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ANTH 315 American Culture instructor BEAiNI A g P PBW1 30010004550 p quotquotquot N 0 0 PKiN E are Ramp lt vczm Pswga We assum mmfzaiiance with 113 Gmremment mpyright iaw F e rm ss cm ta dup catquote any materials cmrered by caapyright Eaw has been secured ANTH 315 COURSE PACKET FoR WINTER 2013 ENSTRUCTOR NS BEAIN1 Townsend Nicholas W Fatherhood and the Mediating Role of Women Gender in CrossCultural Perspective 2004 pgs 105 119 Prentice Hall Inc Wolf Naomi The Professional Beauty Quali cation Beauty M h How Images of Beaug Are Used 1991 pgs 530 537 William Morrow amp Co Inc Peach Lucinda Gender and War Are Women Tough Enough for Military Combat Gender in CrossCultural Perspective 2004 pgs 21 30 Prentice Hall Inc 1 same as Townsend above Lutz 8 Collins The Color of Sex Postwar Photographic Histories of Race and Ger1de1 1993 pgs 155 166 Univ of Chicago Press Njeri Itabari What s Inl Name 1994 pgs 118 123 Los Angeles Times Eighner Lars Dumpster Diving pgs 1 81994 From 1 WA7W i1f i39Vai i lii i39tii E 1 gt iEfZ dmna DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY i on ACADEMIC 1uquotrtcRt39ry The Anthropology Department faculty makes a strong commitment to helping students improve and refine their writing skills Most anthropology courses require research papers or essay examinations In emphasizing the importance of good writing skills in each student s intellectual development at the University faculty members place high value on academic honesty Violations When students submit research papers or essays faculty members expect students to present their own and not borrowed work Violations of this ethic occur when a student copies source materials without acknowledging the source presents a slightly rearranged wording of source rnaterials as his or her own phrasing submits a copy of a paper identical to that submitted by another student when collaboration is not authorized submits a paper or signi cant part thereof already submitted for another class to another instructor or submits a paper that was borrowed stolen or purchased from someone else These offenses are considered plagiarism Defined in Webster39s Third New International Dictionary to plagiarize means to steal and pass off as one s own the ideas or the words of another This document is written to help you understand proper procedure for borrowing quoting and citing another author s words 39 Proper Documentation if you are uncertain about how to use source materials please review the following guidelines for properly documenting a research paper s Use quotation marks to set off borrowed passages a few words to three lines long cite the source always include page numbers of the quoted passage 0 indent and single space quoted passages of three or more lines cite the source of the quoted passage o Cite the reference to any facts or information that are not common knowledge Yournust document your sources whenever you use the words or the ideas of others In a research paper you should use the referencing system common to the subtield In Anthropology the most common format is to use the nameyear Abu Lughod 1986 or name yearpage Ben Ari 19893373 system in the body of the paper followed by a full reference in a bibliography at the end ofyour essay For example the full bibliographic citation for the intext book reference above and the general pattern are 39 Modi ed from the PSU Political Science Departments document of the same name with references also drawn from quotGuidelines for Essay Writing Department of Sociology and Anthropology Wilfrid Laurler University 1996 The original document was adapted from quotRegulations on Academic integrityquot Department of Political Science University of Washington AbuLughod Lila 1986 Veiled Sentiments Honor and Poetry in at Bedouin Society Berkeley University of A California Press Last name First name Date ofpublication Title ofBook Place of Publication Name ofpress The full bibliographic citation for the intext article reference above and the general pattern are Ben Ari Eyal A l989 quot39tlaslcs and Soldiering The Israeli Army and the Palestinian Uprising Cultural Anthropology 4372 389 Last name First name Date of Publication Name of article Name of Journal Volume Number Pages An article in an edited volume should be cited as follows Ong Aihwa 1995 Women out of China Traveling Tales and Traveling Theories in Postcolonial Feminism In Women Writing Culture Ruth Behar and Deborah A Gordon eds Pp 3503 7 Berkeley University of California Press Last name First name A Date of Publication Name of Article In Name ofBoollt Name ofliditor ed Pp Pages Place oflublication Name oi Press This style is used in American Ethnoloaist American Antiduitv and American Journal ofPhvsital Anthropologv In an informal paper or essay you can incorporate the reference to the source into A the text ofyour essay Some illustrations of ways to do this are As Professor Jones stated in last 7 to the ethnography by VelezIbanez week39s lecture or According to an article in yesterday39s New York Times d or According 339 Penalties Anthropology faculty consider plagiarism a serious offense At a rninirnutn it may result in a reductionin your score on a paper essay or examination It can lead to a zero score on the assignment regardless of how small the infraction in relation to the size of the assignment At worst it can result in a failing course grade if it occurs on an assignment of major importance to the determination of your final grade It can also lead to disciplinary action taken by the Office of Student Affairs and by the Dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Plagiarism is proscribed behavior inthe PSU Student Conduct Code If you have questions about writing a research paper or essay please confer with your adviser about courses that teach research skills or talk with your instructor about proper documentation of source rnaterials You can also consult the Writing Center in Crarner Hall 18817 DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY 39 THE USE or SOURCES Professors assume that you the student are the author of all work quizzes tests papers lab work etc you submit whether for a grade or not An act of academic dishonesty is a serious offense in a college cornrnunity Any ideas data or phrases borrowed from others should be fully identi ed and cited as explained on the previous page This handout is intended to help students in writing essays and other papers by giving basic information on the proper use and proper acltnowledgrnent of source material Scholarly work in every field requires the use of other people s published and occasionally unpublished rnaterial Academic honesty requires that this use be frankly and completely identified and acknowledged The failure to do this is plagiarism In general when writing papers for college classes quotes and paraphrases are recommended only as ways of presenting another s argument as a point of reference in the process of making your own argument In most essays and term papers you will be asked to do some original thinking synthesizing materials from a number of sources and incorporating your own ideas You should not use a paraphrase or a quote to present your own point Plagiarism An Explanation The plagiarist is the academic counterpart of the bank embezzler and of the manufacturer who rnislabels as product Plagiarism takes many forms At one end of the spectrum there is a wordforword copying of another39s writing without enclosing the copied passage in quotation marks and identifying it in a footnote or identifying it in the ext Smith 1990 followed by a full reference in an attached bibliography A second form plagiarism often takes is a string of directly borrowed words and phrases patched together into a new paragraph Taking careless notes and than relying on them for your essay can cause this sort of plagiarism In the resulting mosaic of other peoples ideas and words the writers sole contribution is the cement to hold the pieces together At the other end of the spectrurn is plagiarism involving the casual use of a particularly apt word or phrase without referencing it Indicative of more effort and for that reason somewhat closer to honesty though still dishonest is the paraphrase an abbreviated and slrillfully prepared restatement of someone else s analysis or conclusion without acknowledgment that another person s text has been the basis for the statement The examples given below should make clear the dishonest and the proper use of source material If you are unsure in a particular instance Whether or not to reference something play it safe and acknowledge your sources 1 Adapted from the PSU Political Science Departments document of the same name with references also drawn from quotsuldetlnes for Essay Writing Department of Sociology and Anthropology Wilfrid Laurie University 1996 That document is itself adapted from the Carleton Collegepubllcation The Writinos of Essays and Other Papers which in turn is based upon Harold C Martin and Richard M Ohmann The Louie and Rhetoric of Exposition rev ed New York Holt Rinehart and Winston 1963 THE SOURCE This is the original text used in the following examples of plagiarism African Americans average 15 points below European Americans in their IQ scores The cultural myth has been built throughout the 20 century that this difference in scores is largely 60 80 percent the result of genetic differences and very little in uenced by environment The myth collapses if one examines its major assumptions concerning what is measured and the interaction of environmental and genetic in uences Neither African Americans nor European Americans constitute a homogeneous biological race Furthermore the assertion that IQ tests measure a biological entity called cognitive ability is a fiction constructed during this century What is measured is performance on a test of scholastic and cultural knowledge Marita l9973 Jane Mercer s 1972 careful study on this subject controlled social environment and found that among those Mexican Americans African Americans and European Americans whose environments were similar on five characteristics IQ scores did not differ statistically Hence the influence of environment explains the difference in IQ scores among ethnic groups Leonard Lieberman 1997 Race 1997 and 2001 A Race Odyssey Arnerican Anthropological Association General Anthro39pology Division p 7 WORD FORWORD PLAGIARIZIN G g in wordforword plagiarism the writer borrows source material without acknowledging the original in any way implicitly claiming authorship of the text An example of wordwforword plagiarism printed in italics of the source text printed above follows Many people feel that African Americans average 15 points below European Americans in their Q scores The cultural myth has been hail throughout the 20 century that this dz ererzce in scores is lorgehx 6080 pemerztj the result of genetic clifferences and very little in uenced by environment The myth collapses iyfone examines its major assumptions concerning what is ineosurectl and the Inreracriorz of emzirorrmerzrol and genetic in zrczices N either African Am ericons nor E nropean Amerlccrns constitute or homogeneous biological razrce Furthermore the assertion that IQ tests measure a biological entity called cogr2z39n39ve czbi lz392 y is o cnon cons2 rtzczea39 during this C6 l ZlZl What is measured is performance on o rest ofscholosric and cultural knowledge Race does not predict cognitive ability In this example after composing half of a first sentence the writer copies exactly what is in the original text omitting the citation Marks 19973 The last sentence is also the writer39s own By enclosing all the copied text in quotation marks and referencing the source the writer would have avoided the charge of plagiarism A reader rnightjusti ably have felt however that the writer had not made a very signi cant personal contribution to the discussion THE MOSAIC in mosaic plagiarism also known as skip quoting the writer borrows words and phrases verbatim from the original text moving them into new patterns Phrases in italics are p direct unacknowledged quotes from the source Many people feel that African Americans have IQ scores 15 points below European Americans They think that this dz erence in scores is o080 percent from genetic di erences and only 2040 percent in uenced by environment But African Americans and European Americans are not homogeneous biological races More recently other scholars have suggested that IQ tests measure Scholastic and cultzzrol knowledge not innate cognitive ooilitj A study done that accounted for Social envlronrnenz found zhoz V Mexican Anzerz39cons Afrlcon Americans and European Americans in similorrenvironments had stozistically identical IQ srcoresa The clz erence in l Q scores can be explained by the in uence of environment Only complete rewriting will save this paragraph Even if a citation followed the passage the i reader would be uncertain whether it referred to the last few sentences or the entire paragraph As in the first example putting every stolen phrase within quotation marks would reveal how little of the thought belonged to the writer THE PARAPHRASE Unacknowledged paraphrasing of another writer s ideas also counts as plagiarism The original and the paraphrased passage have been printed in tandernhi the example below Original African Americans average 13 points below European Americans in their IQ scores Paroplzrase Some tests done in the post suggested thatlfquoticon Americans were lilcely to perform about 15 points less in average than European Americans on I Q tests Original The cultural myth has been built throughout the 20 century that this difference in scores is largely 60 8O percent the result of genetic differences and very little in uenced by environment Neither African Americans nor European Americans constitute a homogeneous biological race Porophose During the 19005 many people believed that biology accounzedfor most of this dzjjference llte idea of race Suggests that all African Americans and all European Americans 9tore sirn2 lor biological infonnotion In trtzth within or given race there is or great deal of biological variation 1 Original lane Mercer s 1972 careful study on this subject controlled social environment and found that among those Mexican Americans African Americans and European Americans whose environments were similar on five characteristics IQ scores did not differrstatistically l Parczpvase Later it wctsfound thoz there is no significant dz erence in test performance benveen African Americans llexicon Americans and European Americans zfzre grozrps were from the some social and cultural environment When paraphrasing the writer substitutes approximately equivalent terms for those in the original If properly referenced paraphrasing does not count as plagiarism For example if the writer began the second sentence with As Lieberman notesin Race l997 and 2001 A Race Odysseyj and concluded the paraphrased passage with a reference giving the additional identi cation necessary the form would be correct Similarly the writer could indicated the paraphrase directly starting T o paraphrase Liebertnan s cornrnentfl and concluding with a reference Honesty about the source material is vital THE quotAPTquot TERM Often students unwittingly plagiarize by incorporating particularly colorful words or 39 phrases from the original source into their own writing irtstructors familiar with assigned readings often have little trouble identifying instances of this sort of plagiarism The idea that African Americans have lower IQS than European Americans is a czrlttzml my7 This fiction does not stand up to scientific scrutiny for a number of reasons Neither Black nor White makes up a clearcut and autonomous group Here the writer was unable to resist two tlS 1i concepts and striking terrns cultural myth and fiction A perfectly proper use of the terms would have required only the addition of a few phrases The idea that African Americans have lower IQs than European Americans is to use Lieber1nan s suggestive expression a cultural myth This ction the term again is Lieberrnan s does not stand up to scientific scrutiny for a number of reasons Neither Black nor White makes up a clearecut and autonomous group Here again good notetaking habits will help avoid inadvertent quotation of an author s key phrases The Wm 43 Eenter at Portland State University Guide to Writing in Anthropology The field of anthropology has four major divisions cultural physical linguistic and archeological Course work for all four divisions requires a great deal of writing Introductory level anthropology courses commonly require students to write summaries and reviews of articles Students who decide to major in anthropology should expect to write take home examinations and at least 6 research papers by the time they graduate Since the conventions for academic papers vary slightly in each subfleld of anthropology some instructors provide their students with speci c guidelines for format and appropriate documentation style However the anthropology faculty has adopted the following guidelines forclocumentation style and paper format 000001 General Format instructions Use 1 margins on the sides top and bottom ofeaoh page Type on only one side of the paper Use white paper only Use 12 point font in an easy to read style Double space all text except for block quotes which may be single spaced Use appropriate section headings Headings will vary from course to course The following sections are advised INTRODUCTION CONCLUSION BELIOGlJiPHY EFEEllCl S Do not use plastic binders Staple papers in the upper left corner lo the upper right corner of every page include your last name the page number and the namenurnber of the question you are answering if applicable Spell check your entire document a Proofread your entire document spell check rloesn t catch everything particularly words that are spelled correctly but used incorrectly italicize or underline all foreign words Paper Heading and Title Do not make a separate title page instead beginning one inch from the top of the left margin of the first page type your name your instructor39s name the course title and number and the date on separate single lines Double space and center the title Finally double space again between the title and the first line of your paper Do not underline your title or put it in quotation marks Follow the example below Nguyen l Thuy Nguyen Professor Garnburd i Archeology Anth 590 28 July 1998 Reconstructing Lucy s World This would be the first line of the paper if you were reading an actual paper This is an example it is only an example If this had been an actual paper you would be reading about Lealltey s research Documentation Style Always document the sources you use for facts or information that are not common knowledge There are two parts to properly documenting sources 1 intext citations within the body of your paper that tell readers your sources for inforrnation and ideas that are directly quoted andlor paraphrased y 2 the reference page at the end of the paper that gives complete information about the sources you have used Always place quotation marks around passages that are directly quoted from a source To indicate that material is paraphrased do not use quotation marks simply give the name and date page number when appropriate to indicate where you found the information Anthropology uses the nameyear Geertz 1960 or nameyearpage Geertz 19602220 system of documentation waauuxro WHEN SUMMARIZING oa PARAPHRASING BE CAREFUL NOT TO PLAGIARIZEWREFER TO THE AN39l HROPOLOGY DEPARTMENT S HAN DOUT quotON ACADEMIC INTEGRITYquot ESPECIALLY quotTHE USE OF SOURCESquot SECTION InText Citations NameDate for Paraphrased Information According to the most recent statistics tenure track positions in higher education are on the decline Smith 1998 A I According to the most recent statistics tenure track positions in higher education are on the decline Smith 19982131 NameDatePage for Pgaraphrased Information DatePage for a Quotation In the following sentence the aathor s name is mentioned in the actn need to be included in the citation al sentence so it does not Sherman says that Locke s insistence upon the separation of powers led to the creation of thc Snpretne Court 1980 131 NameDatePage for a Quotation p Locllte s insistence upon the separation of powers led to the creation of the Supreme Court Sher39tnan1998131 Use Block Form for Quotations 3 Lines or Longer As in the previous example the author s name is mentioned in the passage and should not be repeated in the citation at the end of the quote Block quotes may be single or double spaced check with your instructor for personal preference In block quotes the period comes before the citation According to Sherman The Second Treatise of Governrnentrenders explicit and adapts to the British politics o his Locke s day the trend and aim of writers from Languet and Bodin through Hooker and Grotius to say nothing of the distant ancients Aristotle and the Stoic school of natural law 198098 e The Reference Page A reference page for anthropology follows the style established in American Ethnologist American Antiquity and American Journal of Physical Anthropoloav List sources in A alphabetical order using the appropriate format for the scarce For additional citation examples consult The Chicago Manual ofSIyle or the AAA Style Guide available at The PSU Writing Center Book with One Author Last name First name Date of Publication Title of Book Place of Publication Name of Press Article with One Author s Last Name First Name W Date of Publioa on Namo ofAnic1r Name of Journal Volume Number Pages W Article in an Edited Volume Last Name First Name Date of Publication Name of Article In Name of Book First Name of Editor Last N am of Editor ed Pp Page N utnbors Place of Publication Publisher To reference a WVVW Site give as much of the following information asavailable Author s Name Date of Visit Title of tho Work Title of the Complete Work and the Full http or ftp address I If any information is missing skip it and go on to the next available informationfor example Burka Lauren P 1994 Doc 5 A Hypcrtcxt History of Multi User Dimensions MUD History httpwwwccsneueduhomeIpbmoiihis39 oryhtml A Cautions about citing WWW Sites World Wide web Choose WWW Sites carefully Remember that sites are not peer reviewed for accuracy When using the WWW for research it pays to be cautious and slicptical about the information you nd When in doubt go to the library to double check your ndings Sample Reference Page Nguyen 10 References AbuLughod Lila 1996 Veiled Sentiments Honor and Pootry in a Bedouin Society W Berkeley University of California Press Z95 For16239ioodl and the Z cdzkzrzhg Role of Women rliagofos l7OQ7 i 2r j In this chapter I confront an apparent para dox in 1nen s accounts oflfatherhood Men say they want to be involved fathers but they do not seem to be acting that way Nearly all the men I talked to in my researc said they Wanted to be more involved as fathers i than their ownfathers had been and this stated desire is very common for men in the United States But men in the United States do not put much time into dornestic work or child care Coltrane 1996 and after divorce many men in the United States pay very little or nothing in child support and frequently maintain no contact with their children Furstenberg and Cherlin I991 Arendell l995 I argue that we can understand some of this paradox ifwe con sider what men do as fathers as well as what they do not do andif we listen to what they have to say about being fathers Parenting is deeply gendered And by this I do not mean only that fathers and mothers do different things though that is clearly the case but also that being a parent means dif ferent things to mothers and fathers and that being a father means different things to men and women Parenting is also gendered in other ways such as rnen s stated preference for sons and the ways they treat daughters and sons differently I have discussed these aspects of fatherhood elsewhere Townsend rid In this chapter I am focusing on the gendered relationship between fathers and mothers Seeing men and their accounts as gendered Original material prepared for this text i in this way helps us to understand how men think about being fathers and about relation ships in general in the first section below I describe how men see marriage and children as elements of a pacltage deal which cannot be easily separated Conceptually a relationship with a woman is necessary for a man to see himself as a father or family man In the subsequent sections I show how women are often the driving force behind men s decisions about when to have children that a structural divi sion of labor that places men in the labor force and women at home is maintained and supported by cultural work in the face of Wornerfs increasing labor force participation and that parenting itself is genderedwith women being the default parents who rnain tain schedules and routines While men are in a more optional position with their partici pation as fun dads or enforcers mediated by their children s mothers It has been easy to see the gendered division of labor in parenting as a simple division in which men are engaged in the public sphere of paid work and politics and women are involved in the domestic sphere of child care and reproduction What my description shows however is that these two spheres inter penetrate and that arrangements made in one sphere influence behavior in another For instance we shall see that cultural ideas about the division of paid labor and about who should provide for families have an impact on ideas about who should do what for children ms DOMESTIC WORLDS AND PUBLIC WORLDS My discussion in this chapter is based on talking to men who graduated from the same high school in 1972 and were in their late thirties when I interviewed them2 Because they all graduated from the same high school lwas able to learn a lot about the community in California in which they grew up the events of their youth and the opportunities they faced as adults I can speak with con dence about the attitudes these men shared and about the differences between them and I would argue that these men are in many ways typical of men in the United States but these men s experiences and meanings can not be used to support universal or essential ideas about male experience or fathering as a universal pattern of behavior3 What emerged from my conversations is that for the men I talked to