarrhea is often perceived as a supernatural warning or punishment for the mortal behavior of the parents Epling and Siliga 19671410 Disease categories classi ed as roa i aita among Satnoaos are not necessarily recognized as bona fide condi tions by Western doctors Consequently modern medicine is often not able to effect a care for those conditions to which the label applies A C IIll1lI complaint in the Los Angeles connnonity is that Sarnoan illnesses do not Show up on Xrays So the doctor does not know what to do However a person safferingquotfrom rna i aito manifests symptoms that are clearly recognized by Sanooantlierapists as particular ill nesses requiring special treatment There is as interplay between natural and supernatural constructs indicating a measure of assimilation to Western medical concepts of disease Modem nosology sugar dia betes is accepted but its etiology is substituted by indige nous conceptions of supernatural punishment The Social Dimensions of Aitu illnesses illness may be the result of a family tnember s transgression of social norms which is then reflected in site retribution The episode of illness is frequently utilized as a means to achieve social cohesion and integration within the cigar BX teoded family the basic Sarnoan social unit Aigas range in size from 56 to 500 individuals and inetnbers of an alga tend to live in households in adjacent apartment dwellings It is to the aiga that a member must look for socially sancm tioned support for his or her individual behavior A Samoan therefore owes his rst loyalty to his alga It is unthialltablc that he should turn away needy relatives if they approach him for help or solace This system of mutual halo and ion ship interdependency is constantly reinforced by farnily gatherings The basic Samoan values of reciprocity l3910S3i tality sharing and mutual aid are especially evident during times of crisis such as fnnerals and other communal events At these times Samoan identity is strongest At the first sign of illness members of the patients fam ily usually apply borne rernedies fofo with fcrztfa rnas sage with coconut oil or herbal concoctions If the illness is prolonged or becomes severe the aiga will decide whether to consult a taalasea q Proper behavior is thought to be a way of avoiding aitn pnaishmcat Sarnoans lolow the kinds of behavior connnis sion or omission that may lead to aim retribution Predoin inant emit causal categories include neglect of a relative disobedience or disrespect to parents older relatives and 9 4 rnatai improper behavior such as flashy clothing letting 1 66 your hair down at funerals standing while eating etc breaking a promise to a relative and not contributing enough material goods to alga events such as weddings aad funerals The social etiology of the illness may be knownquot before hand orlearned during the core A child s siclmess is often immediately attributed to alto banishment for the father s failttre to abide by proper behavioral rules If it is a case in which investigation is needed aftinal relationships with both the living and deceased are ertarnined to determine the fault MA I AITU Symptoms of one speci c form of rna i aitu resemble those of hysterical psychosis Field data indicate that this particu lar form of tna i alto is mainly con ned to Samoan women and seems to be related to role stress in the rnale dorninated comtnanity The linkage between culture and certain mental disorders has been suggested in anthropological literature The study of such disorders is not only signi cant in the determination of pathoplastic features of mental illness but can also shed light on stress pointsand sasceptibiity groops in a particle lar society Following psychiatric theory it is assumed that anxiety producing stress can be a predisposing factor for mental illness The present study is concerned with role choices available to men and women as possible bases for differential responses to anxiety Role Expectations and Performance in the two major areas of community social intercourse in Los Angeles the family and the church male dominance prevails In individnal households and aiga settings older males exert control Cultural expectations require women to be obedient respectful work hard about the house and re main properly reticent in the presence of outsiders One of the dif calties in obtaining data was that E coold seldom in39 terview a woman without the presence of her husband or other male family members The major responsibility of a rnarried woman is to serve her hasband Although a mother asserts a good deal of control over younger children she is supposed to be naive about worldly matters and occupy hen self vvitb housekeeping affairs It is highly desirable for a woman to have many children for a large family is eonsid cred a blessing Among Samoan migrant women this is not always by choice A wornan woold not consciously think of deviating from prescribed conduct Conformity is the re sult of a long process of training This training begins in childhood Eels are required to be more submissive while boys are permitted expressions of aggressive behavior ie rights Whoa a girl marries she is sobject to the demands of both her ovvnaiga and that of her husbasd The husband is always served meals first and usually eats separately from his wife and children Traditional Samoan Worries are eco nornically and socially dependent or their husbands They are burdened with domestic labor child care and cooking 39 A family of eight to ten children is not uncommon Samoan migrant wornerfs roles visayis those of men are also subordinate at the cornraunity level Owing to the diroinu tics of the marai family chief system on the mainland min isters have assumed a great deal of powenas the churches nave become the center of community life Withiri the church orga oizarional hierarchy all the leadership positioos are occupied by males Women s organizations such as Wonrerfs Fellow ship reader the leadership of male ministers deacons and lay preachers areburdeaed with fund raising activities ie biogo games sales of Samoan food delicacies Women are how ever excluded from business meetings is she church Community organizations in Los Angeles such as the Samoan Community Council the Samoan Chiefs Associam don and the Samoan Homeowners Association are con trolled by men Women ll only clerical positions and are excluded from decisioomaking processes The isolatloa of women from a signi cant part of social life sharply limits their access to aorlrority and power Within the coarnianity Expression of Emotions In the Samoan migrant community differerrrial sex role cam pectations correspond to culturally accepted modes of es pressing emotions Women are permitted to expressemo tions of oahappioess sadness sorrow quotfeeling low and dislike directly and through withdrawal being uncoopera tive and so f0I39tl1 but act its hate strong anger Women are always expected to keep their composers She the woman has to keep it all inside Anger can t be shown on the face Yea always have so keep a smile even if you are raging rnad By contrast area are able and frequently expected to exhibit open hostility aggressive and Violent behavior era Era which can in severequot cases ever lead to homicide Women also have fewer Ways of reducing anxiety They are barred from drinking in public although some drink heavily at home when their husbands are away Further women lack er perience in developing strong bonds with femalesquot outside their own alga By conrrast mes take on a more public role and participate in a rnaltitade of social activities away from the family ssrrrsow TEN Healing a 325 Thus because of differing role expectatioss women ex perience a greater amount of stress has roen and are prone to oral alto However when discussing probabilities of spe ci c occurrences of rrra i alto one must take personality variablesquot organic predisposition and other situational fac tors into considerarioo Course of Illness The syrnptorrtarology of rnafi alto follows a prescribed col oral pattern Witlroai obvious warning a woman displays stereotyped shaking and coavulsive movements At the onset she may also exhibit arioleot behavior incloding spitting kicldng biting and screaming In such cases sew eralpeople mg to four adult males are needed to hold the woman down As the attack continues the eyes dilate ao companied by frequent bouts of vomiting Behavior is al ways consistent and predictable Mafi aim is Validated by both the alga and taulasea The 39 mode of therapy differs from practitioner to practitioner for each has hisher own secret va i alto spirit medicine One raalasea uses the Arnyilega plant a type of weed the root of which is ground up Plants in use are not native to California and must be brought in from Samoa by visiting relatives After the medicine is adrnioistered there is a dramatic al teration in bodily movements speech voice and facial ex pressions The patient usually takes on the personality and speaking manner of the possessing alto These are predorrri candy male gures Samoans believe that through posses slot the spirit communicates with the living in order to give explicit instructions concerning a family matter The zip a pearaace of behavioral features ssggests role reversal la a deep male Voice of authority the aim states why he is in the woman The taalasea usually attempts to identify the posa sessing spirit and ask how to make up Because of the iogreclieois is va i aim and extensive physical activity the patios will fall into a deep sleep last ing up to fourteen hours When she wakes up her eyes are all bloodslaot The patierrr is arooesiac for the period of rna i aim The alga will relate the event to her in great detail The final phase of recovery ffl alarm lasts three days Dar ing the nal phase the aitu can still cause harm to both pa tient and therapist Danger is removed through ritual bathing and cleansing Although much care is taken to ensure proper recovery roa i aitn may be recurrent Once a woman has rna i alto normal role expectations are suspended She is constantly watched and cared for try her alga and the taulasea The patient becomes the center of attention and alofa love Regardless of the social etiology of the episode at the irldividual level the woman is made to feel a valued member of her alga Discussion Among Samoan migrants in Los Asgeles rna i also appears to be a culturebound disorder which in anthropological 326 PART FOUR I Sickness and Health 39 literature most writers explain by a single theme Iloweyer rna i aitu cannot be adequatelyquot explained with a single framework Themes soon as role stress the lack of available T role choices psychological and social deprivation in the fe male role the psychwzherapeutic aspects of tlissociatiooal states and the fear of illness as a social control mechanism are all present in varying degrees Certain patterns coocere ing selfperceiyed 39role stress the conscious choice to play the sick role and ecoriornic deprivation are absent According to Deyereua there are emotionally disturbed persons is whom the unconscious segment of their ethnic personality has not become so isorganized as to incite them to wliolesale rebellion against all social norms While they are genuinely ill such persons tend to borrow from their cul ture tliemeans of itopiernciiting their subjective derange ment in a conventional way E956 36 l 1irsh and Hollender make a distinction between colter ally sanctioned hysteria and true psychosis The first is consitiered legitimate or norrnal within the cultural con text because it is recttrreot learned predictable in form and acceptable 1969 81 Among Samoan migrant Women the eistinctiori may not be apgolicable While ma i alto fits the description of a culturebound disorder its syrnptorna tology is that of a tree psychosis SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION The traditional Sanioanas a social being receives and main tains hisher identity tlirooghcontiouous participation in the family Dominant Samoan Values demand that the individual conform to group ideals Alto illnesses are highly instru mental is maintaining group cohesion and alleviating cola totally produced stresses and strains Worries experience a greater amount of role stress than men and have fewer avg enaes open for them for the alleviation of anxiety and stress In the Los Angeles Samoan conirtioriity nia i aitu among women is one culturally patterned way of coping Wliile they are possessed women release tension through role re verse taking on a male authority gure which is a colteo ally permissible temporary behavior pattern Organic pre dispositions to ma i alto would be difficult to deterinioe Samoan etiology and nosology of mental illness do not include personality disorders The concept closest to mental illness is rna i yalea Which however encompasses only orm ganic psychosis and social deviance Visions hallociriations talking to oneself temporary states of withdrawal and pos session are not culturally defined as abaorrnalities Even though they are oerceive as normal within the cornmaoity these behavior patterns do reflect symptoms of mental ill tress I conclude that Samoan mental disorders are Variants of basic psychopathological states with a coiturally accept able label Hence the efficacy of community mental lriealth servicesfor the Samoan community largely depends on an isdepth understanding of the patients cultoral background on the part of the health care provider REFERENCES Clement Dorothy Cay i974 Samoan Concepts ofMearc Illness and Treatment Iquot hD ciissertatioa Anthropology lfiept University of California Irvine Devereux George 1956 Normal and abnormal The key problem of psychiatric anthropology In J B Casagrande and T Ciladwin eds Some Uses ofAm 2ropo5gtgy39 Theoretical and Applied Washington DC Anthropological Society of Washington Epling P 3 and Note Siliga 1967 Notes on infantile diarrhoea in American Samoa Journal ofTropz ceZ Pediatrics 3 139149 Hayes Geoffrey R and Michael J Levin 1984 How many Saracens An evaluation of the l98 l census count of Sarriosss in the United States Asian and Pacific Census Forum 104 L4 1044 I6 39 Hirsh Steve 1 and M ii Ilollender 1969 Hysterical psychosis Clari cation of the concept American Joemai ofPsychioI y l2S 818 Kennedy Johnquot G 194 Cultural psychiatry In 3 E llonigrnano eel Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthmpology Chicago Rand McNally ivlilner G B 1978 Samoan Dictionary SemoanEnglis2 English Samoan Manila Samoan Free Press Seijas H i973 An approach to the stti y of the medical aspects of culture Current Anthropology i4 544W545 Magic Medicine and Metaphysics in Nigeria WolfRoder in terms of its ability to cure many specific diseases twenty firstcentury technological medicine is much more powerful than traditioiial medicines both Western and nonWestern No one individual or group ever developed drugs as efiective as antibiotics or procedures such as the heart transplant Despite this belief in and use oftraditional Forms oi medicine and heal ing remains strong among many people in the United States and in places such as Nigeria where it plays an important culv turel role despite the availability oftechnological medicine in this essay Wolf Roder argues that the