the father child relationship could not be described or thought about independent of the relation ship between husband and wife When I ask men about their parents they talk mostly about their fathers but when I ask them about becoming fathers they talk about their wives Some of the paradoxes of men s rela tions to their children may be resolved by understanding the relative positions of men women and children and speci cally the crucial linking or mediating role of women Appreciating the linking role of women is not the same as saying that men do not care about children or that they think that chil dren are entirely wornenfs business Certainly becoming a parent is more separated from biological reproduction for men than for women One can scarcely imagine a woman saying as one of my male informants did Actually I have had a child before although through very strange circumstances I didn t know I had a child before he was a year old and someone sent me a Christmas card say ing This is your baby Equally certainly men consider childbearing and child rearing to be predominantly women s responsibility This is not to say that men are indifferent to 39 having children They have strong feelings about the number timing and kind of chil dren they want but at crucial points in their lives they find that their paternity depends on the cooperation of women The men are not passively dependent on wgmenjg motiva tions they actively select and try to persuade pressure and coerce women but the mediat ing link provided by women remains crucial It is not just that men need and realize that they need a woman s physical cooperaV tion in order to become fathers There is also an asymmetry in the ways that men and women think about becoming parents For instance many women are prepared to think about single parenthood as a possible though usually less desirable route to motherhood the men I talked to on theother hand do not even register it as a possibility Many sin gle childless women are able to think and talk directly about whether they want to have children In doing so and in reading the advice and examples they are Offered in books and magazines it is clear that they see having a child on one s Own as an option It is e an option with definite emotional social and nancial drawbacks as well as opportunities and it is an option that they may well reject but it remains a possibility That having a child on her own is a possibility to be consid ered means that women are able to weigh and articulate their speci c desire for children outside the rnatrixtof family and relationship with a man The relationship between mother 3Ild Child thf afiivity of mothering and the transformation of self into 3 mother are things women can think about directly and in isolation The men I talked 0 could not talk about ha39ving children without talking about quoth1ViI1g 3 family 39 01quot being a family man For these men having hi1d153 is part of being married and having a family They can only conceptualize the relationship between father and children within the matrix of family relationships Of course the relationships between men and their wives are very impcmant in their ownright but my interest here is in the way that marital relationships are structurally important for men s relationships with their Chlidf 311 W0m I1 as wives and mothers mediate and facilitate fatherhood The word mediate describes wornen 5m13 in the 17313 tionship between men and children because it captures in its various meanings some of the complexity of that role Women are in the middle of this relationship they frequently do mediate in the most literal sense of operating as gobetweens or negotiators between their husbands and their children and their pres ence and activity makes possible the repro duction both biological and social that is at the heart of fatherhood 39 For men having children is a reproduction of fatherhood a patrilineal process of the movement of males through the statuses of son father and grandfather and of child adult and old man Townsend 1998 There are five moments phases or aspects of repro duction at which wornen s mediating role is most apparent at marriage when decisions are made about the timing and number of children in the structural division of labor after children are born in gendered parent ing and after divorce MARRIAGE AND CHILDREN WIFE AND MOTHER We always knew we wanted to get married and have a family was a frequent comment of men who married women they had known in high school For my informants marriage is almost always considered to be a relationship that will involve having children In most first marriages husbands say they either knew or assumed that their wives woulclwant chil dren For the men marriage meant getting a wife and family as a sort of package deal Asis often the case it is when obstacles to meeting a norm arise that its existence is made most clear Several men told me that they did not marry women with whom they had good relationships because those women did not want or could not have chil dren Conversely men who had actually wanted to have children told me that they had ended relationships with Women they did not want to marry by telling them that they did not want to have children That this was an excuse is made clear by the rapidity with which they subsequently met married and had children with other women Regardless of whetherthe Fatherhood and the llded ating Role of Women 107 particular menor women in any relationship or marriage really wanted children or not the point is that the cultural idea that marriage and children go together was so clear to all that it could be used as a reason to end a rela tionship without rejecting the other person by saying I don t want to marry you Men are making a simultaneous decision about a wife and a mother to my children Greg an earnest man with two children who worked as a programmer in a software company had married at age twentynine a fact that was very significant to him and to which he returned repeatedly To him twenty nine was old to be getting married and he did not want to be too old to be a vig orous father to his children He felt how ever that waiting until he was twenty nine had not been a bad thing I kind of got everything out of my system before I got married And then when I did get married I wanted it to be forever as they say and I was ready to have kids When I got mar ried I was ready to have kids I probably had it planned in my mind We il get married and we ll have children Although Greg linked marriage with having children he said that he and his wife had not talkedexplicitly before their marriage about having children but that it was just some thing you kind of know I had seen a lotof women over a period of years You see all kinds of women out there I mean there are some smart ones but most of them arethey don t know if they re coming or going you know Maggie sveryintelligent which I like very kind and very funny That s very important to me a sense of humor It is kind of hard to explain exactly why you know that that s the per son but she had all the factors that I was looking for I remember telling myself I can live with this girl for the rest of my life I mean I can actu ally do it through the day to day I just had the inner feeling that I could be comfortable with her for basically the rest of my life Greg s choice of a wife was however not based simply on personal compatibility If 108 DOMESTIC WORLDS AND PUBLIC WORLDS I knew that she did not want to have childrenquot he added I would not have married her Gordon an engineer with three sons had married his wife two years after they met and two years later while he was still in college his first son was born Gordon told me early on that before we got married we had a goal of three and when we nally got three I just said I don t have enough for any more Later when I asked him if he had always wanted children he replied after a pause I never felt that I would not have children But you know up until I found the person I wanted to marry and live with I never thought I really want kids I don t think I consciously said that And when I asked him if children are needed to complete a fam ily he immediately responded That s not the reason we had children but I believe that s a true statement Not to say that a couple is incomplete but I think you re more married if you have children His predisposition to have children and his liking for children he taught Sunday School before he was married had not gelled into a firm plan to have chil dren of his own until he met the person he wanted to marry Marriage and children were inextricably linked in his thinking as they were in another man s comment that Get dng married and not having kids at all seems kind of incomplete I can see you being a single person and not having kids I can understand that more quotnow If you re married I it would be odd not having children A deliberately childless marriage is de nitely a thing to be negotiated beforehand At least normatively inability to bear children is not grounds for divorce but one partner s unwillingness to have them might cause the other partner to hesitate or to refuse to enter into marriage in the first place Several men said that in order to marry a woman who did not want children you would have to love her a lot There is an implication here that a marriage without children requires a stronger love than a marriage with children But I think it is closer to these rnen s meanings that children provide structure and cohesion to a marriage and that romantic love alone with out the cement of shared parenting and the economic partnership of working to support home and family is a slender thread on which to hang a lifetime together During the 19705 and early 1980s when the men I interviewed were aged between eighteen and thirty the divorce rate for childless couples was higher than for couples who had children Wienberg 1988 Divorces of child less couples also proceeded more rapidly than the divorces of couples with children White et al 1986 Conversely the birth of a first child within marriage drastically reduced the divorce rate for the next year Waite et al 1985 Although subsequent births did not have this effect the presence of children in a marriage did appear to slow the process of divorce White et al 19864 Of the men I talked to those who had been through divorces in which children had been involved reported more protracted divorces with sepa rations and reconciliations whereas the divorces that did not involve children were more rapid and clearcut The direction of can sation in these relationships between fertility and divorce is not always clear It may be that having children makes a marriage less likely to end in divorce but it may also be that couples who think their marriage is in trouble are less likely to embark on childbearing The men I talked to recognized that hav ing a child may both strengthen and under mine the relationship between husband and wife On the one hand they appreciated the problems of fatigue busy schedules and restrictions on shared leisure that children create for marriages On the other hand they stressed the responsibility they felt toward maintaining an intact family and also men tioned the new connections with their wives that came from enjoying their children and from sharing activities with them Having chil dren certainly made divorce harder to think about They would they said stay married through hard times and routine times The comments I heard are consistent with the statistical picture that fertility within rnar riage reduces the incidence and slows the process of divorce They also indicate that child lessness within marriage is not a common goal and would demand of a marriage something qualitatively di erent than is expected in a reproductive p Several rnenlydescribed a couple they knew who were married soon after high school graduation but deliberately had no children After their divorce both partners 39 remarried and had children The interpreta tion put on this by their friends is that the marriage without children could not sustain quotitself but that subsequent marriages to people with whom they were ready to have children were likely to be satisfyingquot and successful Child lessness in this account is presented as both a consequence of doubts about the marriage and a cause of its failure The men I spoke to depend on a marital relationship with a woman for a paternal rela tionship with children In the contemporary United States the availability of effective con traception and a relaxation of the standard of sexual chastity for brides means that a rnanquots girlfriend his premarital sexual part ner the woman he lives with and his wife may all be the same person but are not nec essarily so the roles and the individuals fill ing thorn are uncoupled A wife however is unique in the formalization of her social position and in the Way that she links a man to other social persons by virtue of that social position and not merely by virtue of her per sonal qualities and associations Barry balding and hospitable lived in a new house in a new subdivision As we sat on his deck watching his young children from his second marriage play in the Wading pool I he told me a story that encapsulated the con nection between marriage and children lt s funny I knew this one girl that I worked with She was living with her boyfriend She never took any birth control For probably years she never did Never got pregnant But they nally got n1ar ried and like their wedding night she got preg nant It was kind of a psychological thing you know Like Geez I can t get pregnant I m not marriedWell now I m married it s OK In both his own marriages Barry had drawn the same distinction between living together and therefore not having children and being married and having or planning children Fatherhood and the Mediating Role of Women 109 The first time you just get married because it was the thing to do so to speak The second time you re a little bit wiser and more cautious The first time I was twentyVone and my wife had just turned nineteen We were married for a couple of years Andwhat s interesting is that she was raised in a very strict Catholic back ground so living together was kind of taboo So we never lived together We basically got mar ried and we found out that what she wanted and what I wanted were really different We talked about children Nothing real serious but like Down the road here we should have children So it s a good thing that we didn t We were using birth control It wasn t to the point where we decided Let s try and we weren t success ful We weren t ready at that time The second time he got married Barry pro ceeded very differently Even his sentence structure and word choice when telling me about it expressed his greater deliberation We both had our own separate homes and lifestyles when we first met and we spent a lot of time together We decided we had a pretty lasting relationship going and that we should live together and consolidate That way we could really tell by living together whether or not we could live together forever Because you just don t know people until you actually live with them So we lived together for awhile And then we decided to get married and have children In fact that was kind of interesting My wife one of her comments that kind of surprised me was Geez we don t need to get married to have children And that really kind of took me by surprise because I ve kind of had different morals than that If you re going to have children at least plan children then you need to be married Obviously there are times when things are not planned and you re not married But the wayl believe if you re going to plan to have children you should be mar ried She was very insistent that that didn t need to be the case She likes children and I like children so it was kind of a We quotllS39 cussed it and decided Let s get married and we ll have children instead of just having chil dren and not getting married Barry attributed his surprise at his ivife s suggestion that they did not need to get married to have children to different morals 110 DOMESTIC WORLDS AND PUBLIC WORLDS but when his cornments are taken as a whole we can see that his association of children and marriage is not so much moral as conceptual His picture of family life his conceptual frame work for social relationships was one that included the possibility of living together and that separated sexual relations from procre ation but equated having children with being married In this and in the diderence between him and his wife Barry was typical In order to be a father he had to be married His father hood therefore conceptually depends on his having a rnmital relationship with a woman Once married the timing of his children s births would depend on his wife s Willingness and initiative j DRIVING roses WOImN TIMING AND snrrn CONTROL In general the men I talked to assumed that in their own lives conception and birthwere events that could be controlled They assumed that sexual intercourse without preg nancy was a reasonable expectation so that premarital sex a space of time between mar riage and their first birth a controlled space between their children s births and a cessa tion of childbearing were all things to be rea sonably expected and planned for Their confidence in their ability to plan was to at certain eatent justified by the technologica innovations of the birth control pill the IUD andsafe and easy techniques for male and female sterilization Previous fertility declines and control at the level of populations and of couples have depended on a mix of methods including heavy reliance on abstinence and Withdrawal Schneider and Schneider 1996 These are methods that involve at least the participa tion if not the active initiation of men The Pill and the IUD by contrast are methods that are used by women and that do not require contraceptive action by men or Women at the time of intercourse They are particularly for men much less psychically costly than withdrawal or abstinence For men in the United States these methods have had the double effect of enabling a conceptual and physical separation between sexual activity and reproduction and of znov ing control over reproduction to women Control over reproduction was seen as not only technically but also morally wornen s responsibility Barry for example does not say the deci sion about when to have children was his wife s alone but he does put the primary responsibility on her She was probably the driving force Again Iwanted children too So it wasn t like OK I ll just give in If you want children we ll have chil dren But she was probably more the driver of that issue than myself I could have been con tent to Wait a couple years But again we both wanted children It wasn t just because she wanted children If she would have been very insistent against it it would have been some thing we probably would have had to talk about It s really hard to say but I think I wanted to have children also but not to the same degree as she did It would have been nice to have them but if I didn t I could have lived without them It wouldn t have been a decision I may have regretted Notice that While she is the driving force behind the timing he also makes it clear that he too wanted children But he then questions his own desire when he says I think I Wanted to have children and I could have lived without thein In the face of this uncertainty he placed the initiative with his wife The north expressed by all the men I talked to is that there should be a period at the beginning of married life when the cou ple have time for themselves as a couple This norm may be violated by early concep tion or by a period of living together fol lowed by marriage and rapid subsequent conception Marvin a large easygoing man who worked in purchasing told me that he and his wife had children sooner than he would have liked His plan had been to graduate froincollege and buy a house before having children His wife had taken the initiative and had persuaded him that they should have children while he was still in college I wasn t all that hot about the idea I was not sure I could handle all the responsibilities I probably thought in fact I did think about how they de Velop and how you grow along with them It s O11 gosh what am I gonna do when they re teenagers that sort of thing So I wasn t all that hot about having kids My wife convinced me that yeaii it s probably not all that tough I should say now I know how tough it is It s very hard It s a never ending challenge But we finally agreed that we d go ahead and have kids And so we did I wanted to make sure I had a house which we didn t at the time And go ahead and have col lege for me which I didn t So that was a kind of unsettling thing to go from following this nice neat path to success And here s the time to have kids Here s the time to do this to do that I couldn t do that So that kind of bothered me In the event Marvin had not finished col lege but he told me that had not been areal obstacle in his career and he and his wife had bought a house with help from his wife s parents Men discuss their decisions about timing in terms of their reatlir1ess to become fathers5 Readiness is presented as a psychological state that does not necessarily coincide with the birth of the first child Men may realize that they are ready when tlieir first child is born but they may also feel not ready causing per sonal anxiety and strain on their marriage Sev eral men told me that they only became ready to be fathers some time after the birth of their first child usually at a point when they felt they could relate to their children6 On the other hand other men have reported being ready before their wives were and then embarking On campaigns to persuade them to become pregnant For these men it was not wornerfs enthusiasm that drove the decision but their reluctance or hesitation that put women in a position to control the realization of men s plans for fatherhood The men I talked to discussed the timing of births as if they were under perfect con trol and difficulties getting pregnant as well 33 unplanned pregnancies were seen as Fatherhood anti the l fIed7391ting 1ilolze of Wrmen I I 1 surprising From my perspective as an observer who knows something about the variability of human biology this sense of being in perfect control was itself surprising But being in control is a central organircing element of my informants stories in all areas Being out of control is an explanation for the bad thi igs that happen and a good deal of rhetorical effort is expended to create a life story characterized by control and the realization of intentions7 Men are actively involved in decisions about timing but contraception during the childbearing years is overwhelmingly by female methods and men are dependent on the cooperation of their wives But their dependence is not inevitable or driven simply by the use of female contraceptive methods These men are actually iquotelmgm395hz39ng con trol and presen 1 ing the situation as if their wives were the only ones responsible Alfred for instance had wanted only one child but he delayed his Vasectomy after the birth of his first child He reported that his wife then surprised him with a set of twins but he delayed his vasectomy again He only got around to sterilization after she sur prised him with a second set He is an exceptional example only because of the extreme personal and demographic conse quences of his dependence on imperfect methods and his reluctance to assume responsibility for birth control Alfred s posi tion however underlines the centrality of effective birth control for the realization of these men s fertility plans and life plans in general With five children under the age of six he found liimself living in too small a house with bills higher than he had expected and with no financial leeway He worked as a skilled technician but his skills were being made obsolete by technological change and he was not in a position to make the expenditure or take the cut in pay nec essary to acquire new skills or to move into a job with prospects of promotion His high fertility in fact had effects on his work his place of residence and the division of labor in his marriage and will continue to have effects in the future 112 i DOMESTIC WORLDS AND PUBLEC WORLDS WN AT wean worms AT norm rim STRUCTURAL DIVISION or LABOR The archetypical picture of family life in the United States has been of a nuclear house hold composed of a married heterosexual couple and their children in which the man is the hreadwinner and the woman is the hornernaker This has not of course been an accurate picture of the family lives of many people but it has been a cultural archetype or hegemonic image that shapes people s perceptions even when it does not represent their reality8 Even when they become very common however behaviors that do not conform to hegemonic cultural norms con tinue to be perceived as exceptions When people s lives diverge from cultural norms they have to do cultural work to deny explain or reinterpret this divergence Some husbands of employed women who wanted to emphasize that they were the pri mary providers for their families explained that their wives incomes were used for extras or luxuries Others described their wives work as something they did mainly for variety social contacts or to get away from the kids But in either case they were doing cultural Work to interpret their arrangements as conforming to a hegemonic picture of the structural division of labor in marriage In support of this division of labor the men I talked to made three interlocking argu ments that they liked or chose the arrange ment that it was best for the children and that it was natural Gordon the engineer with three sons who felt more married once he had children expressed very clearly the structural division of labor between parents one parent should stay home to raise the children and it should be the mother i think it s wrong to have kids and then lock them in daycare centers while you re working That s Why I m really grateful that my wife can stay home And although at times we were real tight for money and I told her she might have to start looking for a job if We were going to make ends meet I was grateful when things worked out and she didn t have to Because this is really the place the kids need a fulltline mother to watch them This arrangement works Gordon says because She s not the working type This gendered division of labor between husband and wife is a reproducdon