reason For the continued success of traditional techniques of healing is that technological and traditional healing address funcla mentally dir erent issues As Roder points out to View tra ditional healing as simply another form of medicine is to miss the point Traditional healing operates on at rneta physical and spiritoul plane Technological medicine open ates on a biological and chemical level While some tradi tional medications may have real chemical actions the understanding oi those who use them is that any physio logical effect oisucln drugs is secondary to the effect ofthe rituals and prayers that accompany them Somewhat less convincingly Roder argues that a critical t reason For the continued success of magical practices is that technological medicine was first introduced by rnis sionaries who incorrectly made it appear that their ability to provide such medicine was the result of the strength of their god This conflated religion medicine and coloniah ism in the eyes of Nigerians Such origins certainly made technological medicine appear as an outside and alien force perhaps one to be resisted but it is not a very pow erFul argument For the persistence ofbeliefin magical prac tices lfwe extended the argument to wealthy coumries we would have to claim that psychic healers remain popular in Europe and America because in these places a relatively large percentage othospitals are run by religious orders As you read consider these questions l What is meant by the term witcrdoctor in this chapter and what kinds ofquot problems do witchdoctors attempt to solve 39 2 Why was the introduction ofwestern medicine into much ol quotAFrica seen as 3 religious system rather than a scienti c system 3 Are there parallels between witchcra beliets in Africa and spiritual beliefs in Western society lfso what are they lllagic Medicine and Metaphysics in Nigeria by Wolf Roder Skeptical Inquirer 15 1991 290295 Used by permission of the Skeptical Inquirer Throughout Africa the rhinoceros is being hunted to extiuce tion because its ground horn is believed to restore potency to old men Also the belief in witchcraft and traditional medi cine oorishes despite modern medicine and Wes1emeclu cation which as a standard development text puts it to leases people from the bonds of superstition enabling them to act rationally rather than traditionally B zuuett 1989 E 38 In fact formal education and medicine have had very little influence on the firm belief that all illnesses and other misfortunes are caused by witchcraft perpetrated by evil persons and that only magical traditional medicines can defend the individual against disaster Modern biochemical meclicine is well received and widely used by all sections of society Health services for Africans were introduced by Christian missionaries during the colonial period and unti139independence most hospitals were run by missionaries Today many doctors trained in countries of European culture are joined by nieclicall experts educated at the university teaching hospitals founded in Africa since independence In Nigeria such doctors in pri vate practice are the preferred providers because of their so pecior access to imported medicines and drugs Unfortm nstely many people can still not afford their services or in remote rural areas nd them inaccessible The person who consults 3 Western MD will also con sult a tmditional healer who may be referred to as e w tch doctor or herbalist bobulawo in Yoruba bake in Hausa The focus of such consultation is not the physical disease but an attempt to nd out Why the person fell ill The com cept is that an enemy ie a witch beceuse of envy or rural ice or as the result of a real or fancied slight has used sorm cety to cause the illness The witclidoctotmtlze l39 1621l 3I who defends against witches wlll find the culprit by Various methods of divination and will take countermeasures These can take many forms of which an herbal concoction is only one At his best the healer may help reach a compromise and settle a rift or dispute between two antagonists The role of die witcbdoctor divider traditional healer or herbalist is clearly different from that of the medical doctor The witclidoctor is dealing with rnetephysicel issues beyond the ken of biology chemistry or reason To call traditional medicine an elto1 natiV form of health care as some social scientists have done in an attempt to be faiprninded seems to miss the point The witcl1cloctor s role is eldn to that of a priest or a pastor who prays with patients in Westem hospitals To call such practitioners herbalists also seems mistaken for many courses of action other than herbs are used The term appears to have arisen shortly after the begin139ring of the colonial period at the turn of the last century In precoloniel times vvitch udiug often led to persecution trial by ordeal execution and other forms of violence and sometimes to protracted disputes dividing communities Colonial authori ties outlawed the practice of vvitchfiudiug to the dismay of Africans who felt themselves helplessly couiicntiug the forces of evil Thus the milder forms of witchdoctoriug were allowed to reappear or persist in the name of herbal oa T I tive mediciue That the efficacy of the concoction is not in the herbs themselves has been shown by scienti c iuvestiga tiou Biologists and chemists who have tried to examine to ditioual herbal reuiedies have found it exceedingly difficult to find consistency of presciziptiou not only between practi tiooers but in cases treated by the same traditional healer Besides the vvitchdoctor may tell the inquires quite openly that the effect is not is the drink but in the incantation 39 This is not to say that some remedies may not have a physical effect Ceslaus Prazau 1977 describes two about which he found widespread independent agreement among the Duke people regarding their preparation and use Hot vapor of an infusion of the balls of the zone tree Boszoellia dalzieli inhaled under a cloth hood was prescribed for headache He also reported that ground root of the gwundur day tree Azwao senegalensisl mixed iutofood would help p common stomach ills Formany other herbals he found lit 0 1 do or no agreement even Within the small community he c9 studied A remedy against sorcery may take many forms A potion T 7 or powder may contain mineral vegetable or animal ruatter f with the ash of various things featured prouuaeutiy The concoction may be ingested or iufosedinto the body through 37 an incision Other means of using the witchdoctofs product might involve huifyiug it is a designated place at a speci c Eff time with a prescribed ritual It may require sprinkling it in quot5 the liviugroom or bedroom or even the office of the victim for the putative enemy witch It may have to be used in the 03 bath water or as a soap It may even be a treated couuueo pfcial soap The remedy may have to be worn as a ring jpluacelet or amulet Sacri cial animals are widely pre scribed eg ciiickteus goats or sheep with blood or body parts becoming part of the remedy or ritual Finally the iulaldng of most remedies involves ritual iucautatious and igthese alone may be recommended in some cases f a Among Musliu1s is Nigeria a potion made from the ink with which appropriate verses from the Koran have been l39AkL1A ifWI ittez2 is widely accepted as good for itaaoy prooieoas The f iullt is soluble and the Koraoic verses are brushed onto a j smooth board and washed off then the water is taken iuter dually No local village market would be complete without its Thooth of learned malamai Kotanic teachers singular ftttolam to deal with problems brought to them z The use of vvitchdoctors is hypo means con ned to cases physical illness For the achieveroentof all sorts of desir able39 ends the use of the supernatural powers of witchc139afl apu necessary Farmers use these methods to ensure good ifvrops to defend their harvests against vermin our to promote secuom TEN Healing 299 the multiplication of stock Fishermen use them to attract sh into their nets or to identify persons they believe can turn themselves into maraudiug crocodiles Hunters use charms to make themselves invisible to game In married love and in dalliance or to ensure fertility the right traditional uiediciue is indispensable Nor is this kind of sorcery con ned to the traditional sector of life aod the economy To gate promotion in the workplace or at school to Win a court case to secure an appointment or to assuresuccess in a business venture re quires medicine No candidate wouldgeoter a civil service or university examination without the necessary charm Sports teams have their official vvitchdoctors Riches in particular are thought to he achieved only through sorcery In consequence people who are exception ally successful in their communities may nd themselves accused of sorcery or at least talked about in this vein Fear of being thought of as using Wvealthmagic lukudi in Yoruba may petsuade people to hide or bury theiri sav ingsmthat is unless they own strong counter magic Such idling of resources hinders economic development which cries out for the productive investment of capital 1 Why is the belief in witchcraft and magic so widespread in Africa despite the euouuous headway made by education and health services since independence My prefeoed39hy pothesis is that it has to do with the way these services were brought to Africa For most of the colouial period and cer tainly until the end of World War II education and health ser vices for Ahicaas were the exclusive province of Christian missious To some extent they were grudgingly subsidized by governments is seed of literate clerical workers and other civil servants hut management and curocoluiu remaioed firmly in religious hands What we tend to think of as West em civilization was thus not presented as a ratioualdogical system and approach to life but rather as a superior gift front a truer god lieaith was achieved not through biology and chemistry but by the grace of Christ Other ideas were mud died together with Christianity the supet iority l of the vvhhe luau proper dress to cover up V the correct body parts moaogamy and marriage customs the tight names for chil difeu ie biblical and European To go to school meant to be come Christian and Chris tiauity was valued as an attribute of the sophisticated literate person Traditional African concepts usually recognized as ultim mate god in control of the universe whom the uu39ssi39ouaries couid ifeioterpret to their own view More recent African reli gious traditions revolved arouudthe souls or spirits of each persou s ancestors who were understood to guard and care for their descendaats as they had in life With the coming of a broader national society and the mixing of many ethnic groups in cities the particular ancestordiviiiities of the vil lage needed to be subordinated to a more uoixrersalistic faith The missions of the conquerors supplied one such faith in the northern parts of l ligeria Islam represents another What the missions failed to instill was an understanding and respect for rationality science and logic 300 PART FOUR Siclmess and Health While it is difficult to Sllll llTlltl 1 ancestors in a strange town far from family and homestead witchcraft requires the services of a local practitioner who understands the local forces and counter remedies Witclicraft is a concrete expla nation of particular events death illness lack ofrain a car 4 crash It offers a precise reason that a disaster happened at a particular time and to the p EtIElCLll3l person together with in structions to combat the evil A rationalist might explain it as random chance but to a believer that merely begs the c qeestioo Explanations offered by Christian or Muslimwe1e akin to the African understanding of Witchcraft The priest or pastor will preach of the devil and about the evil that lurks in the human heart and that must be cast out Afiiicans were quick to recognize that the Bible too speaks of witchcraft sorcery and evil spiritsdicl not lesus himself cast them out When mainline missionary churches refused to incor porate ideas of witchcraft and spirits directly Africans founded their own In Nigeria these include the Brotherhood of Cross and Star the Celestial Church and the Church of theCherubiln and Seraphini p i Support for belief in witchcraft and its emcdies is ex tifaordinaiily widespread and persistent in African societies j his is true even among the elite who in this context they be thought of as all who have enough ioconie toafford a private car in running condition and have at least a secondary school education Oyedipe 1979 It is consequently difficult to nd anyone who does not subscribe to at least part of this belief system Healers will be quick to cite testimonials from satm isfied customers or point to uncontrolled cases of success Since the newspapers widely and sensationally report acco satioos and court cases involving witchcraft the questioned healer may reach for a niagazdne or newspaper clipping as evidence of his quali cations Oyedipe 1979 reports sev csel such experiences is a society where the judge may be assumed to take the existence of witchcraft for granted the claim that the whole idea is a gross superstition can be no defense against such an accusation Ojo 1978 Persons more familiar with EuroAmeiicao culture may point out that Africans do not stand alone Oyedipe 19809 writes Africans are not the only people with belief sys tems and metaphysics He goes on to cite the White Eagle Lodge the Rosicrociaos and the Theosophists as examples of belief in spiritzs in the prestigious EuroAmerican cultmse realm and points out that coyens of witclicraft may be found is the West lle appears to be especially impressed with the ef cacy of the Tl 3l SC IlCl39Efl llal Meditation Oyedipc 1982 Magic shows also help After all if a inagician can saw a person in hall there must be something to it Successful healers are not bound by rigid convention They may well couch their findings in medical terminology They may speak of infection of paiasites entering the body or of a deficiency in the blood The examination as well may take on an aura of a medical checkup with white coat stethoscope and all Some herbalists have taken to dispens ing available Western medicines such as aspirin and antibi otics It is particolarly the latter development that has i couraged social scientists to defend the practice of herb ism In a society where proper medical care is 39equently ll available 0 beyond the reach of the poor it may be held tha any treatment is better than none at all i In the West a distinction is oftenmade between stander ofiieial or liberal religion on the one hand and ormi claims of pseudoscience and the paranormal on the other p0 Nigeria this distinctioo would be very difficult to niake Christian and Islamic ideas are thoroughly mixed with tea ditional beliefs in the evil forces of persons both living and A dead There is a rich continuum from missionary teacliin 0 through independent Ch lE Ch S and traditional concepts L about the spirits of ancestors to belief in witches and otheif evil To separate religion from superstition would present considerable conceptual obstacles One would have to take co the entire gamut A