of his parents pat tern His father had been a skilled machinist his mother with a college degree had stayed home and not worked outside the home until her children were in high school Gordon explains the arrangement he has with his wife as the result of their choice and in accord with his wife s personality Although Gordon described both the division of labor and the fact that he followed his father into working on machines as natural this couple is an instance of a social fact in the overwhelming number of cases where one of a couple works full time it is the husband Like Gordon Marvin attributes the divi sion of labor in his marriage to his wife s pref erence She has worked off and on he says selling products from the home and working as a teacher s aide for the local school district which gives her a lot of flexibility When I asked him if she had ever wanted to work full time he said She seems to havewanted more to be a good mother And she was the type of person that when we got married she had this View of her self as not Super Mom but Nice lvlorn that does the things that Moms do and takes the kids and gets involved in things And that was a really big thing to her Marvin is articulating what Garey 1999 points to as a dominant cultural image of mothers as oriented either to work or to farm ily Garey argues that many employed mothers downplay their aspirations to career or to being Super Mom and practice maternal visibility by making a point of being seen as doing the things that Moms do Paul went a step beyond Gordon and Marvin in his defense of a structural gen dered division of labor turning it into a timeless and natural pattern Paul is a serious almost intense man who talks quietly but dis plays a erce protectiveness of his family He worksquot a night shift with lots of overtime and shift differential pay He and his wife who was Employed full time lived with their two sons ages six and eight in a townhouse near his work The children were cared for by his wife s mother during the day but she was about to move away and Paul s plan was for his wife to reduce her hours of employment and work part tirne lwas thinking about trying to buy a single fam ily house over here but if it s going to cause me to be away from the family or cause my wife to have to work all the time I think we re gonna back out lfl can tafford a house on my pay alone and make it if we can t do it on my paycheck alone we re not gonna do it Because tha sjust basic It sjust the way it s been since time began Women stay home I m not trying to be chauvinist by anywbut if you re gonna have a family that s the way it works best The gendered division of labor then puts women in the home as the mothers of rnen s children and this division of labor is reinforced 0 by cultural Work that emphasizes men s respon sibility as providers and woroeofs involvement in their children s lives Such a division of labor is presented as natural and equal but it is a product of a particular economic structure and social organization of Work and it works to the advantage of men in giving them more quotcontrol over their leisure time though less over the large amount of their lives they spend at work The gendered division of labor at the structural level also has profound implications for the daily activity of parenting DISCIPLINE CARING AND PROVIDING GENDERED PARENTING In parenting and child rearing men once again place Women between themselves and their children Their interactions withtheir children are controlled arranged or super vised by their Wives Women have most of the Fatherhood and the Mediating Role of Women 113 responsibility for arranging and enforcing children s activities with men exerting their in uence through their wives Some men do put a lot of energy intoquot their children s activi ties especially into their athletic activities and even more express the desire to do so especially to do more with their children than their fathers did with them But studies of time use continue to find differences between working husbands and Wives in the total num 39 ber of hours worked when paid labor child care and housework are cornbined9 Not only is there a difference in the nurn ber of hours men and women spend in child rearing but fathers and mothers approach parenting very differently The men I talked to express the belief that mothers are the default parent They act on this belief and by their actions make it true Being the default parent means being on terms of greater intimacy being the one to whom a child turns first and being the one with the responsibility for knowing what the child s needs and schedules are The default parent ultimately is the one who has to be there to Whom parenting is in no sense optional Walzer 1998 For example fathers may go to meetings at their children s schools or take their children to sports practice but it is usu ally mothers who keep track of when the meetings and practices are and who are therefore the default parents Lareau 2000a 2000b reports that fathers are very vague and general in their accounts of their children s daily routine in contrast to the detailed and specific responses of rnothers In general my inforrnants indicated that it was their wives who kept the mental and physical calendar and I would simply add that the person who keeps track of scheduling has a good deal of control over What is scheduled Even in the area of discipline and punish Inent where it would seem that the father s position as ultimate authority was secure mothers are the gatekeepers or mediators Consider the proverbial threat of mothers to their children just you wait until your father gets home This expression was used as an example by a number of men to express that they were deeply involved in their children s 114 DOMESTIC WORLDS AND PUBLIC WORLDS lives It was meant to indicate that they were the source of discipline even if they were not in a position of direct supervision most of the time On closer examination however the expression indicates a very different relation ship for it is the mother who decides when and what the father is told and thus when he can act Rather than being in an immediate disciplinary relationship with his children he is a resource to be mobilized by his wife in her dealings with the children and thus in a rela tionship mediated by his wife The disciplinary dynamic in families can take several forms but two are common While they may seem very different in both of them the wife and mother is ultimately responsible for discipline In the first the hus band is an authority gure and disciplinarian who sees himself as supporting or backing up his wife In the secondthe husband is allowed to be fun because his wife is the disciplinarian Both Ralph and Terry usedquot the word enforcer to describe their role in their chil dren s discipline Neither of them liked this V though both accepted it as their responsibility to support their wives Ralph had two children and was one of the most impressive men I met doing this research He had had a troubled adolescence but since then he had worked his way to a highly responsible job in public service and was universally admired by his former classmates Ralph told me that there had been one disciplinarian in his family when he was growing up and that it was the same in his marriage One parent seems like the disciplinarian and the other one is not And in my family I am And my wife doesn t understand Why won the children listen to me Because it s always Pm gonnatell your father She had to call me here at work l ve had to talk to them on the phone And they straighten right up Ralph felt that his wife should be more consis tent in her discipline so that the children would not ignore her threats and make her lose her temper She on the other hand sometimes felt overwhelmed and told him that if she were to hit the children instead of 39 threatening I d beat them to death I d be constantly hitting them Terry the father of two boys is also critical of his wife s treatment of the children but he too acceptshis role as enforcer The thing is you ve gotta be the enforcer The man has to be the enforcer and that s the only thing that sometimes irritates me I come home from working a hard day and my wife right off Terry he s done this he s done that And I get mad and I go in there and yell at him That s where a lot of times I would like to say You re the mother Handle it If you want to restrict him restrict him If you want him to be whupped do it She39s home every day She knows exactly what s going on I think she ought to handle it more herself For both Ralph and Terry the structural divi sion of labor their position at work and their wives presence at home means that their wives are the ones who determine what is eapected of their children and who know what they are doing The women then decide what to tell their husbands and so determine the kinds of interactions fathers and children will have Terry yells at his children and Ralph spanks his but their wives as the default par ents mediate the flow of information and expectation between fathers and children Wornen s mediation should not however be seen as deliberately manipulative The gen dered division of discipline is not an individw ual choice or decision but part of a whole gendered system of division of labor Gordon s situation is a rather different manifestation of the same gendered system In Gordon s family he is the one who can relax and have fun with his sons because his Wife is protective and strict When it comes to parenting he says My wife does a better job Although she is very protective of the kids Like my elevenyear old she won t drop off at baseball practice She ll stay and wait until it s over And even though sit ting in a car she s always there She won t leave the kids anywhere alone I think she s just worried about something happening to them Not having an accident like falling off of some thing but with all the crazies out there she siust worried about losing one of them Which is I mean it s a reallife concern I can t blame her for that but it gets a little excessive sometimes And she does discipline them better they mind her better she s more sensitive to their feeling and that kind of thing lt s the insensitive dad sometimes I don t treat my kids the way my father treated us He was a very heavy discipli narian and we were afraid of him when we grew up I don t want my kids to be afraid of me Partly because he does not want his children to fear him as he feared his father and part ly because his wife is watching over them protecting thern and disciplining them he feels he can let them run Ia little wild When they re just goofing off and it s Friday night I m not going to crack the whip and put them to bed He laughs It wouldn t work anyway i Edwards position as a fun dadquot to his three children is also mediated by his wife who ran a child care business in her home when the youngest was a toddler and now teaches at the private school the children attend She is very involved in the lives of children in general and her own children in partictilar and part of her involvement is in scheduling her husband s time with his children Edward says that When there are three there it s tough They re all vying for your attention So his wife intervened and he now says to his children Your Mom says it s your turn So each time I do something I take a different child with me And it works out two ways lt s a lot cheaper for one And also I get that one on one with my kids Many of the things he does with his children are recreational activities that he enjoys such as baseball and basketball games While his wife is orchestrating this activity Edward gets to be the fun father spending quality time with his chil dren doing something they can enjoy together Edward also gets to be spontaneous with the whole family Several times he told me that he would on the spur of the moment sweep the family up and drive to the beach Like I get them going at seven in the morning up to Santa Cruz and P11 bring my camping Fatherhood and the Mediating P p of Women 115 said and we ll cook breakfast and we lljust have breakfast and when other people are coming we re leaving and coming back home We do stuff off the wall like that Spur ofthemoment type things On Friday afternoon I ll tell every one to pack their suitcase and we ll go to Mom terey for a night and things like that I think that s pretty neat Overall Edward emphasized the fun and spon taneity of his relations with his children Age wise I m probably considered an adult but you talk to my kids and I m probably the biggest kid around I m not kidding I m a big kid at heart I love sports I love my kids It is important to notice that E39dward s ability to be spontaneous and to have fun with his children just like his oneonone time with his children is dependent on the routine dayby day planned and conscientious work of his wife r The gendered division of labor in parent a ing not only distributes work and fun di feren tially between fathers and mothers it also distributes who gets taken for granted and who gets the credit for what they do Hochschild shows how couples negotiate not only a material division of labor but also an economy of gratitude 1989 people do not just want to be appreciated they want to be appreciated for the contributions they think are important Psychologists Carolyn and Philip Cowan 1999 observed that for men paid employment counts as childcare when men work they are seen as doing some thing for theirchildren In addition wives see their husbands attention to their children as contributions to the marriage relationship Women s employment on the other hand is seen as detracting from their mothering and their husbands do not see the care mothers give theirchildren as couple time or as build ing the marriage For the men I talked to their fathers employment was remembered and appreciated While their mothers employ ment was minimized or forgotten In addition their mothersquot parenting was taken for granted while their fathers more occasional attention was treasured Even though he said his father did not spend much time with hiIn Dad was I16 DOMESTIC WORLDS AN D PUBLIC WORLDS working I remernber when my father worked three jobs Edward appreciated the hard work his father had done to build a nancially stable foundation for his family My Dad s heiped me out nancially he s helped every single one of his kids out Financially and every other way Edward also remembered the few vacations we had with his father His fond memories of those rare occasions was one rnotivation for his own spontaneous family trips But his memories of his mother are less precise and more matter offact I askedhim if his mother had worked I know she worked off and on because she worked at an electronics company for the longest time Yeah she did work I m just trying to remember There was a time when I know she didn t because I know when I was in elc mentary school I remember coming home at lunchtime and she would have lunch for me So maybe when the kids were smaller she didn t work And then she started working I rernemn ber her working at the electronics company a long time Then went to a computer manufac tuner and retired from there In fact his mother had also worked fulltime before the family moved to Orchardtown when Edward was sin but the pointto notice is not so much whether she worked or not as that her son did not see her work as part of her identity and certainly not as part of her parenting which was represented by that daily routine of having lunch ready On the other hand for her husband work was central to his being a father The nancial help Edward received from his parents both of whom were working full time when he was a young man is reported as coming from his father and the family activities he points to are a handful of family vacations with his father Mothers who are supervising and caring for their children may well know more about those children about their hopes and insecu rities than fathers who are there to have occa sional fun They are then in a position to relay or to hold back knowledge about their chil dren and mothers are the ones who both fathers and children talk to about the other Edward told me a typical story of an incident between him and his daughter about which both of them had independently talked to his wife Their communication about the event and its resolution inEdward s mind was very directly mediated by the mother I just talked to my wife the other night My oldest daughter somehow I felt like she wasn t commu nicating with me lately the last couple weeks I was asking my wife if there was anything wrong What particular things had happened at school I went to pick up my son and she was gonna go somewhere else and I saw her and I know she saw me but she didn t acknowledge me being there So I was kind of hurt because usually they ll come up IIi Dadl And my wife goes It had nothing to do with her not wanting What it was I guess her friends were wearing malceup and she knows I m against girls at this age wean ing makeup and I guess that was why she didn t come and talk to me So that s ne I can see why she didn t want to talk to me These exarnples illustrate that the structur al division of labor in which men are seen as providers and women as hornernakers is con nected to a gendered division of parenting Mothers not only do more child care and domestic work they also know more about what their children are doing and feeling they talk to them more and they control the flow of information between fathers and chil dren They also schedule their children s lives and the interactions they have with their fathers As part of this gendered system the relationship that mothers have with their chil dren even in uences the quality of the inter actions men have with their children Mothers may invoke their husbands as disciplinarians and enforcers so that the fathers are stricter or sterner than they might otherwise be Or mothers may maintain the structure of family life giving men the space to be spontaneous and fun 39 Within this gendered system of parenting men and women act out and reinforce gen der stereotypes Men are expected to play more actively with children than women do and as a general rule they do so Mothers so I was told control male exuberance calming people down and discouraging dangerous or overcxuberant play It is mothers I am told who set limits on the activity of men and chil dren By doing so they constrain themselves or rather are constrained by an entire system ofiertpectaitions from being fun in quite the same way that men are Men s playfulness and men s anger their distance and their sense of inadequacy are reproduced in the daily inter actions of farnily life A crucial element of these interactions is the mediating position of women as wives and mothers 9 CONCLUSION The question arises ofwhether women jeal ously guard their control over the family or whether men relegate women to the less restigious area of domestic work and child care At the level of family life and the lives of individual men and women clearly both are going on Coltrane 1989 Cowan and Cowan 1999 Hertz 1986 6465 Walzer 1998 45 ft The gendered division of labor in parenting is part of an arrangement between the sexes Goffman 197 7ma con structed and continually reinforced division of being between men and women Men cer tainly develop a learned or deliberate incompetence in certain areas It is ajoke among both men and women that after a man has once done the laundry with mixed whites and coloreds and turned everything pink or fixed a meal and turned the kitchen into adisaster area or looked after the chil dren for a weekend during which they ate nothing but pizza and never bathed it is eas ier for women to do these things themselves But men also develop different ways of doing things playing more aggressively teasing and challenging children to take risks or break out of routines Both men and women live out and perform stereotypes fre quently performing them while acknowledg ing that in some sense at least they should not do so So a woman who says I know I should learn how to check the oil in the car but I let my husband do it or a man who like me sheepishly EXCIISCS himself from rnaltlng social arrangements because My Fatherhood and the Mediating Role of Women 117 wife keeps track of the calendar is perpetu ating a particular gendered division of labor at the same time that his words are explicitly criticizing it This process of negotiating gender which is often referred to as doing gender West and Zii lrnerman 1987 to describe gender as an activity rather than an intrinsic quality that people have is complex and often inter nally contradictory ln this chapter I have shown how the cultural norm of men s pub lic labor force participation and their role in the domestic sphere as family providers is maintained by cultural work done by men and women to emphasize the importance of fathers earnings although mothers are also playing vital roles in the work force and public sphere I have also shown that Within the domestic area there is a gendered divi sion of parenting and of the meaning of being a parent that continues to be very important even when both parents are involved in the daytoclay activities of their children Fathering like all human activity is both a pattern of behavior and a set of mean ings Behavior and meaning sometimes rein force each other sometimes contradict each other and sometimes work together to cover over contradictions or to imake sense of changing circumstances In family life in the United States as men women and children move back and forth between the public areas of employment and school andthe domestic areas of home life and care giving cultural ideas of What is gen derappropriate function to make sense of change and to provide meaningful continuity and coherence Notes 1 A large amount of human activity is carried on in an area that is neither strictly domestic nor public Areas of lifesuch as friendship visiting kinship and socializing cut across the pub lic domestic divide In a studyvof community in nineteenth century New England Hansen 1994 proposes the term social for this third sphere of action 118 DOMESTIC WORLDS AND PUBLIC WORLDS 25 The interviews involved an interactionbetween my personal situation the perceptions ofthe men I talked to and my conclusions Townsend 1999 I refer to all the men by pseudonyms The quotations are taken from the transcripts of tape recorded interviews I have not changed or added to what men said but because I do not want to distract attention from the content of what they told me I have not presented all the ersquot urns and you knows with which real speech is stud ded In the quotations a dash indicates an incomplete sentence or change of topic ellipsis indicates that I have omitted words or sen tences from a quotation I do not mean to imply that all men or all women think and feel alike Certainly father hood means something different to men in the conternporary United States than it does to men in India in the Congo basin or in New Guinea Fatherhood also has different mean ings to men in the United States now than it did to men in the nineteenth century or in the colonial period Fatherhood also means differ ent things to different groups of men in the contemporary United States Fathers in the upper classes for instance have concerns about inheritance and family status that are very different from those of fathers in the mid dle class who are worried about their children s college education and the dangers of down ward mobility or from working class fathers whose positions in families are being trans formed by declining real wages and an increas ing family dependence on two incomes 4 The birth of children before marriage is associated with a marital disruption rate 57 to 80 percent higher than for couples without premarital births for cohorts of white women married between l97O and 1985 Martin and Bumpass 1989 42 This association may be because of greater strains on the early marriage because couples who have a child before marriage have less normative commit ment to marriage or because some of the births were the biological children of men other than the husband and so do not have an own children effect on his behavior My assertion of the connect edness of marriage and children is bolstered however by the lack of association between premarital conception and marital disruption A Billyetal1986 Leone s 1986 discussion of the key values invoked by middle class white women in the United States to describe and explain their childbearing decisions reveals the importance of readiness for women as well as for men 6 Ehrensaft 1990 ll9122 interviewed couples who had decided to share the work of parent ing their children She describes the men s reactions of falling in love with their children For women the gap between the anticipation and the reality of children was srnaller and the major surprise was the absorbing daytoday reality of parenthood For men the anticipa tion was more anxious and the realization of parenthood marked a greater break In the terms of my discussion the paternal relation ship the paternal sentiment and the sense of being a father is something that is brought about that happens and that is not taken for granted or inevitably linked to the biological events of conception or birth In an absolute sense the same is true of women Maternal bonding is a cultural event also but it is an unquestioned event of our culture in a way that paternal bonding is not Langer 1983 has analyzed the psychology of perceived control and its importance for both a sense of well being and the actual outcome of V 39IllZS The father breadwinner mother homemaker family has been both historically recent and short lived as a dominant pattern From 1850 until the Second World War the decline of 39 farm families was matched by an increase in the percentage of children in father breadwinner mother homemaker nonfarm families which reached almost 60 percent by 1930 and then fluctuated around that level until 1960 when it began a rapid drop to 27 percent by 1989 From 1950 onward the declines in farm and father breadwinner families has been matched by a rise in the percentage of children in dual earner and one parent families which was approaching 70 percent by 1990 Since 1970 less than half of the children in the United States have been in families of the father bread winner mother homemaker type Hernandez 1993 103 Hochschild 1989 s 4 and 271 273 surnrna rized studies that concluded that there was a difference of ten to twenty hours of total work between working husbands and wives Other studies have found that men and women spend approximately equal amounts of time on the combination of housework and quotpaid work Ferree 1991 Fleck 1985 Schor 1991 but certain domestic tasks continue to be over whelmingly women s work Coltrane 1996 Shelton 1992 and men s contribution to housework still tends to be thought of by both husbands and wives as helping Coltrane 1989 Walter 1998 When married couples have Cl1quotll dren the division of domestic labor tends to become more traditionally gendered Cowan and Cowan 1999 and women spend less time in the paid labor force while men spend more Shelton 1992 REFERENCES mendell Terry 1995 Men and Divorce Thousand Oaks CA Sage 6 BillyohnHG Nancy S Landale and Steven D McLaughlin 1986 The Effect of Marital Sta tus at First Birth on Marital Dissolution Among Adolescent Mothers Demography 23252949 Coltrane Scott 1989 Household Labor and the Routine Production of Gender Social Problems 3647390 1 1996 Fozmlly McmFothorhood Housework and Gender Equity New York Oxford University Press Cowan Carolyn Pape and Philip A Cowan 1999 Whrm Partners Become Parents The Big Life Change for Couples Mahwah NJ Lawrence Erlhaum Ehrensaft Diane 1990 Parenting Together Mon and Women Sharing the Care of Their Children Urbana University of Illinois Press Ferree Myra Marx 1991 The Gender Division of Labor in TwoEarner Marriages Dirnen sions of Variability and Change journal of Family Issues 12158430 FurstenbergFrank F and Andrew Cherlin 1991 Divided Familiar What Happens to Children When Parents Port Cambridge Harvard University Press 9 V Garey Anita Ilta i999 Weaving Work and Mother hood Philadelphia Temple University Press Gofhnan Ewing 1977 The Arrangement Between the Sexes Theory and Society 430136 Hansen Karen V 1994 A l my Social Time Cro fitng Community in Antebellum New England Berkeley University of California Press Hernandez Donald J 1993 Americo 5 Children Resources from Family Government and the Econo my New York Russell Sage Foundation Hertz Rosanna 1986 quotMore Equal Than Others Women and Men in Duol Corsmquot Marriages Berkeley University of California Press 1 Iiochschi1dArlie 1989 The Second Shz Wo1hingPor A ants and the Rooolallmi at Home New York Viking Langer Ellen j 1988 T he Psychology of Control Beverly Hills Sage Fatherhood and the Mediating ans ofwomorz 1 is Lareau Annette 2000a Vague Answers Relies tions on Studying Fathers Contributions to Children s Care Paper presented at Work and Family Expanding the 1lorizons Univer sity of California Berkeley 2000b Social Class and the Daily Lives of Children A Study from the United States Childhood 7 2 155l71 Leone Catherine L 1986 Fairness Freetdorn and Responsibility The Dilemma of Fertility Choice in America Unpublished P11D dis sertation in Anthropology Washington State University Martin Teresa Castro and Larry L Burnpass 1989 Recem Trends in Marital Disruption Demograplzy 263751 Pleclgjoseph 1985 Working Wioes Working Hus bands Beverly Hills CA Sage Schneider Jane C and Peter Schneider 1996 Festival of the Poor Fertility Decline and the Ideology of Class in Sicily I8601980 Tucson University of Arizona Press Schonjuliet B 1991 T he Ovorworkecl American The Unexpected Decline of Leisure New York Basic Books Shelton BA 1992 Women Mean Time N ew York Greenwood Townsend Nicholas W 1998 Fathers and Sons Men s Experience and the Reproduction of Fatherhood pp 36876 in Families in the US Kinship and Domestic Politics edited by Karen V Hansen and Anita llta Garey Philadelphia Temple University Press 1999 Fatherhoods and Fieldwork Intersections Between Personal and Theo retical Positions Men and Masculinities 2l89 99 nd The Package Deal Momogo Work and Fothorhoocl in Men 5 Lives Waite Linda Gus Haggstrom and David Kanouse 1985 The Consequences of Parent hood for the Marital Stability of Young Adults American Sociological Review 508505397 Walzer Susan 1998 Thinking About the Baby Gen do and Tronsilions Imo Parenthood Philadel phia Temple University Press West Candace and Don 1I Zinnnerrnan 1987 Doing Gender Gender 69 Society 12l2551 White Lynn Alan Booth and john Edwards 1986 Children and Marital Happiness Why the Negative Relationship journal of Family Issues 397 13148 39 Wienberg Howard 1988 Duration Between Marriage and First Birth and Marital Stability Social Biology 3591102 PBQThe Professional Beauty Quali cation NOlH WOLF NAOMI WOLF began studying beauty when she was at Oxford lini versity on a Rhodes Scholarship Her bestselling book The Beauty Myth How Images of Beauty Are Used Against Women 1991 developed from her thesis After writing the hook Wolf claims Tm much less interested in the mirror than I used to be In this selec tion excerpted from The Beauty Myth Wolf exposes the origins of what she considers a new reaairement of physical attractiveness that has evolved as women enter traditionally male ooeapatiorzs Accord ing to Wolf standards of beauty previously reserved for display professions e g dancers models escorts are now heing applied to women in most professions Before reading the selection explore in your journal your feel ings about the emphasis on physical beauty in women Do you think such an emphasis is a compliment to women an insult Do you think society applies a doahle standard of attractiveness to men and women Explain your response As you make notes on your reading you may want to focus on Wolf39s use of statistics her foeiis on a few prominent women or her analysis of l7eaaty as a concept WHERE oio ms PBQ BEGIN It evolved like the beauty myth itself alongside women39s emancipation and radiates outward to altcom party women39s professional enfranchisement It spreads with womer1 s professionalization out of American and Western European cities into smaller atowns from the First World to the Third World and West to East With the Iron Curtain drawn bacllt we are due to see an acceleration of its effects in the Eastern bloc countries lts epicenter is Manhattan where many of the women who have risen highest in the professional hierarchies are concentrated A 1quotquotPquotIf39l Wow PBQ 531 It started in the 19605 as large numbers of educated middleclass young women began to work in cities living alone between gradu ation and marriage A commercial sexualized mystique of the airline stewardess the model and the executive secretary was promoted sirnulitaneously The young working woman was blocked into a stereotype that used beauty to undermine both the seriousness of the work that she was doing and tie img lications if her new inde pendence Helen Gurley Brown s 1962 best seller Sex and the Single Girl was a survival map for negotiating this independence But its title became a catchphrase in which the first term canceled out the second The working single girl had to be seen as sexy so that her work and her singleness would not look like what they really were serious dangerous and seismic If the working girl was sexy her segtltiness had to make her work look ridiculous because soon the girls were going to become women 9 In June 1966 the National Organization for Women was founded in America and that same year its members demonstrated against the firing of stewardesses at the age of thirtytwo and upon marriage In 1967 the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission began to hold hearings on sex discrimination New Yorkrwornen invaded the Plaza T I lotel s allmale Oak Room in February 1969 In 1970 Time and Newsweek were charged with sex discrimination and twelve TWA stewardesses filed a multimilliondollar action against the airline Consciousness raising groups began to form Women who had been politicized as students entered the job market determined to make women39s issues rather than antiwar and free speech issues their priority Away from the ferment but well informed by it law was quietly being made In 1971 a judge sentenced a woman to lose three pounds a week or go to prison In 1972 beauty was ruled to be something that could legally gain or lose women their jobs The New York State Human Rights Appeals Board deterrnined in St Cross V Playboy Club of New York that in one highly visible profession a woman s beauty was a bona fide qualification for employment llargarita St Cross was a Playboy Club waitress fired because she had lost her Bunny Image The club s employment standards ranked waitresses on the following scale 1 A flawless beauty face figure and grooming 2 An egtltceptionally beautiful girl 3 Marginal is aging or has developed a correctable appearance problem 4 Has lost Bunny Image either through aging or an uncorrectable appearance problem 532 A Woman s Place St Cross s male counterparts who did the same work in the same place were not subjected to appraisals of any lltind Margarita St Cross asked the board to decide that she was still beautiful enough to keep her job having reached she said a physi ological transition from that youthful fresh pretty look to the Worn anly look mature Hefner39s Sp0llteS111 11 toldthe board that she was not The board reached its decision through taking Hefner s word over St Cross s by assuming that the employer is by definition more credible about a woman s beauty than is the Woman herself that that evaluation was well within the competence of the Playboy Club to decide They did not give Weight to St Crossquots expertise about what constitutes quotBunny Image In ordinary employment disputes the employer tries to prove that the employee deserved to be fired while the employee tries to prove that he or she deserves to keep the job When quotbeauty is the BFOQ though a woman can say she39s doing her job her employer can say she isn39t and with this ruling the employer automatically wins The Appeals Board identified in its ruling a concept that it called standards of near perfection In a court of law to talk about some thing imaginary as if it is real makes it real Since 1971 the law has recognized that a standard of perfection against which a woman s body is to be judged may exist in the workplace and that if she falls short of it she may be fired A standard of perfection for the male body has never been legally determined in the same way While de fined as materially existing the female standard itself has never been defined This case lay the foundations of the legal maze into which the PBQ would evolve A woman can be fired for not looking right but looking right rernains open to interpretation Gloria Steinem has said All Women are Bunnies The St Cross case was to resonate as an allegory of the future Though beauty is arguably necessary for a Bunny to do a good job that concept of female employment was adapted generally as the archetype for all Women on the job The truth of Steinenfs comment deepened throughout the next two decades Wherever women tried to get and hold on to paid Work in 1971 a prototype of Ms magazine appeared In 1972 the Equal Employment Opportunity Act was passed in the United States Title IX outlawed sex discrimination in education By 1972 20 percent of management positions in America were held by women In 1975 Catherine lIcDermott had to sue the Xerox Corporation because they 1 Bona Fide Occupational Qualification a legal term ted Wort PBQ 533 withdrew a job offer on the grounds of her weight The seventies saw women streaming into the professions in a Way that could no longer be disrnissed as intermittent or casual or secondary to their primary role as wives and mothers In 1978 in the United States one sixth of the master of business adrninistration candidates and one fourth of graduating accountants were women National Airlines fired stew ardess Ingrid Fee because she was too fat wfour pounds over the line In 1977 Rosalynn Carter and two former first ladies spoke at the Houston convention of NOW In 1979 the National Women s Business Enterprise Policy was created to support women s businesses that very year a federal judge ruled that employers had the right to set appearance standards By the new decade United States government policy decreed that the working woman must be taken seriously and the law decreed that her appearance must be taken seriously The political function of the beauty myth is evident in the timing of these case laws lt was not until women crowded the public realm that laws proliferated about appearance in the workplace Whatlrnust this creature the serious professional woman look like T l Television journalism vividly proposed its answer The avuncular male anchor was joined by a much younger female newscaster with a professional prettiness level That double i1nagethe older man lined and distinguished seated beside a nubile heavily rnade up fernale i uniorwbecarne the paradigm for the relationship between men and women in the worllt place Its allegorical force was and is pervasive The qualification of professional prettiness intended at first to sweeten the unpleasant fact of a woman assuming public authority took on a life of its own until professional beauties were hired to be made over into TV jour nalists By the 1980s the agents who headhunted anchors kept their test tapes under categories such as quotMale Anchors 40 to 50 with no corresponding category for women and ranked women anchors physical appearance above their delivery skills or their experience The message of the news team not hard to read is that a powerful man is an individual whether that individuality is expressed in asym metrical features lines gray hair hairpieces baldness bulbousness tubbiness facial tics or a wattled neck and that his rnaturity is part of his power If a single standard were applied equally to men as to women in TV journalism most of the men would be unernployed But the women beside them need youth and beauty to enter the same soundstage Youth and beauty covered in solid makeup present the anchorwoinan as generic an anchorclone in the industry s slang What is generic is replaceable With youth and beauty then the work 15 534 A Womar s Place ing woman is visible but insecure made to feel her qualities are not unique But without them she is invisible she falls literally out of the picture The situation of women in television simultaneously symbolizes and reinforces the professional beauty qualification in general Senior ity does not mean prestige but erasure of TV anchors over forty 97 percent claims anchorwoman Christine Craft are male and the other 3 are fortyish women who don t look their age Older anchor women go through quota real nightmare she wrote because soon they won t be quotpretty enough to do the news anymore Or if an anchor woman is beautiful she is constantly harassed as the kind of person who had gotten her job solely because of her loollts The message was finalized The most emblematic working women in the West could be visible if they were beautiful even if they were bad at their work they could be good at their work and quot beautii ul and therefore visible but get no credit for merit or they could be good and unbeautiful and therefore invisible so their merit did them no good ln the last resort they could be as good and as beautiful as you pleasewefor too long upon which aging they disappeared This situation now extends throughout the workforce That double standard of appearance for men and women cornmu nicated itself every rnorning and every night to the nations of working women whenever they tried to plug in to the events of their world Their window on historical developments was framed by their own dilemma To find out what is going on in the world always involves the reminder to women that this is going on in the world In 1983 working women received a decisive ruling on how firmly the PBQ was established and how far it could legally go The thirty sigtlt yearold Craft filed suit against her exemployers Metroinedia Inc at Kansas City on the charge of sex discrimination She had been dismissed on the grounds that as Christine Craft quotes her em ployer she was quottoo old too unattractive and not deferential to men Her dismissal followed months of PBQ demands made on her time and on her purse in breach of her contract and offensive to her sense of self She was subjected to fittings and makeovers by the hour and presented with a daybyday chart of clothing that she would not have chosen herself and for which she was then asked to pay None of her male colleagues had to do those things Testimony from other anchorwoman showed that they had felt forced to quit due to Metromedia s quotfanatical obsession with their appearance Other women were assigned to cover the trial Craft was hurnili ated by her colleagues on camera One suggested she was a lesbian Diane Sawyer who six years later when she won a sixfigure salary 20 Wots PBQ 535 would have her appearance evaluated on Tirrufs cover with the head line is SHE WOR39i H it asked Craft on a national news broadcast if she really was unique among Women in her lack of appearance i skills Her employers had counted on going unchallenged because of the reaction such discrimination commonly instills in the victim of it a shame that guarantees silence But Metromedia 39 she Wrote defi antly was wrong if they tliought a woman would never admit to having been told she was ugly Her account proves how this discrimination seeps in where others cannot reach poisoning the private well from which self esteern is drawn Though I may have dismissed intellectually the statement that I was too unattractive nonetheless in the core of my psyche I felt that something about my face was difficult if not monstrous to be hold It39s hard to be even mildly flirtatious when you re troubled by such a crippling point of View An employer can t prove an employee incornpetent simply by announcing that she is But because beauty lives so deep in the psyche Where sexuality rningles with selfesteern and since it has been usefully defined as something that is continually bestowed from the outside and can always be taken away to tell a Woman she is ugly can make her feel ugly act ugly and as far as her experience is concerned be ugly in the place where feeling beautiful keeps her Whole No Woman is so beautiful by definitionthat she can be confi dent of surviving a new judicial process that submits the victim to an ordeal familiar to women from other trials looking her up and down to see how What happened to her is her own fault Since there is nothing objective about beauty the power elite can whenever nec essary form a consensus to strip beauty away To do that to a woman publicly from a witness stand is to invite all eyes to confirm her ugliness which then becomes the reality that all can see This process of legal coercion ensures that a degrading public spectacle can be enacted at her expense against any woman in any profession if she charges discrimination by beauty The moral of the Christine Craft trial was that she lost Though two juries found for her a male judge overturned their rulings She seems to have been blacklisted in her profession as a result of her legal fight Has her example affected other women in her profession There are thousands of Christine Crafts one woman reporter told i me quotWe keep silent Who can survivea blacklist Defenders of Judge Stevens s ruling justified it on the grounds that it was not sex discrimination but market logic If an anchorper son doesn t bring in the audiences he or she has not done a good job The nugget hidden here as it was applied to women bring in audi 25 536 A Womarfs Place ences sales clients or students with her bec2uty mhas become the legacy of the Craft case for working women everywhere The outcome of the trial was one of those markers in the 1980s that a Woman may have witnessed and felt as a tightening around the neck and knew she had to keep still about When she read the sum mation she knew that she had to distance herself from her lltnowledge of how much she was Christine Craft She might have reacted by starting a new diet or buying expensive new clothes or scheduling an eyelift Consciously or not though she probably reacted the pro fession of image consultant grew eightfold over the decade Women and Work and beauty outside the sex professions fused on the day Craft lost her case and a wider cycle of diseases was initiated It will not the woman might have told herself happen to me It could and did continue to happen to working women as the law bolstered employers with a series of Byzantine rulings that ensured that the PBQ grew ever more resilient as a tool of discrimination The law developed a tangle of inconsistencies in which women were para lyzed While one ruling Miller V Bank of America confused sexual attraction with sexual harassment and held that the law has no part to play in employment disputes that centered on it attractiveness the court decided being a natural sex phenomenon which plays at least a subtle part in most personnel decisions and as such the court shouldn39t delve into such matters the court in another case Bczrrzes V Castle concluded that if a woman39s unique physical charac teristicsmred hair say or large breasts were the reasons given by her employer for sexual harassment then her personal appearance was the issue and not her gender in which case she could not expect protection under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act With these rulings a woman39s beauty became at once her job and her fault United States law developed to protect the interests of the power structure by setting up a legal maze in which the beauty myth blocks each path so that no woman can look right and win St Cross lost her job because she was too oldquot and too quotugly Craft lost hers because she was too old too ug1y unfeminine and didn t dress right This means a woman might think that the law will treat her fairlyin employment disputes if only she does her part looks pretty and dresses fernininely She would be dangerously Wrong though Let39s look at an Ameri can working woman standing in front of her wardrobe and imagine the disembodied voice of legal counsel advising her on each choice as she takes it out on its hanger Feminine then she asks in reaction to the Craft decision 30 WOLF PBQ 537 You d be asking for it ln 1986 Mechelle Vinson filed a sex dis crimination case in the District of Columbia against her employer the Meritor Savings Bank on the grounds that her boss had sexually harassed her subjecting her to fondling exposure and rape Vinson was young and beautiful and carefully dressed The district court ruled that her appeararice counted against her Testiinony about her provocative dress could be heard to decide Whether her harassment was welcome Did she dress provocatively As her counsel put it in exasperation lsleehelle Vinson wore clothes Her beauty in her clothes was admitted as evidence to prove that she welcomed rape from her employer Well feminine but not too feminine then Careful In Hopkins V Priced lVczterirzouse Ms Hopkins was denied a partnership because she needed to learn to quotwalk more femininely fl talk more femininely dress more femininely and wear makeup Maybe she didrft deserve a partnership quotShe brought in the most business of any employee llmm Well maybe a little more ferninine Not so fast Policewoman Nancy Fahdl was fired because she looked too much like a lady All right less feminine l ve wiped off my bluslier You can lose your job if you don39t wear makeup See Tammi V Harvard Iolmsorz Corrzpcmy Inc d How about this then sort of womanly Sorry You can lose your job if you dress like a wornan In Andre V Bendix Corporation it was ruled inappropriate for a supervisor of women to dress like a woman d quotWhat am I supposed to do Wear a sack quot Well the women in Burerz V City of East Chicago had to dress to cover themselves from neck to toe because the men at work were quotlltind of nasty Won t a dress code get me out of this Don t bet on it In Dias V Coleman a dress code of short skirts was set by an employer who allegedly sexually harassed his female em ployees because they complied with it It would be funny if it weren t true 35 40 45 Gender and War Are Women Tough Enoughfcr zlrfilitmy Combat 7 McGrew 1981 Goodall 1986 8 Tanner and Zihlman 197 6 9 McGrew 1981 47 REFERENCES Donnell R 1983 European EcmomicgPrehisto1y London Academic Press Friedl E 1975 Women and Men An Anthrajiologiszf it View New York Holt Rinehart and Winston 1978 Society and sex roles IIumcm Nature 1 6875 Goodall j 1986 The Chimpanzees of Gambe Pat terns ofliehavior Cambridge MA Harvard Uni versity Press Isaac G and Grader D 1981 To what extent were early hominids carnivb139ous In Teleki G ed Omnivorous Primates Gathca39i39ng and Hunt ing in Human Evolution New York Columbia University Press 1 21 Martin MK and Voorhies B 1975 Female ofthe Species New York Columbia University Press McGrew W 1981 The female chimpanzee as a human evolutionary prototype In Dahlberg Frances ed Woman The Gatherer New Haven Yale University Press p Slocum S 1975 Woman the gatherer male bias in 39anti1rCrpology In Reiter Rayna R ed Toward an Anthropology of Women New York Monthly Review Press Tanner 5 1981 02 Becoming Human Cam bridge Cambridge University Press Tanner N and Zihlrnan A 1976 Woman in evolution Part 1 Innovation and selection in human origins Signs13 585608 Zih1manA 1978 Women in evolution Part 2 Subsistence and social organization among early hominids Signs 4 4 20 1981 Woman as shapers of human adaption In Dahlberg Frances ed Women the Gatherer New Haven Yale University Press Gender and War Are Women Tough A E2zougz airlIz39Zz392uzy Combat 9 quotfDaring INTRODUCT10N Womcn s participation in the 113 military was spotlighted during the Persian Gulf War Since that time military personnel govern ment officials public policy makers and members of the public have given increased scrutiny to the issue of whether women should participate in military combat A number of arguments have been made over the years to justify the exclusion of women from military combat Although cer tain positions in the military designated as combat have been opened up to women in recent years especially on combat aircraft and naval vessels except for submarines the Original material prepared for this text vast majority of combat positions remain closed to them The de nition of direct ground combat that was adopted in 1993 bars women from units that engage the enemy with weapons on the ground while exposed to hostile fire and which involve substantial probability of direct physical contact with hostile forces see Schmitt 19942 Schmitt 199 ilb A18 Lancaster 1994 A1 Fine 1994 A5 Under the new policy expo sure to risk alone is an insu ficient ground for excluding women from a particular assign ment Nevertheless