way of summing up the Nigerian situation is to point out that African society is mach closer in time than ours is to its traditional roots Many paranormal beliefs in our soci ety are shown on exainioatioii to have deep roots in f lli01 and mythology eg the ancient practices of astrology dowsing and the expectations of werewolves Such para noiinal ideas have persisted despite rationalism which has its roots as far back as the Renaissance unless we wish to trace it back to the aocientGreellts Rationalistic materialism was introduced to Africa only about a hundred years ago and then very imperfectly by those least quali ed to do so NOTE l Almost any anthropological or sociological text reporting field work in Africa will discuss traditional beliefs and witch craft REFERENCES Ademuwagurz Z A ed 1979 African Tlzeaoeut39ic Systcrns Waltham M3SSZ Brandeis University Press This is an acces sible worl devoted to the topic Barnett Tony 1989 Social and Economic Development in Intro oliiczice lilew York Gtiildford Press Ojo I D i978 The place of supernatural powers is the criminal law with particular inference to Nigeria Nigerian Eelmviorol Sciences Journal 1 Oyedipe Francis P A i979 The ambivalence of the Nigerian elite in metaphysical matters Proceedings of the Nigerian lnthr0 pologicoi and Sociological Association Amma Conference 1980 Pointers to veri cation in metaphysical aspects of tradi tional liesiiog in the Kaiaji Lake Basia Nigeria Paper pre sented at the Tenth lziternatioo al Congress of Tropical Medicine and lviaiaria Manila Philippines November 9lfS l98 Corruption personality and transcendental meditation in Nigeria Repel presented at the Nigerian Anthropological and Sociological Association Annual Conference Prazan Ceslaus l9quot7 The Lhikkaroo ofNcrIiwcst Nigeria Pitts burgli Duquesne University Press Chapter1intradLsc on w v imacine Gommuniaes Verso quot 3 tr 7 Via Cczpyrzght Clearance Center 9W ltWSc rDe r JrR Perhaps without being muggh noticed yet a fundamental transforma tion in the history of Marxism and Marxist movements is upon 33 Its mes visible signs are the recent wars between Vietnam Cambodia and China These wars arc 25 worldhistorical impermnce because they are the first to occur bctwean rcgimcs Whose independence and J revczlutienary czrecicntials are undeniable and because none 0f the l bclligerents has made mere than the most perfunctory attczmpts to justify the bloc slmd in terms of 3 racognizable Mmtxist thceretical I perspective Vl1ilc it was still just possible ta intarprct tl1eiSino Smrict border clashes 051969 and tlm Soviet military interventions in Germany 1953 Hungary 1956 Czechoslovakia 1968 and Afghanistan 1980 in tarzns cafw according ta taste social imperialw ism defending socialism etc 10 me E imagine seriously believes that such vcscabularies have much bearing can what has Qccurred in Inclechina L L If tha Viemamese invasion and occupation of Cambcaclia in December 1978 and January 1979 rsprcsentad the first large5ca e corzverzticnal war waged by one revolutionary Marxist regime against another China assault on Vietnam in February rapidly cmr rmcd 1 This formulation is chosen simply ti emphasize the scale anti thzt style of chi ghting net to assign blame To avoid possible misunderstanding it should bat mic that the Dcccmbcr 1978 invasion grave cut of armed clashes between partisans 13 the iMAGiNED COMMUNITIES the precedent Only the most trusting wsuld dare wager that in the declining years sf this century any signi cant outbreak cafintsrwstate lmstilitics will necessarily End the USSR and ths PRC let alarm the smaller secialist states supperting as ghting ltmstl1c same side Wha can be cenfidcnt that Yugoslavia and Albania will not cmc day come to blows These variegated groups who seek a withdrawal cf the Red Army rem its encampments in Eastcm Europe should remind thcmselvcs cf the degree to which its overwhelming presence has since 1945 ruled out armed conflict between the region Marxist regimes A quot Sultl1 considerations serve ta underlinc the fact that since Warld g War II every successfgl revolution has defined it l iL zg ggaI i u kifnnsw the pgW mf China the Secialist Republic of xetnam and so Fm39th anal in so doing has grounded itselffinnly in a territorial and social space inherited mm the prerevolutietmary past Convcrsclymzhe fact thatquot the Soviet Union shares with the nitcd Ksngdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland the rare distinction caf refusing nationality 21 its naming suggests that it is as much the legacec of the prmatimzal dynastic states oflthe nineteenth century as the precursor cf 4 twcntywfirst century intcmsticsnslist erclr3 A l 39EriC Hebsbawm is perfectly correct in stating that Marxist movements aziampquot statss have tended to become natiezmsl not only in farm has in su stance ie naticmalist There is nothing is suggest two revclutiimary movements gazing back possibly as far as 1971 Rafter Agril 1977 bot cr raids initiated by the Cambodians but quickly fbllawccl by the Viamamcsc grew in size andszmpe ctxlrzxismtizzg in the major Vietnamese incursion cf scember 1977 None of thus raids however aimed at ov sthrowing enemy regimes er evccupyingjlssgc terrisorics t were tbs numlaers of swaps izwelved comparable ta those dspleyed la Dccembcs 1978 The ccmtrcavstrsy over thc causes of thc was is mast thoughtfully pursued in Stcplzcn P Hcclsr The KampuchcanVietnamese Conflict in David W P Elliratt cd The Thfr Imiochfrea Czm ics pp 21671ntlmm Barnett InterCommimzist Conflicts and Vietnam Bulletin sf Concerned Asian Scholars I1 4 OcscbcsDeccmber 197 pp 29 and Laws Summers It Matters of Wsrand Sacialism Anthony Barnett woulcl Shame and Honcur Kampuchsa T60 M1sch39iIs d pp 1018 2 Anymac whc has doubts about the UK39s claims to such parity with thc USSR sheuld ask hirnself what natiszanaliry its mam zienetcs Great BritaIrish 2 INTRGEUCTION that this trend will not continue 3 Nor is the tendency confined to the socialist Worlcl Almost every year the United Nations admits rzewj members And many old nations39or1ce thought fully eorxsolldateclil flncl themselves challenged by sub nationallsms within their borders nationalisms which naturally dream of sheclcling this sub ness one happy day The reality is quite plain the end of the era of nationalism so long prophesied is not remotely in sight Indeed ElE 3 3 sl El3 I3msluaieersaUyJegmiuage value izx rhepo1i esI lifgeof our time But if the facts are clear their explanation remains 3 matter of longstanclirg ispute Nation nationallty nationalism all have proved notoriously difficult to define let alone to analyse In Contrast J to the immense influence that nationalism has exerted on the modern W world plausible theory about it is conspicuously meagre Hugh Seton Watsor1 author of far the best and most comprehensive Englishlanguage text on nationalism and heir to a vast tradition of liberal historiography and social science sadly observes Thus I am Jriven to the conclusion that no scienti c definition of the nations can be devised yet the phenomenon has existed an exists Tom Nairn author of the pathbrealcing The Breakup ofBrz39ra39n and heir to the scarcely less vast tradition of Marxist historiography and social science candidly remarks The theory of nationalism represents Marxismls great historical failure But even this confession is EA somewhat misleading insofar as it can be taken to imply the 0 regrettable outcome of a long sellcorxscioos search for theoretical p clarity It would be more exact to say that nationalism has proved an I 39 uncomfortable anomaly for Marxist theory and preeiselys for that N reason