women are barred from almost all assignments that involve operating offensive lineofsight weapons and from all positions involving ground ghting This includes armor infantry and field artillery the three specialties that are considered the core of 22 BIOLOGY GENDER AND HUMAN EVOLUTION 9 combat see Schmitt 199413 Schmitt 1994 A7 In consequence women have been excluded from certain benefits and opportunities for promotion and advancement within and out side the military that are available only to those with combat experience The exclusion also functions to limit the numbers of women who can participate in military service because of the relatively small percentage of positions that are available to them In addition the exclusion of women from combat contributes to other forms of discrimination against women both within and outside of the military In this essay I will argue that all of these arguments have been based more on gender ideology wtliat is on assumptions prejudices stereotypes and myths about male and female natures and natural or proper sex roles and behaviors see Code 1991 196 thar1 on empirically veri able gender differences that demonstrate Women s inability to competently perform combat roles in the US military Two ideological myths about gender in particular underlie many of the arguments against according combat positions to women First identi cation of the military as Inascu line makes males the standard by which females are assessed The male standard oper ates sometimes explicitly but more often implicitly to perpetuate the stereotype that women are out of place in the military partic ularly in combat Throughout history war has been a theater in which men could prove their masculinity and in which masculinity has been deemed a necessary prerequisite to suc cess During his 1992 presidential election campaign for example Bill Clinton s lack of military experience received a lot of attention some of it based on the View that Clinton s lack of exposure to war made him unfit for presidential leadership The perception that the virtues of manliness are necessary for e ective combat soldiering and that women are incapable or illsuited to the development of these virtues has contributed to the main tenance of women s exclusion from most com bat assignments 1 The second myth used as a rationale to exclude Women from combat duty suggests that the purpose for which men ght is to pro tect women see Stiehm 1989 67 Kornblum 1984 Women according to the myth are the weaker sex and need to be protected by strong men they are victims dependent upon men rather than autonomous agents who are com petent to defend themselves Members of the military have expressed a special regard for women who must be protected as the symbolic vessel of femininity and motherhood Karst 1991 536 These myths are supported by the argu merit that integrating women into combat would be deleterious to combat effectiveness and the military s ability to mobilize in time of war Hooker 1989 36 Kelly 1984 108 Mitchell 1989 159 Marlowe 1983 194 Regan 1981 21 Women s supposed physical physi ological and psychological characteristics are offered as the basis for this argument Although none of these rationales alone or combined provides an adequate ethical basis for maintaining the combat restrictions for Women their popularity and prominence makes it important to note how each of them is based on ideological notions of gender that frequently are inconsistent with the reaiities of gender di erence The most common arguments in support of the View that the inclusion of women would diminish combat readiness and effectiveness are that 1 women lack the necessary physi cal strength to perform adequately 2 their capacity for pregnancy and childbearing makes them inappropriate combatants and 3 women s participation in combat units would reduce unit cohesion by disrupting male bonding and promoting sexual frater nization Let us examine each of these argu ments in greater detail PHYSICAL STRENGTH Military effectiveness is often said to be compromised by women s lack of physical strength and stamina relative to men Mitchell 1989 15662 Kantrowitz 1991 Gor don and Ludyigson 1991 9022 D Amico quot1990 6 Military personnel have testified before Congress that few women would meet Gender and War Are Women Tough Enoughfar Military Combat 23 the physical standards for combat duty Hack worth 1991 25 Appropriations Hearings 1991 Cramsie 1988 562 Women s pur orted inferior physical capability is voiced especially loudly by enlisted men whodeny that women have the strength necessary for ghting on the front lines see Kantrowitz 1991 23 For example one of the reasons integrated basic training was ended in the Army in 1982 was because of enlisted men s complaints that women were holding them back see Coyle 1989 Stiehm 1985b 209 Rogan 1981 27 A study of enlisted service p ersonnel s attitudes toward women in the Army in 1975 indicated that only about 50 percent of men interviewed thought women had the physical strength for combat see Mitchell 1989 15758 Stiehni 1989 102 There is no question that in general most men are physically stronger than most women Military studies document that men have some advantages in upper body and leg strength cardiovascular capacity and lean muscle which make men rnore fitted for hysically intense combat see Mitchell 1989 157 Kelly 1984 100101 Marlowe 1983 190 Hooker 1989 44 However these tests generally do not also indicate the fact that some women are capable of rneet ing the standards established for men Nor do they typically take into consideration the disparities in prior physical training and physical conditioning that men and women have undergone Army reports reveal that some women do have the requisite upper body strength to qualify for combat In addi tion some women are stronger than some men Women have performed well in the limited number of combat type situations in which they have been tested However because the combat exclusion has pre cluded the possibility of obtaining data about wornen s physical perforrnance under 39 actual combat conditions gender based assumptions and prejudices have dominated policy discussions The assumption that women lack the phys ical strength necessary for combat is ideologi cal because it often persists in the face of direct evidence to the coritrary The nature of modern combat with its emphasis on high technology equipment makes the issue of physical strength far less important than it was in an era when war involved primarily handto hand combat Physical size and strength are of minimal if any consideration when weapons are being fired at the touch of a button from a location far removed from the combat theatre Asjudith Stiehm argues the question should not be how strong women are but how strong theyneed to be 1989 219 The positive experiences with using women in traditionally allmale fields such as police and fire ghting forces which require similar skills to combat support the conclusion that women are capable of per forming satisfactorily in physical defense of self and others in situations involving the use of lethal force see McDowell 1992 Segal 1 1982 286 Karst 1991 589 Kornblurn 1984 39293 Nonetheless skeptics point out that there is no real evidence that technology has in fact reduced the need for physical strength among military men and women What evi dence there is shows that many rnilitaryjobs still require more physical strength than most women possess Mitchell 1989 157 To the contrary although there are some combat positions that most women are unable to per form satisfactorily because of inadequate physical strength there is a considerable range of combat positions that many if not most women are qualified to perform Although sheer physical strength may occaw sionally be an issue when technology fails to function properly more often than not the physical strength issue is no longer a legiti mate reason for excluding women from coms bat duty In addition physical strength is only one of many factors that needs to be assessed in determining the capability of persons for military combat Several proposals have been forwarded by 39 military personnel and others to assign corn bat positions on the basis of the physical strength required to perform them as at least one of several relevant criterion rather than exclusively on the basis of gen der Appropriations Hearings 1991 865 24 BIOLOGY GENDER AND HUMAN EVOLUTION Roush 1990 1112 Coyle 1989 31 Proszmire 1986 110 Segal 1983 110 Segal 1982 27071 Nabors 1982 51 Rogan 1981 306 Such proposals would result in a fairer and more accnrate measure of fit between pen sons and assignments than the current reliance on gender difference The main rationale used by military officers for their failure to implement such a genderneutral scheme is that it may not be cost effective see Association 1991 54 Rogan 1981 20 However the military s failure to demon strate how genderneutral standards for assignments would be nancially infeasible suggests that the maintenance of the combat exclusion is based more on the continuing force of gender ideology than on nancial expense or damage to military effectiveness Sometimes the protection myth serves to reinforce the physical strength argument by portraying women as the weaker sex who need to be protected from the risks of being raped and physically violated in war It is sometimes argued that the presence of women in combat would cause male soldiers to respond by becoming more concerned about protecting them than ghting the enemy thus compromising combat effec tiveness see Barltalow 1990 260 quoting Colonel Houston s comment that men s emo tional cornmitment to recapture POW Women would be so intense and extreme as to cause ghting to escalate Beecraft 1989 as Van Creveld 1993 Here the protection rationale is dominant During the Gulf War the press raised the argument that women soldiers would be psy chologically unable to handle being taken as prisoners of War especially because of the greater possibility that they would be raped and otherwise sexually abused see Nabors 1982 59 Regan 1981 26 Here the assump tion is that women are less stable than men emotionally and are thus less well equipped to handle the extreme psychological stresses of combat Mitchell 1989 7 185292 Marlowe l983195 There is no factual basis for the conclusion that female combatants would be any weaker or more vulnerable than men under such circumstances To thecontrary the experi ence of military women such as Air Force Major Rhonda Cornum a flight surgeon whose aircraft was shot down during the Gulf War reveals a Very matteroffact attitude about survival in the face of physical injury and sexual abuse at the hands of her captors Cornum s response stands as a testament to the ability of military women to cope as POWS see Cornum 1992 The notion that women in the military are in need of protection is based on stereotypes of male machismo and female weakness and vulnerability Further the assumption that males are able to protect military Women is itself a myth since women are too integrated throughout the armed forces to be protected by their exclusion from combat Providing women soldiers with arms and training in self defense would provide a measure of protec tion against sexual violence that they would not otherwise have The rationale that women need to be protected from becoming POWS because of the risk that their torture would include sexual abuse ignores the reality that men as well as women are raped in war and that women are already subject to such sexual violence at home or by their fellow soldiers on ornear the field of combat In addition rnili tary women are susceptible to being captured and raped duringwar regardless of whether they are thernselves engaged in combat Also related to the physical strength argu ment is the assumption that men are naturally more aggressive than women and that the natural aggressiveness of males would be softened by women s participation in bat tle Mitchell l989 397 Marlowe 1983 191 Tuten 1982 255 More recently some scholars have challenged the argument that women are innately less aggressive than men see Rosoff 1991 Sunday 1991 Marquit 1991 while oth ers observe the lack of evidence regarding Women s psychological weakness see Gordon and Ludvigson 1991 Dillingham 1990 E22728 Kornblum 1984 39899 Many of those who conclude that men are naturally more aggressive than Women rely on incomplete studies of primates not humans conducted by anthropologist Lionel Gender and War Are Women Tough Enough for Military Combat 25 Tiger Tiger observed that male primatesin the Wild spend much of their time in groups organized to tight with outsiders whereas female primates were engaged in grooming activities in pairs Tiger s research has since been largely discredited by further research Subsequent studies have revealed that females also engaged in collective aggressive action to protect their young and that both males and females spend much of their time grooming see Appropriations Hearings 1991 981 Holrn 1982 95 39 The evidence to support the claim of wornen s lesser aggression is very tenuous especially after women soldiers dernonstrated their competence in performing the psycho logically demanding tasks required in corn bat duty during the Gulf War But even assuming that women are less aggressive than men there is still no evidence that it stems from biological causes rather than culture and socialization which are malleable The military has not offered empirical evi dence to demonstrate that women cannot be trained to exhibit the same degree of aggres siveness that men exhibit Nonetheless the assumption that women are less aggressive continues to strengthen the myth of combat as a masculine institution of which only men are capable PREGNANCY AND MO 0OD One speci c aspect of women s physiology that some have argued disrupts unit cohesion and consequently hampers combat effective 39 ness is pregnancy Nabors 1982 5658 see Barkalow 1990 23841 Shields 1988 108 Stiehm 1985b 226 Rogan 1981 256 The Army has expressed concern with the effects of pregnancy on readiness mission accom plishment and deployability Mitchell l9896 16671 see Tuten 1982 251 Rogan 1981 26 Stiehrn 1985a Until 1975 women g were automatically discharged from the mili tary as soon as their pregnancy was discov ered This contributed to high attrition rates for Women in the armed services In 1975 the Department of Defense DOD made such discharge for pregnancy voluntary see Segal 1983 207 Treadwell 1954 200 Pregnancy also arguably interferes with the ability of the armed forces to rapidly mobilize troops for combat since it cannot be pre dicted in advance which women will be preg nant and thus unavailable for deployment Pregnancy continues to be an issue of con cern both in the military and among the public A Newsweek poll conducted in 1991 revealed that 76 percent of the public is con cerned about military women becoming preg nant and putting the fetus at risk Haclcworth 1991 27 Pregnancy does account for a sig nificant percentage of Women s lost time although military women lose less service time overall than do men for illness drug and alcohol abuse and disability see D Amico 1990 8 Coyie 1989 89 Shields 1988 199 Kornblum 1984 4139718 Because of the way military units are cur rently structured pregnancy does present a genuine difficulty in the full integration of all women into combat forces Since rnilitary pol icy at least in the Army does not provide tem porary replacernentzs for pregnant personnel the presence of pregnant Women in a unit increases everyone else s work load and con sequently brings with it the risk of breeding resentment among coworkers In addition although there is no certainty thatwomen desiring to get pregnant will be successful some opponents of women combatants con tend that enlisted women will use pregnancy as a means of avoiding combat duty Therefore pregnancy may be a legitirmate reason to exclude women from actually engaging in some forms of combat How ever excluding all women from all positions designated as combat is far too extreme a response Most women are not pregnant most of the time Only about ten percent of servicewonien are pregnant at any given time see Gordon and Ludvigson 1991 2223 Hackworth 1991 27 Further the experi ence of pregnancy varies widely in affecting a womarfsjob performance Some women are able to carry on their normal activities into the latter stages of pregnancy Most logistical problems relating to pregnancy 26 BIOLOGY GENDER AND HUMAN EVOLUTION such as deployment plans etc can be satis factorily surmounted by careful planning 39 The protection myth also operates here to call into question the propriety of risking the safety of the nations child bearers by expos ing them to the risks of combat As with the lack of data on genderintegrated units there have been no studies of the actual impact of pregnancy on military effectiveness because the combat exclusion has precluded the pos sibility of gathering data Pregnancy is one consideration that needs to be factored into the analysis of how and whether to integrate Women into certain combat roles But it does not justify the stringency of the current restrictions T Related to the pregnancy issue is the sym bolic if not actual role of women as mothers Motherhood and women s responsibilities to their families are viewed as antithetical to effec tive combat soldiering The assumption under lying this View is that women s proper role is to be the center of family life According to this perspective women not only bear the children but are also primarily responsible for their care and nurture see Mitchell 1989 6 17l 7 6 Regan 1981 26 Segal 1982 274 5 28182 Costin l983 305 The rnedia s promulgation of images of women soldiers kissing their infants goodbye before going off to the Gulf War and its stories about fathers left at home to care for children emphasized the unnatural ness of female soldiers going off to combat see Enloe 1993 20127 The in uence of gender ideology on this issue is evident in the view of Alexander Web ster a chaplain for the Army National Guard who speculatesabout the identity confusion that must confront any would be woman warrior who pauses for a moment to consider her potential for motherhood Webster also surmises that the paradigm of the citizen soldier may have been destroyed by the social disruption and havoc among families wreaked by the rnobilization and deployment of moth ers of young children to the theater of opera tions in the Persian Gulf 1991 29 Webster continues Disturbing images on television and in the print media of mothers wrenched from their offspring may be the most endur ing from the Persian Gulf War 24235 According to these ideological notions of gen der women need special protection because they are responsible in turn for protecting Leir children Notably missing from this assessment is consideration of the conse quences of fathers being wrenched from their offspring thus perpetuating the identifica y tion of women as the primary parent Such tes timony assumes that mothers are more responsible for family life than are fathers so that it is Women s military involvement that is questionable not men s whenever families are concerned Such ideological assumptions about the gender of parenthood are widespread Sur veys reveal that the public continues to be more willing to send young fathers into combat than young mothers Even supporters of combat roles for wornenhave assumed that mothers would be more reluctant to risk their lives in combat than would men see Camp bell 1992 18 Lieberman 1990 219 Attrition and reenlistment data for women indicate that motherhood is a primary reason why women leave the military And surveys indi cate that the large majority of service women do want to have children see Shields 1988 109 Former Secretary of Defense Richard Cheney argued that exempting all single pan ents and dual servicocareer couples from deployment would weaken military capability see Carnphelll99f2 18 20 This problem impacts more heavily on women who com prise the larger percentageof single parents in the military Women s family obligations may thus present a practical problem for women s ability to carry out combat assign ments particularly for single mothers Several other factors need to be consid ered hovvever Many military women are not mothers and have no plans to become mothers Most women entering the military are not yet mothers The belief that women are essentially mothers is an out dated ideological assumption It leads to the irrational result that men who are fathers can be required to participate in combat whereas women who are not mothers cannot see Association 1991 25 Sega 1982 283 Gender and War Are Women Tough EnotsghforflIilitmy Combat 27 Such beliefs underlie the former Army pro hibition on the enlistment of women who had children in certain age groups see Treadwell 1954 496 Further although most women tradition ally have taken primary responsibility for pro tecting and providing for their children not all mothers are primary caretakers Many families include alternative arrangements for childcare that do not make the mother primarily responsible Finally tradition should not determine who should be respon sible for national defense in time of war Fathers have equal responsibility for protect ing and providing for their children Yet since the Korean War they have not been exempted from combat duty In addition the legislation mandating Womer s exclu sion from combat does not exempt them from military service in time of war Children of military parents arejust as much in need of care and protection during wartime regardless of Whether their mothers are t assigned to combat duty or some other posi tion In the absence of evidence indicating that combatpjobs are more incompatible with being a wife and mother than a husband and father families should be entitled to make their own decisions about child care in the event that the mother is called to serve in combat duty Current military policy pro vides that if both parents are in the services one can claim an exemption in the event that troops are deployed There is no rational basis for the government to preempt the parents right to choose based on a set of assumptions about motherhood UNIT COHESION AND MALE BONDING Unit or troop cohesion is a function of interpersonal relationships between military p leaders and their troops and the Ieader s ability to create and sustain those interper sonal skills that allow him to build strong ties with his men Gabriel 1982 17273 The argument that male soldiers will lose the camaraderie and team spirit necessary for unit cohesion if they are required to share their duties with women has been advanced as a reason to exclude women from military combat For example former Marine Corps Commandant Robert Barrows defends the notion of male bonding as a real cohe siyenes quot a mutual respect and admiration and a team work that would be destroyed by the inclusion of women If you want to make a combat unit ineffective he said assign some Women to it Appropriations Hearings 1991 98596 Although the argument about the indis pensability of cohesion to effectiveness is per suasive the View that the presence of Women will damage the male bonding linked to that cohesion is exaggerated by the in uence of gender ideology This influence is often sup ported byoutdated and anecdotal evidence such as Tiger s largely discredited research Mitchell 1989 Golightly 1987 Rogan 1981 s 25 Hooker 1989 45 In addition the military has not studied the impact that integration of the forces has had on male bonding in actual combat for the past several years not has it made efforts to instill male female or female female bonding in its soldiers see Stiehm 1989 236 Stiehm 1985a 172 The experience with female soldiers in the Persian Gulf War as well as the limited studies that have been done in simulated combat and fieldconditions indicate that the presence of women in combat units does not adversely affect combat effectiveness The Army Research Institute conducted two of these studies labeled REFWAC and MAXWAC lohnson 1978 United States 1 Army Research Institute 1977 MAXWAC results showed that female ratios varying from 0 to 35 percent had no signi cant effect on unit performance REFWAC results similarly showed that the presence of 10 per cent female soldiers on a REFORGER Return of Forces to Germany tenday eld exercise made noldifference in the per formance of combat support and combat service support units in addition Navy V Commander Barry Boyle participating in Navy squadron preparations Charles Moskos observing an 28 BIOLOGY GENDER AND HUMAN EVOLUTiON Army exercise in Honduras and Constance Devilbliss participating in rigorous Army exercises reached similar conclusions that integrated units performed as effectively if not more so than allrnale units see Coyie 1989 Moskos 1985 Devilbliss 1985 Experi ence with women in combat in other nations as well as the successful integration ofwornen into police and other traditionally rnaleonly professions also provide useful analogies indicating that the participation of American military Women in combat would not hamper unit or troop cohesion Association 1991 Appropriations 1991 Goldman 198221 b FRATERNIZATION Wotnen in uniform represent an anomaly to traditional social ordering based on tradi tional sexwgender distinctions and thus to traditional sexual tnorality Thus in addition to their supposedly detrimental effect on male bonding including women in combat roles is sometimes alleged to diminish troop effectiveness because of the inevitable sexual attraction and behavior that would follow from having mixedgender units Some express a fear that men will be preoccupied with winning the sexual favorsof women rather than concentrating on their mission Mitchell 1989 l 76 3978 Golightly 1987146 Rogan19812 7 1 A The fraternization argument ignores the capability of the sexes to interact with one another in nonseitual ways particularly under the exigent circumstances of combat The limited studies that have been con ducted under simulated combat conditions indicate that fraternization does not ham per combat readiness or troop effectiveness Studies show that genderintegrated combat units are as effective as allrnale units and that rnernbers of genderintegrated units develop brothcr sister bonds rather than sexual ones F raternization is most likely to be a prob lem where there is ineffective leadership It is likely that unit bonding depends more on shared experiences including sharing of risks and hardships than on gender distinctions see Karst 1991 537 543 Devilbliss 1985 519 Opinion 1988 138 Experience has shown that actual integration diminishes prejudice and fosters group cohesiveness more effec tively than any other factor It is thus likely that wonierfs integration into combat forces would parallel that of black men into previ ously allwhite forces during the 19505 and 19605 see Moskos 1990 74 Kornblum 1984 412 422 Segal 1983 20304 206 Holrn 1982 257 As the preceding discussion reveals none of the primary rationales that have been for warded to exclude women from combat roles provides a legitirnate basis for maintaining the current restrictions on women s participation in combat The analysis of these rationales suggests that the resistance of Congress the courts the military and the public to remov ing the combat restrictions results more from gender ideology than from demonstrated evi deuce ofwornen s inability to perform combat roles effectively Once outdated stereotypes and myths about won1en s capabilities and deficiencies are eliminated from consideration of the ethics of Wotnen inlinilitary combat the cur rent restrictions on combat roles for women are revealed to lack persuasive foundations Only when the military begins assigning women to positions on the basis of gender neutral standards for evaluating the degree of physical strength psychological fortitude bonding and troop cohesiveness necessary to perform combat roles can the issue of women in combat be addressed without the undue influence of ideological notions of gender NOTES LA standard based on physical strength rather than gender could be waived in emergency situ ations where rapid mobilization is necessary and individual testing would be inefficient see Sega 1982 27071 Gender and War Are Women Tough Emughfor Military Combat 29 2 This policy was reversedquot in Crawford V Cush men 531 F2d 1114 2d Cir 1976 REFERENCES Association of the Bar of the City of New York The Combat Exclusion Laws An Idea Vxlhose Time Has Gone Minerva Vol 9 No 4 Wir ter 1991 pp 155 Association Barkalow Carol In the Men House New York Poseidon Press 1990 Women Have What It Takes Newsweek August 5 1991 p 30 Beecratft Carolyn Personnel Puzzle Proceedings of the US Naval Institute Vol 115 No 4 April 1989 pp 4144 39 Campbell D Ann Comhatting the Gender Gulfquot Temple Political and Civil Rights Law Review Vol 1 No 2 Fall 1992 reprinted in Minerva Vol X Nos 3 4 FallWinter 1992 pp 1341 Code Lorraine What Can Size KnowFem2Inlst The my and the Corzstmction of Knowledge Ithaca NY Cornell University Press 1991 Cornum Rhonda She Went to VVar T he Rhonda Cor mtm SlmyNovato CA Presidio Press 1995 Costin Lela Feminism Paci sm Nationalism and the United Nations Decade for Women in Judith Stiehm ed Women and Manic Wars Oxford Pergamon Press 1988 pp 30116 Coyle Commander Barry US Navy Women on the Front Lines Proceedings ofthe US Military Institute Vol 115 No 4 April 1989 pp 8740 Cramsie Jodie Gender Discrimination in the Military The Uoconstitutiooal Exclusion of Women From Combat Volpom739s0 Law Review Vol 17 1983 pp 5t l7 88 D39Arr1ico Women at Arms quotElie Combat Contro versy Minerva Vol 8 No 2 1990 pp 119 Devilbliss M 3 Gender Integration and Unit Deployment A Study of GIjo Armed Forces and Society Vol 11 No 3 1985 pp 52352 Dillinghaztm Wayne The Possibility of American Military Women Becoming Prisoners of War justification for Combat Exclusion Rules Fealeml Bar News and journal Vol 37 No 4 1990 pp 22330 linloe Cynthia The Mornivtgl i er39 Sexual Politics at the End of the Cold War Berkeley CA Univer sity of California Press 1993 1 Gabriel Richard To Serve With Honor A Treatise on llfililory Ethics and flag l7Voy ofzfhe Soldier Westpo CT Greenwood Press 1982 Goldman Nancy Loring ed Female Soldiersm Com atanzs or Noncombatanls Hi39slorical and Contemporary Perspectives Westport CT Green woodPress 19823 The Utilization of Women in Combat An His torical and Social Analysis of TumliethCentury Wartime and Peacetlme Experience Alexandria JA USARl 1982b Golightly Lieutenant Neil L US Navy N Right to Fight Proceedings of the U S Naval Institute Vol 113 No 12 1987 pp 4649 Gooch Master Chief Sonar Technician Robert H US Navy The Coast Guard Example Proceedings of the US Naval Institute Vol 114 No 5 May 1988 pp 12433 Gordon Marilyn and Maryjo Ludvigsort A Con stitutional Analysis of the Combat Exclusion for Air Force Women Mlne7quotva39 Quarterly Report on Women and the Military Vol 9 No 2 1991 pp l 34 T Hackworth Colonel David War and the Second Sex Newsweek August 5 1991 pp 2428 Helm Maj Gexmjeanne USAF Ret Women in the Military Novato CA Presidio Press 1982 Hooker Richard Affirmative Action and Com bat Exclusion Gender Roles in the US Army Parameters US War College Quarterly Vol 19 No 4 1989 pp 36 50 Hunter Anne E ed Genes and Gender VI On Peace War and Gender A Challenge to Genetic Explcmations New York Feminist Press 1991 Johnson Cecil et 31 Women Content in the Army REFORGER REFWAC 3977 Alexandria VA USAR1 1978 Kantrowitz Barbara The Right to Fight Newsweek August 5 1991 pp 2223 Karst Kenneth The Pursuit of Manhood and the Desegregation of the Armed Forces U CLi Law Review Vol 38 No 3 1991 pp 499581 Kelly Karla The Exclusion of Women From Combat Withstanding the Challenge judge C Advocate Genemljoumal Vol 33 No 1 1984 pp 7397 1OB Kornhlum Lori Women Warriors in 1 Meo s World The Combat Exclusion Law and Inequality Vol 2 1984 pp 351445 Lancaster John VVosl2lng1on Post January 13 1994 pp A1 A7 Liebermaojeanne Wornen in Combat Federal Bar News andfournal Vol 37 No 4 1999 pp215 22 30 BIOLOGY GENDER AND HUMAN EVOLUTION Marlowe David The Manning of the Force and the Structure of Battle Part 2 Men and Women in Robert Fullinwider ed Conscripts and Volunteers Military Requirements Social jnsiicr2 and the AllVolunteer 7 We 1 Opus Totowa NJ Rowman 8c Allanheld 1983 pp 18999 Merquit Doris and Erwin Marquit Gender Dif ferentiation Genetic Determinism and the Struggle for Peace in Anne E Hunter ed Genes and Gender W 092 Peace War and Gender A Challenge to Genetic Explanations New York Feminist Press 1991 pp 151452 McDowell jeanne Are Women Better Cops Time February 17 1992 pp 7072 Mitchell Brian The Weak Link The Feminization of the Anzerican Militavjv Washington DC Reg nery Gateway 1989 s Moskos Charles Female GI s in the Field Society Vol 22 No 6 1985 pp 2833 Army Wornen Atlantic Monthly Vol 266 No 2 August 1990 pp 7078 How Do They Do It The New Republic August 5 1991 pp 1529 Nabors Major Robert Women in the Army Do They Measure Up Military Review October 1982 pp 5061 Newsweek Staff Women in the Armed Forces Newsweek Vol 95 February 18 1980 pp 84 42 No Right to Fight Proceedings of the US Naval Institute Vol 114 No 5 May 1988 pp 13439 Pine Art Women Will Get Limited Combat Roles LasAngsles Times January 14 1994 p A5 Proxmire Senator William Three Myths About Women and Combat Minerva Vol 4 No 4 Winter 1986 pp lO5 19 Rogan Helen Mixed Company Women in the Motl emxinny New York GP Putnam s Sons 1981 Rosoff Betty Genes Hormones and War in Hunter ecl Genes and Cgender 1Y On Peace 1Var and Gender A Challenge 10 Genetic Explanations New York Feminist Press 1991 pp 39 49 Roush Paul Combat Exclusion Military Neces sity or Another Name For Bigotry Minemo Vol 13 No 3 Fall 1990 pp 1 l5 Schrnitt Eric Generals Oppose Combat by Wornen Newsweek Gone 17 19943 pp A1 A18 Schmitt Eric Army Will Allow Women in 32000 Combat Posts New York Times July 28 l994b 39 p A5 Segal Mady Wechsler The Argument for Female Combatants in Goldman ed Female S0lciiersComhcziczmfs or Nsncamhcztants Historical and Contemporary Perspectives Westport CT Greenwood Press 1982 pp 26790 Women39s Roles in the US Armed Forces An Evaluation of Evidence and Argo ments for Policy Decisions in Robert Fuliinwider ed Conscripts and Volunzeerss Military Requirements Sociolfusrice and thsAll Volunteer Force Totowa NJ Rowman 8 A11an held 1983 pp 20043 Shields Patricia Sex Roles in the Military in Charles Moskos and Frank Wood eds The Militmy Mon Than just afob Washington DC Pergarnon Basseys 1988 pp 99111 Stiehmudith Hicks Women s Biology and the US Military in Virginia Sapiro ed Women Biology and Public Policy Beverly Hills SAGE Publications 198521 pp 20582 9 Generations of US Enlisted Womenquot Signs journal of Women in Culture and Society Vol 11 No 1 19851 pp 15575 Arms and the Enlisted Woman Philadel phia Ternpie University Press 1989 Sunday Suzanne R Biological Theories of Ani mal Aggression in Hunter ed Genes and Gender W 07 Peace War and Gender A Chal lengs to GeneticExplonoticms New York F emi nistPress 1991 pp 5063 Treadwell Mattie The Women s Army Corps in World War Special Studies Vol 8 Weishington DC Office of the Chief of Military History of the Army 1954 Tuten je The Argument Against Female Com batants in Goldman ed Female Soldimquots Combatants pr Noncomboiants Historical and Contemporary Perspectives Westport CT Green wood Press 1982 pp 237436 United States Army Research Institute Vllomsn Con tent in Units Force Deployment Test MAXWAC Alexandria VA USARl 1977 United States Senate Hearings before the Com mittee on Appropriations DOD Appropria tions 102d Conga 1stSess HR 2521 Pts 4 8 6 Utilizoiioii of Women in the Milzimjy Services Washington DC Government Printing Office 1991 Appropriations Hearings Van Creveld Martin WhyIsrael Doesn t Send W omen into Combat Parameters Vol 28 No 1 Spring 1993 pp 5 9 Webster Alexander Psradignis of the CO1 1l39 I1391 porary American Soldier and Women in the Military Strategic Review Summer 1991 pp 2230 Six 11 The Color of Sex Postwar Photographic Histories of Race and Gender e Again and again when the negative space of the woman of color meets the Age of Mechanical Reproduction or worse yet Baudrillarcl s simulations the resulting effect is a form larger than life and yet a cleforrnation powerless to speak Wallace 19901252 E see is as Henry Gates has said fa trope of ultimate irreu ducible difference berweencultures linguistic groups or adherents of speci c belief systems whichmore often than not also have fundamentally opposed economic in terests 19855 It is 3 trope that is particularly dangerous because it pretends to be an objective term of ltlassif1ca tion Gates points to the profoundly social nature of racial classi cation Social groups engaged in struggle define ra cial boundaries in the contexts oflthat struggle powerful groups then invoke biology in 21 posthocjustif1catior1 of the boundaries they have drawn Those in power elaborate observable physical differences no matter how subtle into explanations affirmations and justifications for in equaliry and oppression Once this work is done and the boundaries are intact racist theory produces full blown descriptions of culture and personality thatjuxtapose powm erful ego and degradeclf dangerous alter lending the sanc tion of God biology or the natural order to even pre sumably unbiased descriptions of cultural tendencies and clifferenczes Gates 198525 155 Chapter Six As Gates and others have so eloquently pointed out racial difference and its supposed cultural concornitants is thus not the source of the many contemporary conflicts where it is said to be at issue It is never 1 simple matter of two groups in contact nding themselves so physi cally and culturally different that they just cannot get along Rather racial and cultural difference oecorne coded ways of talking about other differences that matter differences in power and in interests For this reason however absolute and intransigent they may seern racialrac ist theories must retain flexibility and are frequently ambiguous As Orni and Winant 1986x have said race is an inherently unstable complex of social meanings constantly being transformed by political struggle To work to uncover the social arrangements that give rise to and repro duce racism is to place its analysis in realms of human agency and to emphasize the speci city of its historical forms Tranquil Racial Spaces Race theories form one of the most powerful and lethal systems in the world for communicating about difference Zora Neale Hurston wrote Race consciousness is a deadly explosive on the tongues of men 1984326 It has justified the most heinous of social relations including slavery genocide and apartheid Yet dangerous as they are race theo ries have in ltrated the commonsense thinking of most people in the United States profoundly in uencing the ways they perceive and ac count for cultural difference Like other forms of essentialist reasoning racist thought has the appeal of simplicity and it draws authority from invoicing biology and nature The hegemony of a theory of race that insists on two bounded human categories has been challenged in the 19705 and 19803 by new waves of inirnigration from Asia and Latin America confronting White America with tremendous diversity in phys ical appearance and widely varying relationships between racehand class education and social standing National Geographic magazine is the product of a society deeply perme ated with racism as a social practice and with racial understandings as 1 This is not to deny that there are complex correspondences between culture and racial categories as socially deployed Once race has been used to marginalize and isolate social groups shared experiencesof oppression coping and resis tance may give riseto shared cultural premises The culture or cultures that result however are at least partly a consequence of thedeployrnent of racial categories and not evidence of the validity of the categories themselves The Color of Sex ways of viewing the World It sells itself to a reading public that While they do not consider themselves racist turn easily to race as an explana tion for culture and for social ontcorne The Geographic headquarters itself has had few black employees up to the present despite the pro dominantly African American citizenry of Washington DC It is not surprising therefore that while race is rarely addressed direcny in the magazine American racial categories powerfully strncturethe images contained in its pages One of the most powerful and distinctive tenets of racism in the United States is that blackness is an allornothing phenomenon Ra cial law through the period of the Civil War and after held that any black ancestry was sufficient to define one as black As recently as 1983 this type of reasoning was upheld by the State Supreme Court of Louisiana when it refused to allow a woman descended from an eighteenthcentury white planter and a black slave to change the classifi cation on her birth certi cate from colored to white Orni and Winant 198657 The laws in question and the cultural preconceptions upon which they were based insistently denied the reality of interracial sexual relations or of the sexual exploitation that so frequently accompa nied the masterslave relation They insisted on pure and unequivocal categories with which to reason about difference Such airtight categories were viewed as necessary to guard the privileges of whites as absolute and to justify the denial of equality to blacks as an impossibility Nevertheless when Euramericans turned their eyes outside the bor ders of their own country other forms of reasoning prevailed l yc3lt1 igt1ist thought dominated attempts to understand the human diiiersity of the nonEuropean world Such thinking needed a continuum one that was grounded in nature Skin color is obviously highly variable only with some dif culty made to accommodate the simple binary ciassi fication black white in the United States A continuum of skin color was thus a perfect biological substratum on which to graft stories of human progress or cultural evolution As described in chapter 2 late nineteenth century fairs and expositions frequently organized the world cultures they presented along an evolu tionary scale These almost always corresponded to a racial continuum as Rydell 1984 has noted from the savagery of the darltskinned Dahomeyans to the Javanese Brownies to the nearly white Chi nese and japanese As evolutionary trajectories WBIC reproduced over the course of the twentieth century in anthropological theory and in white popular consciousness they were almost always connected to a 157 quot Hn u u y Chapter Six scale of skin color which was then construed in many cases as an independent form of verifying their correctness As we turned to National Geographic photographs we hypothesized that it was this more differentiated scalerather than the simple binary opposition called into play for analyzing American culture that would inform the ways National Ceogrep39t39c would portray and readers would interpret images of the third world Distinctions in popular stereotypes of the peoples of Northern and subSaharan Africa or of Melanesia and Polynesia indicated that Euramericans drew conclusions about others based on the degree of darkness of skin color As we analyzed construe tions of race in National Geographic photographs we thus coded them in a Way that would allow us to determine whether bronze peoples were portrayed differently from those who would be more commonly seen as black to see in other words if simple binary constructions in formed the images or if more complex evolutionary schema structured their messages This determination was based on the same coding procew dure described in echapter 4 n 3 It was based solely on observable skin color not cultural characteristics We used a decision rule that deliberately mazxcimized polarization of categories that is when it was dif cult to decide whether an individual was bronze or white we coded White When it was dif cult to decide between bronze and black We coded black We coded only individuals identi able as native to the region portrayed elirninating the few Westerners who appeared in the photographs t The period for which We analyzed photographs 1950 86 encompassed times of great turmoil in racially de ned relationships in the United States The late 1950s and early sixties saw struggles to over tutn racial codes that were more intense than any since the Civil War era Participants in the civil rights movement sought to obtain basic civil liberties for African Americans they used the egalitarian verbiage of federal law to challenge the restrictive laws and practices of states and municipalities Such changes did not simply require a change in the legal codes and their implementation however they also demanded as Otni and Winant have argued a paradigm shift in established systems of racial meanings and identities 1986190 N onviolent tactics such as freedom rides marches attempts to deseg A regate key southern school districts and universities and sitins at segre gated lunchroorns characterized the period up until the passage of the l 1964 Civil Rights Act and the voting rights legislation of 1965 By the tr1id sixties however many who had Worked and hoped for these 158 The Color of Sex changes were disillusioned Changes in legislation had profound syni bolic value and materially bene ted a small number of triiddle class African Americans But they did not alter the economic circumstances of the vast majority of blacks living in poverty and they did not adequately challenge the tremendous and continuing burden of institutional racism This led to an increasing radicalization of key branches of the civil rights movement and to angry rioting in places like Watts and Newark Har ding 1981 Carson 1981 i The civil rights movement contested xgvhite privilege and its COI1I39ltB39 part the institutionalized oppression of black Americans It also con tested the very meaning of race in American culture As White Arnericans were deprived of one of the master tropes explaining their privileged position in the world race became an uncomfortable topic for them This discomfort was reflected in the pages of National Geographic Clearly the magazine did not cover the turmoil in American cities during the period Atthe satne time it sought to ease anxieties in its portrayal of the third world As late as the early 1950s the Eurarnerican reading public could comfortably View Asian and African peoples attending white explorers and photographerswcarrying them across rivers pull ing them in ricltshaws carrying their packs and bags By the late sixties however these images were too disturbing the possibility of rebellion and anger too present White travelers simply disappeared from the pic tures see figure 22 removing the possibility of con ictual relation Ee With this action third World spaces were cleared for fantasy Black and bronze peoples of Africa Asia and Latin America were shown going about their daily lives happy poor but digni ed and attuned to basic human values The photographs themselves were not much different from those of previous decades however in the racially charged context of the fifties and sixties their meaning had changed The implicit contrast with Watts and Newark or even with Selma and Montgomery operated behind the scenes The third world was consti tuted as a safe comfortable space Where race was not an issue and where quotwhite people did not have to reevaluate the sources of their privilege Apparently though in the rninds of National Geographic editors too much of even a reassuring fantasy could be disturbing Until 1961 the numbers of white black or bronze people appearing in any givenquot issue of National Geographic was variable In 1952 for example only about 15 percent of people depicted in articles on the third World were dark skinned in 1958 the gure was about 46 percent Beginning in 1961 159 can Chapter Six gt 1quot As late as the 19503 the Euramerican tea e public could comfortably View images such as this of Asian African and here New Guinea peoples at tending white explorers Images of Westerners and so of racially mixed groups declined sharply irrthe late 1 605 see Figure 22 Photo 13 Thomas Gilliard and Henry Kaltenthaler 53 N ional Geographic Society gti tans ll39CJf V L b 39 however a remarkably stable pattern began to appear For the next twenty ve years the percentage of darlositinned people in any issue held very constant at about 28 percent People who could be categorized as bronze formed a fairly regular 60 percent of the total with the re maining 12 constituted by light or white sltinned third world peo ples The intense stability of this pattern and particularly the almost invariant proportion of darkskinned people represented suggests that editorial attention may have been focused on the issue This is admittedly indirect evidence we did not find anyone at Na zfionczl Geographic who was willing to say that skin color per se was a consideration in putting together issues although conversations in plan iing meetings suggest that it may well be We do know however that National Geogmpk s marketing department gathered signi cant amounts of data on the popularity of different kinds of articles and that 160 percent The Color of Sex 100 90 80 70 50 40 30 1360 l953 1956 1959 1962 1965 1933 1971 1974 1977 1980 1983 S2 55 58 6 84 5 70 3 5 79 82 86 I Dark Bronze Light Figure 61 Skin ccrlor in photographs 1950 86 Africa was by fat the least popular world region By marketing de rlim titms African peoples constituted a difficult topic to the extent that market concerns drive content one would thus expect some sort of regulation pf their coverage In photographs Where clarkskinned peoples were portrayed there were interesting regularities contributing to an overall image ef con tentm39entinduatriousness and simplicity The activity level of individu als portrayed in the photographs for example clearly sorted out on an evolutionary scale markecl by skin color Individuals coded as black were most likely to be depicted in high levels of activity engaged in strenu OLIS work or athletics People coded white were most likely to be en gaged in law level activitymseated or reclining perhaps manipulating something with their hands but rarely exerting themselves These ceded l bronze were most likely to be fmmd engaged in activities that tell some Where between the twp extremespsuch as walking or herding animals In keeping with this pattern people of color both black and bronze were most likely to be portrayed at work in the photographs we exam ined while people with white skin were most likely to be found at rest The determinants of such a portrayal are complex and the message it 161 Chapter Six conveys is multifaceted We cannot rule out the brute ernpiricist interpre tation that what is portrayed is determined to some extent by events in the real world that photographers found darkskinned peoples at work more often than lighterskinned peoples Yet when we are dealing with sets of published photographs that are chosen out of a universe of tens of thousands that were talcen we are clearly dealing with a problem of representation as well Portraying people at work is in keeping with an editorial policy that demands a focus on the positive as construed in the United States that is the work ethic It is possible to imagine that editors sought to counter images of the laziness ofnonwwhite peoples in the Euramerican imagina tion by deliberately presenting an alternative view At the same time in the contradictory manner characteristic of colonialneocolonial mentality see Bhabha 1983 it is also possible that deeply ingrained notions of racial hierarchy made it seem more natural for darkskinned peoples to be at Work and engaged in strenuous activity White ambivalence toward the black male seems often to center on issues of strength while vigoris good for the worker to have it also has the threatening connota tions of potential rebelliousness and so some hohbling often follows the rendition of strength a Few topics have occupied as much space in colonial discourse as the relationship of blacks to labor As Euramericans sought to build wealth on the backs of colonized peoples and slaves they sought to continually re ne methods of maximizing the labor they were able to extract Colo nial administrators and plantation bosses continually reported on the success and failures of innovations in the process Thedouble mentahfy re ected in the reports was plai13 f vhile people of coldr wdre inherently suited to labor they never wanted to work hard enough the elds of their white masters The image of a tremendous capacity for work coupled with an unwillingness to actually work gave rise to contradic tory stereotypes The heritage of these stereotypes and the labor relations that gave rise to them can be traced in the strenuously employed black bodies portrayed in the pages ofNcztiom1I Geographic In equally regular ways black and bronze peoples were more likely to be portrayed