has been largely elided rather than confronted How else to explain Marxls failore to explicate the czrucial adjective in his memorable formulation of 1848 The proletariat of each country 39quotp mu 4 quotquotI in 3 Eric EIobsbawm Some Reflections on The Breakab of Briraizzl New Left Resdew 105 September October W77 3 13 4 See his Nations and States p S Emphasis added 5 See his The Modern Janus New Left Review 4 November Deemlaer 195 p 3 This essay is included unchanged in The Breezleap of rltefrx aschapter 9pp 32963 1 nownunM l E z IMAGINED COMMUNITIES must of course first of all settle matters with its east heurges3isie 5 How else to account for the use fer ever a century of the ceneept national bourgeoisie 7 witheut any serieus attempt to justify theoretically the relevance of the adjective Why is this segmentation of the beurgeeisie a Werldclass insofar as it is defined in terms cf the relations ef pmductienw theoretically significant The aim of this heck is to offer some tentative suggestions fer a more satisfactory interpretation cf the anomaly of nationalism My sense is that on this topic both Marxist and liberal theory have become etiolated in a late Ptolemaic effort to save the phenomena and that a reorientation of perspective in as it were a Copernican spirit is urgently required My point of eparture is that naticmality car as one might prefer to put it in View of that woz39d s multiple sigi fications nationmess as well as nationalism are cultural artefacts of a particular kind To understand them preperly we need i to consider carefully how they have came inte historical being in what ways their meanings have chaagecl over time and why today they command such profound emotional legitimacy I will be trying I ta argue that the cteatien of these artefacts towarcis the eticl of the eighteenth century was the spcmtaneeus distillation of a cnmplex cressirig at discrete historical forces but that once created they became modular capable of being traasplanted with varying degrees of selfconsciousness to a great variety of seeial terrains te merge and be merged with a correspendingly Wi e variety cal political anti ideolegical cmistellations I will alse attempt ta show why these particular cultural artefacts have amusccl such deep 51 attachments 6 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels The Commsmisr Mamfzsto in the Selected Wares I p 45 Emphasis added In any theoretical exegesis the welds of course should ash reel lights before the transported readers its Aira KCII1ll 3 lIl 3i391 notes the twin Teunciing fathers efaeademic scholarship on nationalism Hans Kahn and Ciarlcten Hayes arguea persuasively for this dating Their conclusions have I think aet heen sesieesly disputed except by nationalist ideologues in particular ceantries Kcmilaincp also ohserves that the ward natiltxsalisrn did not come inte wide general use until the and of the nineteenth centszry It did not occur for example in many stanciard nineteenth century lcxicoas If Adam Smith cezxjurea with the wealth cf I31t Oi3913 he meanthy the term no more than secieties 0 states fiira Ken lainen Nariarmlrsm pp I0 33 and 4849 INTRODUCTION CONCEPTS AND DEFINITIONS Before addressing the questions raised abdve it seems advisa le te consider briefly the concept of native and effer a workable de nition Theorists cf nationalism have often been perplexed not te A say irritated by these three paradoxes 1 The obiggiyggzgdemiw of nations to the l1lstorian s eye vs their Sul3 C X t ItlQ11iCjf iiullwtlxe eyes of nationalists 2 The fggxnal univergality of nationality as 1 stciocultural cencepb 11 the modern world everyone can should will have 2 nationality as he or she has 2 gendervs the irtggledlgblgmggggglwitlty of its cemzrete manifestaticns such that by definition Greek nationality is sui generis 3 The pelitical p0w gf nationalisms vs their philoseplxical poverty arldmggen illedlherence In other words unlike most ether isms naticmalism has never pmduced its own grand thinkers no Hebbeses Tecquevilles Marxes or Webers This emptiness easily gives rise among I cosmopolitan and pelylingual intellectuals ta a certain con deseensiomelike Gertrude Stein in the face of Oakland one can rather quickly conclude that there is no there there 39 It is characteristic that even so sympathetic 3 studentef naticnalism as Tom Naim can nanetlzeless write that Natlcgtralism is the pathelcgy ef modem developmental history as inescapable as xteumsis in the individual with much the same essential ambiguity attaching to it 3 similar built in capacity for descent into dementia meted in the dilemmas of helplessness thrust upon must of the Warld the equivalent of lnfantilism for sdeieties and largely incurable Part of the difficulty is that 6136 tends unctmsciously to hypostasize the existence of Nationalism With abigN rather as time might AgewlthacapitalA and then to classify it as an ideology Nesta that lfevcrycme has an age Age is merely an analytical expression It would I think make things easier if one treated it as if it belonged with kinship and religieztl rather than with liberalism or 9 fascism t J In an anthropological spirit then I propese the follcwing 8 The Breakup of Brirafrt p 359 IMAGINE COMMUNITIES de nition ef the nation it is an imagined political eommunihty and imagineamp as both inherently limited and severeign quotI It is imagirzed because the members 35 even the smallest nation will never know most ef their fellewmembers meet them er even hear ef them yet in the minds efeach lives the image of their communion Renae referred as this imagining in his suavely backhanded way h when he wrote that Or Yessezzee dime nation est qee tees lea Vindividus aient beaucoup de chases en cemmurz et aussi que tees aient oubi bien des chugsesfia With 3 certeinferecity Geliner makes a comparable paint when he rules that Natietialism is not the awakening ef nations to selfasensciousness it events nations where they do not exist quot1 The drawback re this formulation however is that Gellner is so anxious to show that nationalism masquerades under false pretences that he ass milates invention to fahrieatien and falsity rather than to imagining and ereatier 111 this Way he implies that true communities exist wl ch can he edvamageeusly juxtapesed to nations In fact 11 communities larger than primordial villages of facetoface Contact arid perhaps even these are imagined Communities are to be distinguished met by their falsitygenuineness but by the styie inwhich they are imagined Javanese villagers have always knewn that they are connected te people they have never seen but these ties were once imagieed particularisticallyes inde nitely stretchable nets of kinship and efiemehijg U tii quite recently the ev3z2ese language had me weed meaning the abstrzictien seciety We may today th nk ef the French aristecracy ef the easier regime as 3 class but surely it was ixnegined 9 Cf S39etonWatsen Ner ens and States pr 5 All that I can find to say is that a nation exists when a signi cant number of people in 3 community consider themselves te form a naeien or behave as if they fanned Que We may translate consider themselves as imagine therrgselves I0 Ernest Renae Qu39estce qtfune netien in OEm2re5 Complexes 1 p 892 He adcis mu citoycn frangais doit avoir eixhli Ia Saint Barthe39lemy les massacres du Miei an Xi e sieele Ii 339 a pas en France dim Famiiies qui puissent Feumir la preuve d39uee origin Franque 39 12 Ernest Gellner Thought and Change p I69 Emphasis added 6 INTRODUCTION this way cnly very late To the question Whc is the Comte dc X the normal answer would havc hem not a l member of the