as poor and technologically backward Individuals coded as white were more likely to be Wealthy and less likely to be poor than other categories Still only 21 percent of black and 16 percent of bronze people vvere photographed in contexts of poverty Fully 70 percent of the former and 72 percent of the latter were shown Without any markers of wealth or poverty and some of each group were portrayed as 162 The Color of Sex wealthy There is clearly a tension at work in the photographs The greater poverty of darkerskinned individuals may in part be empiri cally determined it is also in keeping with popular Eoramerican stereo types of the degraded status of dark skinned peoples On the other hand National Geographic s policy of focusing on the positive and avoiding advocacy precludes too heavy an emphasis on impoverishment Dark skinned peoples have a somewhat greater tendency to be poorwone might construe the statistical weight of the photographs as sayingwhut in general they live well Individuals coded white were most likely to be depicted with machines of one kind or another black and bronze individuals were most likely A to be shown with simple tools of local manufacture Not surprisingly people of color were more often depicted as engaged in ritual This variable also sorted out along an evolntionary skin color continuum the darker the skin color the more likely to engage in ritual practices In clgsic evolutionist terms superstitigg represented by ritual and science represented by technology were counterposed Similarly the darker the skin color of an individual the less likely he or she was to be depicted in westernwstyle clothing The darker the skin of the people portrayed the less they were associated with things European and the more exotic they were rendered Given these trends it was somewhat surprising to find that dark skirined peoples were not photographed in natural settings that is in landscapes or greenery moreoften than their lighterskinned counter parts They Were however more likely to appear in settings Where surroundings were not clearly discernible Such portrayals tend to es theticize the materials on which they focus In this case they force atten tion to the lines shapes and colors of the bodies themselves rather than providing information about the context it which the hodies appear Because such photos were relatively numerous darkslcinned people consequently appeared in social surroundings less frequently People coded black or bronze were more likely to be photographed in large groups than those coded white They were less likely to be portrayed alone or in small intimate groups People of color were there fore were less often the subject of individualized photographic accounts attentive to lzsiographic features and life circumstances They were more often portrayed as part of a mass perhaps thereby suggesting to V readers that they had relatively undifferentiated feelings hopes or needs Individuals coded black and bronze were far more likely to be photo graphed gazing into the camera than individuals coded whitema stance 163 Chapter Six that while complex and sornetirnes anihiguous frequently suggests availability and compliance E Despite some Euramerican stereotypes dark skin was not associated with evidence of aggression in the pages of National Geographic through most of the period we have examined As described in chapter 4 aggres sion is generally taboo as a topic for National Geographic photographs except in the highly speci c case of depicting US military power Addi tionally however to retain its status as a place Where White US readers go to assuage their fears about race and cultural difference National Geographic must stodiously avoid photographs that might suggest a po tential threat from colonized and formerly colonized peoples To depict anger violence or the presence of weapons is to evoke the fear that they might be turned to retaliation They serve as an uncomfortable reminder of a world given to struggles for independence revolutions and rebel lions 39 In the marketplace of images National Geographic relies on two inter twined strategies It relies on recognitionwon offering readers what they already know and believe in new and appealing ways its reputation and sales also turn on the classic humanism with which it portrays the world In its depictions of nonWhite peoples the humanist mission to por tray all humans as basically the same under the sl in 2 cornes into conflict with Westernquot commonsense knowledge about the hierarchy of races l The organization of photographs into stories about cultural evolution couched in more quotrnodern terms of progress and development pro vides the partial resolution of this contradiction These stories tell the Eurarnerican public that their race prejudice is not so wrong that at one point people of color were poor dirty technologically backward and superstitiot1s and some still are But this is not due to intrinsic or insuperable characteristics With guidance and support from the West they can in fact overcome these problems acquire the characteristics of civilized peoples and take their place alongside them in the world In the context of this story the fact that bronze peoples are portrayed as slightly less poor more technologically adept serves as proof that progw ress is possible wand fatalistically links progress to skin color At the same tirne the happy speallt policies of National Geographic 2 quotIn part because of its focus on everyday life National Geographic does not trade in the standardized images of black people that have been common in Western artmsome of which have been characterized by Honour 1989 as he s toes and martyrs the benighted the de ant and the pacified 164 The Color of Sea have meant that for people of color as for othersmthe overall picture i is one of tranquillity and wellbeing We are seldom confronted with historical facts of racial or class violence with hunger as it unequally affects black and white children or with social movements that question established racial hierarchies One photographer expressed this discrep ancy poignantly pointing to a photograph of an African family in a 1988 issue on population The story is about hunger he said but loolc at these people It s a romantic picture This is not to say that no one at the National Geographic Society is attentive to these issues Dedicated photographers and editors worked hard in the 19703 to produce and push into print two deeply disturbing accounts of apartheid And While this attempt engendered a repressive movement within the Society s Board of Trustees an article critical of South African black homelands appeared in February 1986 The same strategies howevenpursued in different epochs can have different meanings and consequences The humanist side of National Geographic in the 19505 and 19605 denied social problems it also provided images of people of color living their lives in relatively digni ed ways It gave short shrift to poverty and disharmony but it permitted a certain amount of identi cation across racial boundaries In a period when racial boundaries were highly visible and when African Americans were strug gling for equal rights under the law these images could be read at least in part as subtle arguments for social change The 1970s have been characterized as a period of racial quiescence when social movements waned and conflicts receded 01115 and Winant 19862 Racial oppression did not cease but it was not as openly con tested ln turn the 1980s saw a backlash in ondisguised attempts to dismantle legislation protecting civil rights and nondiscriminatory prac tices These moves did not require and in fact assiduously avoided an explicitly racial discourse Busing originally itnplemented to desegre gate schools was overturned under banners of community controlquot and parental involvementquot Rejections of racially balanced textbooks were couched in terms of battles against secular humanism and polit ical correctness And in the 1988 presidential campaign movements of people of color were recast as special interestsquot Omi and Winant 19861125 In such a context classic humanism takes on pernicious overtones The denial of race as a social issue in a society with a profoundly racist history and where institutional racism still exists forecloses dialogue on the issues National Cieegraplzic has not intentionally contributed to this 165 Chapter Six e foreclosure it goes on producing pietureslin much the same way it has Fer years And yet the message that we are all alike under the skin takes an new meaning in a social context which denies that discrimination zxists or that race has been used to consolidate the privilege of some and oppress others The racism cf the 19803 was not confrontational and de ant it simply turned its back on the issues The tranquil racial spaces of National Geographic can only contribute to this willed ignerance 0 e e Whats in a Name ITABARI NJERI ITABARI N JERI who graduated from the Boston Urtioerslty School of t foarrzalism and the Coltarzlaia Llnioersity School of foarhalism is a writer for the Los Angeles Times Her first collection Every Gooddoye Ain39t Gone was published in 1990 In this selectiort originally pahlished in slightly different form in the Times and reprirzted irz her collection Njeri discusses the sigrzifieaitee of rzarrzes particralarly to African Arrteriearzs For a people whose gioerz names so often reflect the bondage in which their ancestors were held rzarhes are indeed important Arid people s reactions to Njerzquots rzarrze indicate that names rrzear far more than we may think they do Before readirtg the selection discuss in your journal what your rlarhe means to you Think about how names may reflect ethnic or racial haekgrotmd the significance of 71lClC tt2m S and the mearzirzg of particular given rzarrzes zoithirz a family f yoa oe ever changed your name or rzielcrzarhe disease that as well As you make notes on your reading you may warzt to focus on the various reaetiorzs to Njeri s rzarrze by African Araericarzs whites Africans sympathetic people condescending people hostile people THE DECADE was ABOUT TO END when I started my first newspaper job The seventies might have been the disco generation for some but it was a continuation of the Black Power post ciVil tights era for me Of course in some parts of America it was still the pre civil rights era And that was the part of America I Wanted to explore As a good reporter I needed a sense of the whole country not just the provincial Northeast Corridor in which I was raised I headed for Greenville Pearl of the Piedmonrt South Carolina Wheeere some people snarled their nostrils twitching their mouths twisted so their top lips went slightly to the right the bottom ones way down and to the left did you get that name from 118 T llERi What39s in 51 Name 119 Itabiddy Etabeedy Etabeeree Eat a berry Mata Hari Theda Bara And one secretary in the office of the Greenvilie Urban League told her employer lt s Ms Idi Amin Then and now there are a whole bunch of people who greet me With Hi lta They think quotBari is my last name Even when they don39t they still want to call me ltaquot39 When I tell them my first name is Itabari they say Well what do people call you for short T hey don t call me anything for short I say quotThe name is ltabari Sophisticated white people upon hearing my name approach me as would a cultural anthropologist finding a piece of exotica right in his own living room This happens a lot still at cocktail parties Oh What an unusual and beautiful name Where are you from Brooklyn I say I can see the disappointment in their eyes Just another homegrown Negro Then there are other White people Who having heard my decid edly northeastern accent will simply say quot What a lovely name and smile knowingly indicating that they saw Roots and understand Then there are others black and white who for different reasons take me through this number 6 What s your real name ltabari Njeri is my real legal name I explain Okay what s your original name they ask often with eyes rolling exasperation in their voices After Malcolm X Muhammad Ali Kareem Abdulabbar N tozake Shange and Kunta Kinte who I ask should be exasperated by this questiorvandanswer game N evertheless I explain Because of slavery black people in the Western world don t usually know their original names What you really want to know is what my slave name was Now this is where things get tense Four hundred years of bitter history culture and politics between b1acks and whites in Americais evoked by this one term slave name Some white people wince when they hear the phrase pained and embarrassed by this reminder of their ancestors inhumanity Further they quickly scrutinize me and conclude that mine was a postEman cipation Proclamation birth You were never a slave I used to be reluctant to tell people my slave name unless I sur mised that they wouldn39t impose their cultural values on me and refuse to use my African name I don t care anymore When I changed my name I changed my life and I39ve been ltabari for more years now than I was ill Nonetheless people will say Well that s your real name you were born in America and that39s what I am going to call 18 15 TLZG Cztlttrnil Identities you My mother tried a variation of this on me when l legalized my traditional African name l respectfully made it clear to her that I would not tolerate it Her behavior and subsequently her attitude changed But many blacllt folllts remain just as skeptical of my name as my mother Was You re one of those black people who changed their name huh they are likely to begin Well I still got the old slave inaster s Irish name said one man named O llare at a party This man39s defensive tone was a reaction to what l call the quot blacllter than thou syndrome perpetrated by many black nationalists in the sixties and seventies Those who reclaimed their African names made blacks who didn t do the same thing feel like Uncle Toms These socalled Uncle Toms couldn t figure out why they should use an African name when they didn t know a thing about Africa Besides many of them were proud of their names no matter how they had come by them And it should be noted that after the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863 four million black people changed their names adopting surnames such as Freeman Freedman and Liberty They eagerly gave up names that slave masters had imposed upon them as a way of identifying their human chattel Besides names that indicated their newly won freedom blacks chose cornrnon English names such as Jones Scott and Johnson Eng lish was their language America was their home and they wanted names that would allow them to assimilate as easily as possible Of course many of our European surnames belong to us by birth right We are the legal as Well as illegitimate heirs to the names Jefferson Franklin Washington et al and in my own family Lord Still I consider most of these names to be by products of slavery if not actual slave names Had We not been enslaved we would not have been cut off from our culture lost our indigenous languages and been compelled to use European names The loss of our African culture is a tragic fact of history and the conflict it poses is a profound one that has divided blacks many times since Ernancipation39 do we accept the loss and assimilate totally or do we try to reclaim our culture and synthesize it with our present reality A new generation of black people in America is reexamining the issues raised by the cultural nationalists and PanAfricanists of the sixties and seventies what are the cultural images that appropriately convey the newquot black aesthetic in literature and art The young AfroAmei39ican novelist Trey Ellis has asserted that the New Black Aesthetic shamelessly borrows and reassernbles across both race and class lines It is not afraid to embrace the full implica ll39ERl iV7mt s izzr a Name 121 tions of our hundreds of years in the New World We are a new people who need not be tied to externally imposed or selfinflicted cultural parochialisrn Had lunderstood that as a teenager I might still be singing today Even the fundamental issue of identity and nomenclature raised by Baraka and others twenty years ago is back on the agenda are we to call ouirselves blacks or AfricanAinericans A Ir kJ In reality it39s an old debate Only with the founding of the American Colonization Society in 1816 did blacks recoil from using V the term African in referring to themselves and their institutions the noted historian and author Sterling Stuckey pointed out in an inter view with me They feared that using the term African would fuel white efforts to send them back to Africa But they felt no white person had the right to send them back when they had slaved to build America A Many black institutions retained their African identification most notably the African liethodist Episcopal Church Changes in blacllt selfidentification in America have come in cycles usually reflecting the larger dynarnics of domestic and internationalpolitics The period after World War II said Stuckey culrninating in the Cold War years of Roy Willltins s leadership of the NAACP was a time of frenzied integrationisrnquot39 And there was no respectable black leader on the scene evincing any sort of interest in Africa nei that the NAACP or the Urban League This he said was an exiarnple of historical discontinuity the likes of which we as a people had not seen before Prior to that for more than a century and a half black leaders were Pan Africanists includ ing Frederick Douglass He recognized said Stuckey that Africa was important and that somehow one had to redeem the motherland in order to be genuinely respected in the New World The Reverend Jesse aclltson has of course placed on the national agenda the irnportance of blacks in America restoring their culttiral historical and political links with Africa But what does it really mean to be called an AfricanArnerican Blacllt can be viewed as a more encompassing term referring to all people of African descent AfroAmerican and AfricanArneri can refer to a specific ethnic group I use the terms interchangeably depending on the context and the point i Want to emphasize But I wonder as the twentyfirst century breathes down our necllts prodding us to wake up to the expanding rn lange of ethnic groups immigrating in record numbers to the United States ineyita bly intermarrying and to realize the eventual reshaping of the nae tion s political imperatives in a newly multicultural societywwill the term quotAfricanAmerican be as much of a racial and cultural obfusca 30 35 122 Cultural Identities tion as the term blacllt In other words will we be the only people in a society ntoving toward cultural pluralism Viewed to have no history and no culture Will we just be a color with a newnaine AfricanAmerican Or will the term be as l thinllt it shouldmari ethnic label descri ing people with a shared culture who descended from Africans were transformed in as Well as transformed America and are genetically intertwined with myriad other groups in the United States Such a definition reflects the historical reality and distances us from the fallacious unscienti c concept of separate races when there is only one Home sapzens But to comprehend what should be an obvious definition requires knowledge and a willingness to accept history When lamest Baldwin wrote Nobody Knows My Name the title was a metaphorwwat the deepest level of the collective AfricanArnerican psyche tor the blighting of black history and culture before the nadir of slavery and since a The eradication or distortion of our place in World history and culture is most obvious in the popular media Liz Taylor and for an earlier generation Claudette Colbert still represent what Cleopa tra a woman of color in a rnultiethnic society dominated at Various times by l3lE1ClltSlCOlltS like And in American hoines thanks to reruns and cable a new gen eration of black lltids grow up believing that a siinpleton shouting Dy no 1nite is a genuine reflection of AfroAmerican culture rather than a white Hollywood writer s stereotype More recently Coming to America starring Eddie Murphy as an African prince seeking a bride in the United States depicted tradi tional African dancers in what amounted to a Las Vegas stage show totally distorting the nature and beauty of real African dance But with every burlesqluiestyle pelvic thrust on the screen I saw blacks in the audience burst into applause They think that s African culture too And what do Africans know of us since blacks don control the organs of cornrnuiiication that disseminate inforrnation about us A No screamed the mother of a lltenyan1nan when he announced his engagement to an AfricanAInerican woman who was a friend of mine The mother said marry a European marry a White American But please not one of those lowdown ignorant drugdealing rnur derous black people she had seen in American movies Ultimately the mother prevailed in Tanzzania the travel agent looked at me indignantly Njeri that s lltilltuyu What are you doing with an African name he de manded llERl wines in 52 IIame 123 I d been in Dar es Salaam about a month and had learned that Africans assess in a glance the ethnic origins of the people they meet Without a greeting strangers on the street in 39Tanzania s capital would cornrnent quot Oh you39re an Afro American or West Indian quotBoth I I knew it they39d respond sornetirnes politely sometimes not Or people I got to know while in Afric would inention I know another halfcaste lillte39you Then they would call in the rnigtltedrace person and say Please rneet Itabari Njeri The darllter co1nplected African presumably of unmixed ancestry would then smile and stare at us 1illte we were animals in the zoo Of course this halfcaste which I suppose is a term preferable to 1nulatto which I hate and which every person who understands its derogatory 1neaning 1nule should never use was usually the product of a mixed marriage not generations of ethnic interrningling And it was clear from most quothalfcastes I met that they did not like being compared to so inongrelized and stigmatized a group as Afro Americans I had ininored in African studies in college worked for years with Africans in the United States and had no romantic illusions as to how Iwould be received in the motherland I wasn t going back to find my roots The only thing that shocked me in Tanzania was being called with great disdain a quotwhite Woman by an Africanwaiter Even if the rest of the world didn t follow the practice I then assumed everyone understood that any known or perceptible degree of African ancestry made one blaclltquot in America by law and social custom But I was pleasantly surprised by the telephone call I received two minutes after I walked into my Dar es Salaam hotel room It was the hotel operator Sister welcome to Tanzania Please tell everyone in Harlem hello for us The year was 1978 and people in Tanzania were wearing halffoot high platform shoes and dancing to James Brown wherever I went I Shortly before I left I stood on a hill surrounded by a field of endless flowers in Arusha near the border of Tanzania and Kenya A toothless woman with a Wide smile a staff in her hand and two I young girls at her side came toward me on a winding path I spoke to her in fractured Swahili and she to me in broken English I know you she said smiling quotquotWa lIegro quot Waquot is a prefix in Bantu languages meaning people You are from the lost tribe she told me Welcoinequot39 she said touching me then Walked down a hill that lay in the shadow of Mount Kilimanjaro I never told her my name but when I told other Africans they39d say Emmrmrz Itabari Too long How about I just call you Ita 50 Dumpster Diving by Lars E1 gbnor I oiquot 8 lsttpzilwvrw I brovrard edunp1akcydoosd urn psterwdix i n g h up On Dumpster Diving Lars Eighner A reelance writeriiv rig iniusiin Lars Eighner b 1948 was born in Corpus Chrisl i Texas and attended the University of Texas from 1966 to 1969 He was an attendant ward wonlrer at the Austin State Hospital from 1980 to 1987 and worked off and on for a drug crisis program and as a freelance writer imzjars Elghner and his dog lWrna Eignner lived on the streets for several years and his homeless experiences are reoailedin Travels with Lizpeih 1993 which became a best seller and from which quotDumpster Diving is excerpted quotDumpster Divingquot was first anthologized in The Pushoart Prize Best of the Small Presses in 1992 Among Eighne s other works are Elements ofirousal 1994 advice to would be authors of gay erotica a novel Pawn to Queen Four 1995 and a collection of essays Gay Cosmos I995 Travels started as a series of letters to his friends describing life onihe39srreet His sentence style has been compared to the style of the ninereenih cenlury English novel Long before I began Dumpster diving I was impressed with Dumpsters enough so that I wrote the iVlerriam Webster research service to discover what I could about the word Dumpster I learned from them that it is a proprietary word belonging to the Dempster Dumpster company Since then I have dutifully capitalized the word although it was lowercased in almost all the citations Merriam Webster photocopied for me Dempster39s word is too apt I have never heard these things called anything but Dumpsters I do not know anyone who knows the generic name for these objects From time to time I have heard a wine or hobo give some corrupted credit to the original and call them Dipsy Dumpsters I began Dumpster diving about a year before I became homeless I prefer the word scavenging and use the word scrounging when I mean to be obscure I have heard people evidently meaning to be polite use the word foraging but I prefer to reserve that word for gathering nuts and berries and such which I do also according to theseason and the opportunity Dumpster diving seems to me to be a little too cute and in my case inaccurate because I lack the athletic ability to lower myself into the Dumpsters as the true divers do much to their increased pro t I like the iranlmess of the word scavenging which I can hardly think of without picturing a big black snail on an aquarium wall I live from the refuse of others I am a scavenger I thinlltit a sound and honorable niche although iii could I would naturally prefer to live the comfortable consumer life perhaps and only perhaps as a slightly less wasteful consumer owing to what I have learned as a scavenger While Lizbeth Eighner39s dog and I were still living in the shack on Avenue B as my savings ran out I put airnost all my