aristocracy but the lord of X the uncle tifthc Bammw the Y or a client sf the Disc cl 2 l The iiatian is imagined ssglimitsd hecause even the largest sf them enccarnpassing perhaps 2 billxoiihving human beings has nite if elastic boundaries beyond which lie other nations N0 nation imagines itself cotcrrnintaus with manlcincl The mest messianic nationalists do not dream of day when all the mcmhers of the humzm race will jcin their nation in the Way that it was possible in certain epochs for say Christians to dream of a wholly Christian planet It is imagincd as sovereign because the mncept was b m in slxiwagc in which Enlightemmziit and Revcilution were destroying the legitimacy cf the ltiivinclyorclsincd hierarchical dynastic realm Ceming to Iriaturity at 3 stage ofhuinan history when even the must dcvtmt adherents lt35 any universal religion waits incscapsbly cenfrontccl with the living pluralism cf such religions and the allomorphism between each faith s ontelogical claims andquot tetritcvrial stretch nations dream of being free and if un cr God directly so The gage and emblem of this fres om is the smremign state Finally it is imagined as 3 community because regardless cf this actual inequality and exploitation that may prtrvsil in each the nation is always concsived as a ampscp herizmital ammradeship Ultimately it is this fraternity that makes it possible ever the past two centuries far so many millions of people not so much 3 kill as willingly to die for such limited imaginings These deaths bring as abruptly face to face with the central pmhlem posed by nationalism what makes the shmnkcii imaginings of team history scarcely more than two centuries generate such crolassal sacrifices I laclievethat the beginnings of an answer lie in the cultural roots of nationalism 12 Hobshswm for example fixes it by saying that in 1789 it numbered abous 4 3 0 in a population of230Gi300G See his The Age cfRevo39m39on p 78 But would this statistical picture of the rmblcssc have been imaginable under the autism r gime 7 39 Chapter 0 Census Map Museum imagined Communites IMAGINED COMMUNITEES Verso E63 ca 185 Via Copyrightciearance Center izaci tamed quot3 d5 kc Past What we perceive a chain of D B lquot jampf l s i E M 5 c secs one sang tfatastrophe which k cpg piggng wrmkagc P93 Wf kag and hurls It 2 from oflzis fact Tlm angel would like 0 na3 l i3 Clf fll Rigid H slka vfrholc what has been smashed But a such violence tllgatrfhm am mg in bu 30 Caught 121 his wings with Census Map Muscunl F 333 Can 10 langer clsasc them This stsasrm 39 lff i flbly propels him sum the fumrc to which his back is turned la 39 W 1 c ha galls 0fltlcbr1s bcfmrc lnm grows Skyward Thss smrm 15 what we call progress Eat the An I 39 39 39 3 5 lmm ftal and cur faces are turned towards the obscurity ahead In the original edition oflnzagirtecf Communities Iwrotc that so often in the naci gtnbuilding policies of the new states one sacs both a genuine popular nationalist enthusiasm and a systematic even Machiav llian instilling cf nationalist idcolugy zhrcugh the mass media the educational system administrative regulations and so fertll 391 My shortmsightczd assumptian than was that official nationalism in the colonized worlds of Asia and Africa was modelled diwctly on that of the dynastic states of nineecnchcemuy Europa Subsequent reflection has persuadccl me that this View was hasty and super cial and that the immediate genealagy should be traced tn the imaginings of the lts3lgI139i lM ezht At first sight this conclusion may seem surprising sing colonial states were typically antinationa st 318quot often violently so But if one looks bezncath colonial idmlagias and gmlicies to the gmxnxnar in which from the mid nineteenth century they were datploycd the lineage becomes decidedly more clear Few things bring this grammar inw mere visible relief than three institutions of pawcz which although invented before the mic ninateentlz century changed their form and functien as the crolonizcd 39 zones entemd the agc of machanical reproduction Them three institutions were the cernsus the map and the museum tmgether they 1 Sac abcvt pp 11344 162 I63 m2 nm3um ma wu a 5 33 8 3 u z p Ea magmas b v v63 uma smwmuuu can smnu um E as 5 u aonawa S t 3 53 Co E3395 E Juumam uanv m cm 315 03 uon saa unnmua emmm mm 33 mmum imwmga mum mummWmmmEu 9 me man mmmmmmmmmmu Abmumnmaouv u bn u wm 32 u mug Swan iom o vu nmau gag Ego m3mam 2a M23 wuutom mu 30 an motua 3 m 5 uus 33 E Jm 33m u uhxu mm 3 unmwuoEmu ma u mm muvm Euuo uu ma e 3 mm 3amp3 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gag mgnmuuwwwwwuwwwwuwww 3 wmmxm mmunun m we uuumugtmcu 1 3uugt u n Enmmn 5amp5 anmzmu E amwuuow 32 33 Ra Euwo ma mancuanau 3 9 um wm Em JNBQGU uza w m u m nam m 3 m wm m Human mt dmm 313 E B 2 Eamm m 3 d3 gm nEwuMv 3w6m Eumnwm nzuwa m mauwm 3 xmm o Su um 32 iuzacu 9 ma mu mmuwoum wuum m zm Sm Mumo 3 0253 URw 3 Tm m gm m82 3 wuww xma 8233 33 onmunm 5 693 E Hugt xzmmumouum Homamm um um uuummmm c ampaS m Eamp8m 3amp3 n u u Gm Euwmmm mooaum atnumsauowa m m umuamum nm mzmmmm wmaa m muuwrm uc mumwm ma Huumm wa Nmw 5 Joxwcmm mm Eamon m mms 33 wummmmm v gt Sam mmwH 5 am m Q93 maa 5 3 3 Eu E mmS E ma a uuu eum bum mm umm nab mumaawmmm mmu u van 3 Jmco x 3am8m 36 u wummummm 33 E muamwmuEoa uu o muug mum u bmmwuuubom u m uxu ma mm muum um ancam ax we u mm 3amp3 8 ma BR ucmsmm mmomamuaou N mo me mum mm Eimmmzcn mo mm am cmwum Suva ENC 1 momww 2 mm mmamu him u 88 How uu em M197 mm amam aowma xv mm Jowum 93 em mSua on aaw ovaa 39 mush mm gtww 2 3 ma Mum mmmowm mmmwmammuumou Esra muummummm Mm mmu mm nude Eu mam Exam M33 323 mm mmo uamp um mmmacsanmsummu mm Hum 98 mama umu Em a wnm 3 39 E mummoum cmu mm mm ERR 2 3 mummvm 583 new mac mummsE wuuvzm van 3 mmo 333 umm mam mumcwma mmamom 3xu mom oa an cram mumunmmmaa Juummu Mau ugt Em Hmu u ma uummunm can uue uu 3Eamp 83 5933 wuum uyam mmumLegt es 333 335 mu wwnwom uomm Mmuumom ma acu Eu we atom madam u m amum new b sm mmu6gt3 ma 382 21 wm m uuuaw E uumaummmmwm E52 a 83 mutmmasom mmaanma 85 8mmox u 33m Euummua muuamuua moum um mm 333 aumnma mmmaumm mo nEmmnmamp Emmumu m u u mmmauamum cumw manna mgt m Emma ux m awash mSmom mou m m b we 25 muZ 35 H 3 L mmz3 E0u amzult H IMAGINEI CGMMUNITIES real instrument 1 coxzcretize projcctions on the earth 393 surface A map was new necessary fer the ncw administrative mechanisms and far the trocps ta back up their claims The discourse af mapping was the paradigm which both admiaistrative and military operations werlced Ewithixz and served By th tum G5 the cmtury with Prince Damroz1g s refcrms at the Ministry of the Interior 3 But mapping name the aclministrat cn of the realm was nally put on a wholly tcrritcgtriaIcarographic basis following earlier practice in the neighboring colonies It would be unwise to overlaczlc the crucial intersection betweerxn map and census For the rmw map served rmly to break off the infinite series cf IIakkas NonTamil Sri Lanlcans and Javanese that the normal apparatus of the census conjured up by delimiting terrimrially where far political purpases they endcd Convcrsaly by 1 set of dcmographlc triangula rim the census llmi in politically the fltm1al tepegraphy of that map Gut of these changes cmcrgacl two nal avatars of the map bash instituted by the late colonial state which directly pmfigurc the official nationalisms ef twentieth century Southeast Asia Fully aware cf their imcrloper status in the distant tropics but arriving ram a civilization in which the legal inheritance and the legal tmnsferability of geegraphic space had long been ltes1quot3bllshcamp the Eurepcans frequently attcmptecl to lcgitimize the sprcad of their paws by quasilegal methods Among the more popular of these was their inheritance 9f the putative sovercigtztics of native rulers xvhem the Eumpeans had eliminated cxr sszahjcctcd Eithcr way the usurpers were in the business especially vis vis Gtlmr Europeans of qeaonstruczing the g19gttlisory ef their new possessions Hence the appearance late in the nineteenth century especially cf historical maps cicsigned to demonstrate in hit ncw carmgtaphic 19 Ida not mean merely the inheritance and sale of private property in land in the usual sense More important was tlxt Euwpcan practica ofpolitical transfers of lands with their populations via dynastic marriages Princcsscas an marriage brought their husbands duckies and petty principalities and these transfers were fmzmally negctiatcd and signed The tag 8Ila gamut xzlir 14 feiihc mtria nulse waulcl have been incaaccivablc for any state in prccclimial Asia 174 Cggxggus MAP MUSEUM o 39 clad territorial units dzscoursc thc antiquity Ofsp i cs ghdy ham Ch ma S 3 Sm of 1hmughChmIm10gma1 Y arranged sequencczs 0 5 T u b 39 cl39t zal bio raphical narrative cf the realm came mic emg P k 39 gih vast histcrical depth In Wm this ngrrmivc was somcnmes ws t cgtnstatcs which 11 214 3d md if 0amp3 adapted by tllm is 1 t i It atccs 2 1 es twcntutth ccntury l0 3393953m he quot0 ma 3 3 g The second avatar was the mapffmtlgggi Its cmgxns wf re reasonably innolt nt the practice 39sFtBe Imperial states of cmlonng 39 39 39 In London im rial thrnr culcsmcs on 111395 Wm 3 mP mf l lye h 1 Pghm maps British colonies were usually Pmk d Fm Pm cquot Dutcln Y llow brown and 0 0 DY his way each wlgny 39 1139 quot appmmd 11 3 dggachabic pxccc of a ygsaw puzzle As t as zgsaw ff be normal cacl1 piecc39couldlac whcxllydctached mmits CRITIC pZ 39quot quotquotquot E at hi 5 tax 133 iIT5fiquot l1quotcxpianatory gl0sscstouldb3939 lt m gcogmgi mm0v d 39 39iI 5 Of longitude and Iamuclc place names summarz y si 13 for rivers seas and mountains nerghbours Para sxgn 19 longer Cfmpass to tht Wald In this shape the map entered an m nircly 39 to asters official seals reproducible SCIIES 1V3il3ll 3 for transfer Pb I h d hem leitcrhcads magazine and taxcboucalc cavcrs ti W 0 5 I3quot walls Instantly rccognizabl VCTYWh 3m Vmblc the Ggmmap 39 t formin a wcr zl penetrated deep into thc p pul it unalgma 1031 2 F0 I gmblem for the anticolonial natiozxahsms lacing Earn 20 5 Th 31 gum Magma 38 on Thairulingclass absorption oftllis en rage at 39 lma s murcovcr the gcoboc3r39i 10 style ofsmagmxng Accordxng to thcsc lustartca P r 39 cl cars Historical shcd hack more than a zhousan 3 3 mmfgm pa1z1 ula 1f 5 5 P 1 nl 39 th cent as 39 cquot that natzonhoad emerge 0 339 In 6 If P 3 11295 lms hrs if1Ec 1cg S Siam was 3 maul cf rupturcs is precluded So as an i 3 quot vc the arcnt of bctwcgn Smm and the European powers was 13 auy ulna that mm rceursa I I Siam Th ion was by no means a Machiavellian ruse Thar carly nazicmalisis o llllli St 1cxst Asian colonics hacl thitir consmousucsscs 3uY h3Pquot i bi H1 31 t C F the coloaial star and its institutinns See chapter 7 above t 0 u I an quot Fhalippincs prccmin t N k ca am the contcmpcrafy 2239 In he w lmgS39Od biialglc qatrimtw one can set how P W rF quotY 1 mbkm man 0139 lcttltrs an 313 pJ d inimgmcc Qf General Antonio Luna tragic hero 9 9 4 melt SOP waging 39399 Joaquin wtitcs that Em hurricd to gcrf rm 0 t T aw quot 3 21 a F ofthe 39 39 39 39 ht Crculc fm39hecccnmr1c5t e at crust the role that had been mstxmttwc 11 I t A H 164 im cs fgfgig clisruptcr xi Quesnon of cross P farm of the Phzlzppmcs fmzna T E3 vans igmgly that Spam 5 F1 spxnua 15 Cf s nddcci Elscwhe re he ebscrvcs astams I75 mt d2 m ugtoampm mum gum m m x nm a aun un5nmQ mw m aun m ma mma mean ns mumuum mam mwaa u uz 2 we momma om 80 uuau a m 5EMw zam MEGQ ham 3 mua um uu uummu 2n 5 aumm 3 3 a a x x was cm W uav 3um wan ommumm u ruaw 33 Scum Emu moo ow 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mv3mE 33 3umma5m Rance ma mw ow u nmam am 5 mouau E we mmomuem m mumCu mo 3333 5393 ma aa Maw saw n mm 353 33 2 w umwmnwcuom Q 2 3 wait um cu mm wmm mmmmuH Em mm ummnmoucm 21 mwcmcumaugm a 3u we Mmwwuuumum Run mmomummwuhumms mm mm mmwuum Ex 9 W315 3 gunman M 3m c zw w nvmwm Su sm 5 ma nun 2 E umw mm 832 b om uumou m we 23 mm uum mmunnm u Eu um ummum Emmnm 0 3 3 mm M Mumum aunt mwmamm u E mu5ugtm wag euas 33 an ma a mu smva 3 muwmmcgnm uEE uunu mnum we aunt m 3 33 833 buu m su muummmm mm umw onsm cab m ogtusm uEu3nmm 433 E23 QJw Enumuu 3 mequot am quotSnag mmrizm z u mwzult SECULAR DEFILEMENT from by DOUGLAS MARY pages 29 IO 40 I 956 reprinfed with permission of RQUTLEDGE 3 KEGAN PAUL COPYRIGHTS CLEARED BY CLEAN COPY NC NC COPIES OF THIS ARE AUTHORIZED WITHOUT SPECIFIC PERMISSION OF CLEAN COPY INC PORTLAND OR USA SECRETS AND ANGER from by MURA DAVID pages I25 I0 I32 I 992 quot9PquotI I399d Wm PequotmI555 9f FOUNDATION FOR NATIONAL PROGRESSPSU SUBSCRIPTION COPYRIGHTS CLEANED BY CLEAN COPY INC NO COPIES OF THIS ARE AUTHORIZED WITHOUT SPECIFIC PERMISSION OF CLEAN COPY INC PORTLAND OR USA CHILD S PLAY DO VIDEO GAMES ENGENDER VIOLENCE OR ENRICII LIFE A SCHOLARLY BATTLE TO THE DEATH From by QUART ALISSA pages I I0 5 2001 reprinred with permission of AUTHOR ALIssA OUARTpsu SUBSCRIPTION COPYRIGHTS CLEAHEO av CLEAN COPY INC NO COPIES OF THIS AHE AUTHORIZED WITHOUT SPECIFIC PERMISSION OF CLEAN COPY INC PORTLAND OR USA from I by SHERMAN SHARON pages 243 I0 258 3UM1997 reprinfed wirh permission of CALIFORNIA FOLKLORE SOCIETYPSU SUBSCRIPTION COPYRIGHTS CLEARED BY CLEAN COPY INC NO COPIES OF THIS ARE AUTHORIZED WITHOUT SPECIFIC PEFIMiSSiON OF CLEAN COPY INC PORTLAND OR USA PERILS OF THE PRINCESS GENDER AND GENRE IN VIDEO GAMES WHITE PRIVILEGE uNpAcIltING THE INVISIBLE IltNApsAcIlt IIom by MCINTOSH PEGGY pages To IO I6 1989 reprinted Wirh permission of PEGGY MC INTOSH IMARGUERITE RUPP COPYRIGHTS CLEAHEO BY CLEAN COPY INC NO COpIES OF THIS ARE AUTHOHIZEO WITHOUT SpECIIIC PERMISSION OF CLEAN COPY INC PORTLAND OR USA MIXED BLOOD From 5 P Z by FISH JEFFREY M pages 270 I0 280 1995 reprinted wirh permission of SUSSEX PUBLISHERS INCPSU SUBSCRIPTION COPYRIGHTS CLEAHEO BY CLEAN COPY INC NO COPIES OF THIS ARE AUTHORIZED WITHOUT SPECIFIC PERMISSION OF CLEAN COPY INC PORTLAND OR USA FROM IW555 AND SUFFERING TOHEAUHANDIOY by DANFORTH LORING M pages 84 to 95 1989 reprinied wiih permission of PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS COPYRIGHTS CLEARED av CLEAN com me NO corneas OF was AFIE AUTHORIZED WITHOUT specavnc PERMISSION OF CLEAN COPY ENC PORTLAND OR USA MAGIC MEDICINE AND METAPHYSICS IN NIGERIA by RODER WOLK pages 298 I0 300 2004 reprinfed wiih permission of OXFORD UNN pRE53 COPYRIGHTS CLEAPED BY CLEAN COPY INC NO COPIES OF THIS ARE AUTHORIZED WITHOUT SPECIFIC PERMISSION OP CLEAN COPY INC PORTLAND OR USA CULTUREBOUND ILLNESSES IN A SAMOAN MIGRANT COMMUNITY by LAZAR INEKE M pages 322 to 326 2004 reprinted with permission of OXFORD UNN PRES3 COPYRIGHTS CLEARED BY CLEAN COPY INC NO COPIES OF THIS ARE AUTHORIZED WITHOUT SPECIFIC PERMISSION OF CLEAN COPY INC PORTLAND OR USA CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION from WIGNiESI by ANDERSON BENEDICT pages I I0 7 1991 reprinted with permission 0F VERSQ COPYPIIGHTS CLEARED BY CLEAN COPY INC NO COPIES OF THIS ARE AUTHORIZED WITHOUT SPECIFIC PERMISSION OF CLEAN COPY INC PORTLAND OR USA l l J HJ J I I II from by ANDERSON BENEDICT pages I63 to I85 1991 reprinted with permissicen SI VERSQ COPYRIGHTS CLEARED BY CLEAN COPY INC NO COPIES OF THIS ARE AUTHORIZED WITHOUT SPECIFIC PERMISSION OF CLEAN COPY INC PORTLAND OFT USA
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