sporadic income into rent The necessities of daily life I began to extract from Dumpsters Yes we are from them Except forjeans all my clothes came from Dumpsters Boom boxes candies bedding toilet paper a virgin male love doll medicine books a typewriter dishes furnishing and change sometimes amounting to many doilars I acquired many things from the Dumpsters I have learned much as a scavenger I mean to put some of what I have learneclsdown here beginning with the practical art of Dumpster diving and proceeding to the abstract 4909 343 PM Dtrrnpster Diving by Lars Eighiier 2of8 httpwwvv 1 browardedunplakcydocsdarn psterdiving iitrri What is safe to eat After all the finding of objects is becoming something of an urban art Even respectable employed people will sometimes find something tempting sticking out of a Dumpster or standing beside one Quite a number of people not all of them of the bohemian type are willing to brag that they found this or that piece in the trash But eating from Dumpsters is what separates the dilettanti from the professionals Eating safely from the Dumpsters involves three prlnciplesi using the senses and common sense to evaluate the condition of the found materials knowing the Dumpsters of a given area and checking them regularly and seeking always to answer the question quotWhy was this discardedquot Perhaps everyone who has a kitchen and a regular supply of groceries has at one time or another made a sandwich and eaten half of it before discovering mold on the bread or got a mouthful of milk before realizing the milk had turned Nothing of the sort is likely to happen to a Dumpster diver because he is constantly reminded that most food is discarded for a reason Yet a lot of perfectly good food can be found in Dumpsters Canned goods for example turn up fairly often in the Dumpsters Ifrecguent All except the most phobic people would be willing to eat from a can even if it came from a Dumpster Canned goods are among the safest of foods to be found in Dumpsters but are not utterly foolproof Although very rare with modern canning methods botulism is a possibility Most other forms of food poisoning seldom do lasting harm to a heaithy person but botulisrn is almost certainly fatal and often the first symptom is death Excapt for carbonated beverages all canned goods should contain a slight vacuum and suck air when first punctured Bulging rusty and dented cans and cans that spew when punctured should be avoided especially when the contents are not very acidic or syrupy Heat can break down the botulin but this requires much more cooking than most people do to canned goods To the extent that botulism occurs at all of course it can occur in cans on pantry shelves as well as in cans from Dumpsters Need I say that home canned goods are simply too risky to be recommended From time to time one of my companions aware of the source of my provisions wiil ask quotDo you think these crackers are really safe to eatquot or some reason it is most often the crackers they ask about This question has always made me angry Of course I would not offer my companion anything I had doubts about But more than that I wonder why he cannot evaluate the condition of the crackers for himself I have no special knowledge and I have been wrong before Since he knows where the food comes from it seems to me he ought to assume some of the responsibility for deciding what he will put in his mouth For myself I have few qualms about dry foods such as crackers cookies cereal chips and pasta if they are free of visible contaminates and still dry and crisp Most often such things are found in the original packaging which is not so much a positive sign as it is the absence of a negative one Raw fruits and vegetables with intact skins seem perfectly safe to me excluding of course the obviously rotten Many are discarded for minor imperfections that can be pared away Leafy vegetables grapes cauliflower broccoli and similar things may be contaminated by iiouids and may be impractical to wash Candy especiaily hard candy is usualiy safe if it has not drawn ants Chocolate is often discarded only because it has become discolored as the cocoa butter deernuisified Candying after ali is one method of food preservation because pathogens do not like very sugary substances All of these foodsmight be found in any Dumpster and can be evaluated with some confidence largely on the basis of appearance Beyond these are foods that cannot be correctly evaluated without additional information I began scavenging by pulling pizzas out of the Dumpster behind a pizza delivery shop In general ii 9O9 3 43 PM oumpsta Divii1g by ms Eighner io f8 httpw w w I browardoduwnplakcyidocsdLimpstergdi ving htrn prepared food requires caution but in this case I knew when the shop closed and went to the Dumpster as soon as the last of the heip left Such shops often get prank orders both the orders and the products made to fill them are called bogus Because help seldom stays long at these places pizzas are often made with the wrong topping refused on delivery for being cold or baked incorrectly The products to be discarded are boxed up because inventory is kept by counting boxes A boxed pizza can be written off an unboxed pizza does not exist I I never placed a bogus order to increase the supply of pizzas and I believe no one else was scavenging in this Dumpster But the people in the shop became suspicious and began to retain their garbage in the shop overnight While it lasted I had a steady supply of fresh sometimes warm pizza Because I knew the Dumpster I knew the source of the pizza and because I visited the Dumpster regulariy I knew what was fresh and what was yesterday39s The area I frequent is inhabited by many affluent college students I am not here by chance the Dumpsters in this area are very rich Students throw out many good things including food In particular they tend to throw everything out when they move at the end of a semester before and after breaks and around midterm when many of them despair of college So I find it advantageous to keep an eye on the academic caiendar Students throw food away around breaks because they do not know whether it has spoiled or will spoil before they return A typical discard is a half jar of peanut butter In fact non organic peanut butter does 39 not require refrigeration and is unlikeiy to spoil in any reasonable time The student does not know that and since it is Daddy39s money the student decides not to take a chance Opened containers require caution and some attention to the question quotWhy was this discardedquot But in the case of discards from student apartments the answer may be that the item was thrown out through careiessness ignorance or wastefulness This can sometimes be deduced when the item is found with many others including some that areobviousiy perfectly good Some students and others approach defrosting a freezer by chucking out the whole iot Not only do the circumstances of such a find teli the story but aiso the mass of frozen goods stays cold for a iong time and items may be found still frozen or freshly thawed Yogurt cheese and sour cream are items that are often thrown out while they are still good Occasionaiiy I find a cheese with a spot ofmold which of course I just pare off and because it is obvious why such a cheese was discarded I treat it with less suspicion than an apparently perfect cheese found in similar circumstances Yogurt is often discarded still sealed only because the expiration date on the carton had passed This is one of my favorite finds because yogurt wiil keep for several days even in warm weather Studentsthrow out canned goods and staples at the end of semesters and when they give up college at midterm Drugs pornography spirits and the like are often discarded when parents are expectedDad39s Day for example And spirits also turn up after big party weekends presumably discarded by the newly reformed Wine and spirits of course keep perfectly weli even once opened but the same cannot be said of beer My test for carbonated soft drinks is whether they still fizz vigorousiy Many juices or other beverages are too acidic or too syrupy to cause much concern provided they are not visibiy contaminated I have discovered nasty molds in vegetable juices even when the product wasfoond under its original seal I recommend that such products be decanted slowiy into a ciear giass Liquids always require some care One hot day I found a large jug of Pat O39Brien s Hurricane mix The jug had been opened but was still ice cold I drank three large giasses before it became apparent to me that someone had added the rum to the mix and not a little rum I never tasted the rum and by the time I began to feel the effects I had already ingested a very large quantity of the beverage Some divers wouid have considered this a boon but being suddenly intoxicated in a publicplace in the early afternoon is not my idea of a good time 4909 343 PM i3ti1npsier Diving by Lars Eighncr lof8 httpwww I browarded unplakcydocs Cit1jmpSlL6l Cii vin giitm I have heard of people maliciously contaminating discarded food and even handouts but mostly I have heard of this from people with vivid imaginations who have had no experience with the Dumpsters themselves Just before the pizza shop stopped discarding its garbage at night jalapenos began showing up on most of the thrownout pizzas If indeed this was meant to discourage me it was a wasted effort because I am quota native Texan For myself I avoid game poultry pork and eggbased foods whether I find them raw or cooked I seldom have the means to cook what I find but when I do39I avail myself of plentiful supplies of beef which is often in very good condition I suppose fish becomes disagreeable before it becomes dangerous Lizbeth is happy I to have any such thing that is past its prime and in fact does not recognize fish as food until it is quite strong Home leftovers as opposed to surpiuses from restaurants are very often bad Evidently especiaily among students there is a common type of personality that carefuliy wraps up even the smallest leftover and shoves it into the back of the refrigerator for six months or so before discarding it Characteristic of this type are the reused jars and margarine tubs to which the remains are committed I avoid ethnic foods I am unfamiliar with Ifl do not know what it is supposed to look iike when it is good I cannot be certain I will be able to tell if it is bad No matter how careful I am I stiil get dysentery at least once a month oftener in warm weather I do not want to paint too romantic a picture Dumpster diving has serious drawbacks as a way of iife I learned to scavenge gradually on my own Since then I have initiated several companions intothe trade I have learned that there is a predictable series of stages a person goes through in learning to scavenge At first the new scavenger is filled with disgust and selfloathing He is ashamed of being seen and may iurk around trying to dock behind things or he may try to dive at night In fact most peopie instinctively iook away from a scavenger By skuiking around the novice calls attention to himself and arouses suspicion Diving at night is ineffective and needlessly messy Every grain of rice seems to be a maggot Everything seems to stink He can wipe the egg yolk off the found can but he cannot erase from his mind the stigma of eating garbage That stage passes with experience The scavenger finds a pair of running shoes that fit and look and smell brand new He finds a pocket calculator in perfect working order He finds pristine ice cream still frozen more than he can eat or keep He begins to understand People throwaway perfectly good stuff a lot of I perfectly good stuff At this stage Dumpster shyness begins to dissipate The diver after all has the last laugh He is finding all manner of good things that are his for the taking Those who disparage his profession are the fools not he He may begin to hang on to some perfectly good things for which he has neither a use nor a market Then he begins to take note of the things that are not perfectly good but are nearly so He mates a Walkman with broken earphones and one that is missing a battery cover He picks up things that he can repair At this stage he may become lost and never recover Dumpsters are full of things of some potential value to someone and also of things that never have much intrinsic value but are interesting All the Dumpster divers 1 have known come to the point of trying to acquire everything they touch Why not take it39they reason since it is all free This is of course items of relatively immediate utiiity But in some cases the diver simply cannot control himself I have met several of these packrat types Their ideas of the values of various pieces ofjunk verge on the psychotic Every bit of glass may be a diamond they think and all that glistens gold 49O9 343 Pivl Dumpster Diving by Lars Eighnor S oi 8 DTs All the cans he can carry will buy about three bottles of Wild Irish Rose httpzW my I browardedurmpiakcy doc sclumpsteigdivin g him I tend to gain weight when I are scavenging Partly this is because I always find far more pizza and doughnuts than waterwpacked tuna non fat yogurt andfresh vegetables Also I have not developed much faith in the reliability of Dumpsters as a food source although it has been proven to me many times I tend to eat as ifi have no idea where my next meal is coming from But mostly Ijusi hate to see food go to waste and so I eat much more than I should Something like this drives the obsession to collect junk As for collecting objects I usually restrict myself to collecting one kind of small object at a time such as pocket calculators sunglasses or campaign buttons To live on the street I must anticipate my needs to a certain extent I must pick up and save warm bedding Ifind in August because it will not be found in Dumpsters in November As I have no access to health care I often hoard essential drugs such as antibiotics and antihistamines This course can be recommended only to those with some grounding in pharmacology Antibiotics for example even when indicated are worse than useless if taken in insufficient amounts But even ifi had a home with extensive storage space I could not save everything that might be valuable in some contingency I have proprietary feelings about my Dumpsters As I have mentioned it is no accident that I scavenge from ones where good finds are common But my limited experience with Dumpsters in other areas suggests to me that even in poorer areas Dumpsters if attended with sufficient diligence can be made to yield a livelihood The rich students discard perfectly good kiwifruit poorer people discard perfectly good apples Slacks and Polo shirts are found in the one place jeans and T shirts in the other The population of 39 competitors rather than the affluence of the dumpers most affects the feasibility of survival by scavenging The large number of compeiit39ors is what puts me off the idea of trying to scavenge in places like Los Angeles I I 39 Curiously I do not mind my direct competition other scavengers so much as I hate the can scroungers People scrounge cans because they have to have a little cash I have tried scrounging cans with an able bodied companion Afool a can scrounger simply cannot make more than a few dollars a day One can extract the necessities of life from the Dumpsters directly with far less effort than would be required to accumulate the equivalent value in cans These observations may not hold in places with container redemption laws Can scroongers then are people who must have small amounts of cash These are drug addicts and wines mostly the latter because the amounts are so small Spirits and drugs do like all other commodities turn up in Dumpsters and the scavenger will from time to time have a half bottle of a rather good wine with his dinner But the wine cannot survive on these occasional finds he must have his daily dose to stave off the I do not begrudgeihem the cans but can scroungers tend to tear up the Dumpsters mixing the contents and littering the area They become so specialized that they can see only cans They earn my contempt by passing up change canned goods and readily hockableltems 39 There are precious few courtesies among scavengers But it is common practice to set aside surplus items pairs of shoes clothing canned goods and such A true scavenger hates to see good stuff go to waste and what he cannot use he leaves in good condition in plainsight Can scroungers lay waste to everything in their pathand will stir one of a pair of good shoes to the bottom of a Dumpster to be iost or ruined in the muck Can scroungers wili even go through individual garbage cans something I have neverseen a scavenger do Individual garbage cans are set out on the public easement only on garbage days Do other days going through them requires trespassing close to a dwelling Going through individuai garbage cans without scattering litter is almost impossible Litter is likely to reduce the public39s tolerance of scavenging Individual cans are simply not as productive as Dumpsters people in houses and duplexes do not move so often and for some reason do not tend to discard as much useful material Moreover the time required to 4909 343 PM Dumpster Diving by Lars Eighrier So f8 httpwwwl broward edunplailtcydocsdumpsterdivin 2 him go through one garbage can that serves one household is not much less than the time required to go through a Dumpster that contains the refuse of twenty apartments But my strongest reservation about going through individual garbage cans is that this seems to me a very personal kind of invasion to which I would object ifI were a householder Although many things in Dumpsters are obviously meant never to come to light a Dumpster is somehow less personal I avoid trying to draw conclusions about the people who dump in the Dumpsters I frequent I think it would be unethical to do so although I know many people will finclthe idea of scavenger ethics too funny for words I Dumpsters contain bank statements correspondence and other documents just as anyone might expect But there are less obvious sources of information Pill bottles for example The labels bear the name of the patient the name of the doctor and the name of the drug AIDS drugs and antipsychotic medicines to name but two groups are specific and are seldom prescribed for any other disorders The plastic compacts for birth control pills usually have complete label information Despite all of this sensitive information I have had only one apartment resident object to my going through the Dumpster In that case it turned out the resident was a university athlete who was taking bets and who was afraid I would turn up his wager slips 39 Occasionally a final tells a story I once found a small paper bag containing some unused condoms several partial tubes of flavored sexual lubricants a partially used compact of birth control pills and the torn pieces of a picture of a young man Clearly she was through with him and planning to give up sex aitogether Dumpsterthings are often sadwabandoned teddy bears shredded wedding books despairedof saies kits I find many pets lying in state in Dumpsters Although I hope to get off the streets so that Lizbeth can have a long and comfortable old age I know this hope is not very realistic So I suppose when her time comes she too will go into a Dumpster I will have no better place for her And after all it is fitting since for most of her life her livelihood has come from the Dumpster When she finds something I think is safe that has been spilled from a Dumpster I let her have it She already knows the route around the best ones I like to think that if she survives me she will have a chance of evading the dog catcher and of finding her sustenance on the route Silly vanities also come to rest in the Dumpsters I am a rather accomplished needleworker I get a lot of material from the Dumpsters Evidently sorority girls hoping to impress someone perhaps themselves with their mastery of a womanly art buy a lot of embroiderby number kits work a few stitches horribly and eventually discard the whole mess I pull out their stitches turn the canvas over and work an original design Do not think I refrain from chuckling as I make gifts from these kits I find diaries and journals I have often thought ofcompiling a book ofliterary found objects And perhaps I will one day But what I find is hopelessly commonplace and bad without being even unconsciously camp College students also discard their papers I am horrified to discover the kind of paper that now merits an A in an undergraduate course I am grateful however for the number of good books and magazines the students throw out In the area I know best I have never discovered vermin in the Dumpsters but there are two kinds of kitty surprise One is alley cats who I meet as they leap claws first out of Dumpsters This is especially thrilling when I have Lizbeth in tow The other kind of kitty surprise is a plastic garbage bag filled with some ponclerous amorphous mass This always proves to be used cat iitter City bees harvest doughnut glaze and this makes the Dumpster at thendoughnut shop more interesting My faith in the instinctive wisdom of animals is always shaken wheneverl see Lizbeth attempt to catch a bee in 4 9 09 343 IquotNi Dumpster Diving by Lars Eighner http 2www 1 bro warded uf11plakcydocsdumpsterltjli vein g htrn her mouth which she does wherever bees are present Evidently some birds find Dumpsters profitable for birdie surprise is almost as common as kitty surprise of the first kind In hunting season all kinds of small game turn up in Dumpsters some of it sadiy not entireiy dead Curiously summer and winter maggots ESYEE uncommon The worst of the living and neaniiving hazards of the Dumpsters are the fire ants The food they claim is not much of a loss but they are vicious and aggressive It is very easy to brush against some surface of the Dumpster and pick up half a dozen or more fire ants usually in some sensitive area such as the underarm One advantage of bringing Lizbeth along as I make Dumpster rounds is that for obvious reasons she is very alert to groundbased fire ants When Lizbeth recognizes a fireant infestation around our feet she does the Dance of the Zillion Fire Ants I have iearned not to ignore this warning from Lizbeth whether I perceive the tiny ants or not but to remove ourselves at iizbeth s first pas de bouree All the more so because the ants are the worst in the summer months when I wear flip flops ifI have them Perhaps someone will misunderstand this Lizbeth does the Dance of the Zillion Fire Ants when she recognizes more fire ants than she cares to eat not when she is being bitten Since I have learned to react promptly she does not get bitten at all It is the isolated patrol of fire ants that falls in Lizbeth39s range that deserves pity She finds them quite tasty I by far the best way to go through a Dumpster is to lower yourself into it Most of the good stuff tends to settle at the bottom because it is usually welghtier than the rubbish My more athletic companions have often demonstrated to me that they can extract much good material from a Dumpsterl have aiready been To those psychologically or physically unprepared to enter a Dumpster I recommend a stout stick preferable with some barb or book at one end The book can be used to grab plastic garbage bags When I find canned goods or other objects loose at the bottom of a Dumpster I lower a bag into it roii the desired object into the bag and then hoist the bag out a procedure more easily described than executed Much Dumpster diving is a matter of experience for which nothing will do except practice Dumpster diving is outdoor work often surprisingly pleasant It is not entirely predictable things of interest turn up every day and some days there are finds of great value I am always very pleased when I can turn up exactly the thing I most wanted to find Yet in spite of the eiement of chance scavenging more than most other pursuits tends to yield returns in some proportion to the effort and intelligence brought to bear Itis very sweet to turn up a few dollars in change from a Dumpster that has just been gone over by a wino The land is now covered with cities The cities are full of Dumpsters If a member of the canine race is ever able to know what it is doing then Lizbeth knows that when we go around to the Dumpsters we are hunting I think of scavenging as a modern form of selfreliance In any event after having survived neariy ten years of government service where everything is geared to the lowest common denominator work that rewards initiative and effort Certainly I would be happy to have a sinecure again but I am no longer heartbroken that I left one I find from the experience of scavenging two rather deep iessons The first is to take what you can use and let the rest go by I have come to think that there is no value in the abstract A thing I cannot use or make useful perhaps by trading has no value however rare or fine it may be I mean useful in a broad sense some art I would find useful and some otherwise I was shocked to reaiize that some things are not worth acquiring but now I think it is so Some material things are white elephants that eat up the possessorls substance The second lesson is the transience of material being This has not quite converted me to a dualist but it has made some headway in that direction I do not suppose that ideas are immortal but certainly mental things arelonger lived than other materiaithings Once I was the sort of person who invests objects with sentimental value Now I no longer have those objects but I have the sentiments yet 39 4909 343 PM Dumpster Diving by Lars Eiglmer litiptwwwibrowardedunpiakcydocsfduimgsteigwdivirig1 itm Many times in our travels I have lost everything but the clothes I was wearing and Lizbeth The things I find in Dumpsters the love letters and rag dolls of so many lives remind me of this lesson Now I hardly pick quotup a thing without envisioning the time I will cast it aside This I think is a healthy state of mind Almost everything I have new has already been cast out at least once proving that what I own is vaiueless to SDITIEOHE Anyway I find my desire to grab for the gaudy baubie has been largely sated I think this is an attitude I share with the very wealthy we both know there is pienty more where what we have came from Between us are the rat rare millions who nightly scavenge the cable channels coking for they know notwhat I am sorry for them More ahcmi Lars Eirzzihner 3 of 3 4909 343 Piyi