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Social Psy &Cultural Diversity

by: Miss Mellie O'Conner

Social Psy &Cultural Diversity PSY 837

Marketplace > Eastern Kentucky University > Psychlogy > PSY 837 > Social Psy Cultural Diversity
Miss Mellie O'Conner
GPA 3.97

Jonathan Gore

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Jonathan Gore
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This 7 page Class Notes was uploaded by Miss Mellie O'Conner on Sunday October 11, 2015. The Class Notes belongs to PSY 837 at Eastern Kentucky University taught by Jonathan Gore in Fall. Since its upload, it has received 24 views. For similar materials see /class/221433/psy-837-eastern-kentucky-university in Psychlogy at Eastern Kentucky University.


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Date Created: 10/11/15
Source and Nonsource Cues in Advertising and Their Effects on the Activation of Cultural and Subcultural Knowledge on the Route to Persuasion ANNE M BRUMBAUGH This article examines how ads with different combinations of source and nonsource cues activate culturebound cognitions among members of a dominant culture and members of a subculture within that dominant culture As participants in both the dominant culture and their own subculture members of subcultures are posited to possess knowledge of both groups As such their reactions to mainstream advertising are expected to be similar to those of members of the dominant culture However because members of the dominant culture are not as familiar with the subculture their reactions to cues contained in subculturetargeted ads will differ from those of members of the subculture Results of an experiment show that dominant culture source cues activate highly internalized dominant cultural models for all participants leading to selfreferencing and favorable ad attitudes However subculture source and nonsource cues interact to activate subcultural knowledge induce selfreferencing and enhance ad attitudes only among members of the subculture Consider an ad for Stove Top Stuf ng actual ad ca 1994 that shows a white family sitting down to dinner in an uppermiddleclass kitchen Mom prepares the meal as Dad Cindy and Bobby gather around the table When she is asked what s for dinner Mom replies Stuf ng and of course everyone is pleased Why might such an execution be effective In the United States most consumers look like the characters portrayed in the ad so felt similarity between the viewer and source might favorably in uence ad reactions Whittler and DiMeo 1991 This happy functional nuclear family represents a positive American ideal so a mother seeing the ad might feel a tug to model herself and her family after this aspirational reference group Englis and Solomon 1995 The family depicted might remind her of her own family of origin and evoke nostalgic memories that favorably in uence her reactions to the ad Sujan Bettman and Baumgartner 1993 Finally the family may be similar enough to her own current family to enable her to identify with the ad mom and to see herself preparing the product Anne M Brumbaugh is assistant professor of marketing at the Babcock Graduate School of Management Wake Forest University WinstonSalem NC 27109 annebrumbaughmbawfuedu The author thanks Julie Edell Jim Bettman John Murry and Rohit Desphande for their help in preparing this article three helpful reviewers two supportive editors and one patient associate editor for all their guidance and Marlene Morris for her help with data collection 258 for dinner Kelman 1961 All these mechanisms represent the ad s ability to draw on a culturally constructed and shared idea the typical American family to evoke indi vidualized selfrelated cognitions selfschemas possible selves role selves autobiographical memories etc that fa vorably in uence the viewer s reactions to the ad Now consider another real ad for Stove Top Stuf ng which is nearly identical to the rst but this execution con tains an African American family instead of a white family Grandfather is included this time and the kitchen is slightly more modest Mom prepares the stuf ng but calls it dress ing How would the reactions of African American viewers presumably the target market for this ad differ from their reactions to the rst ad Including ethnically similar sources has been shown to enhance similarity and identi cation ef fects Whittler and DiMeo 1991 particularly among dis tinctive groups such as this Deshpande and Stayman 1994 However what role do the other cues extended family dressing play Do these cues merely enhance the source effects that have been well documented or do they play a different role I propose that as participants in both the dominant culture and their own subcultures members of subcultures African Americans in the preceding example are knowledgeable about both As such they may draw on the social ties they feel toward both groups and the cultural knowledge they 2002 by JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH Inc I Vol 29 0 September 2002 All rights reserved 0093530l2003290200081000 SUBCULTURAL KNOWLEDGE AND PERSUASION have learned in both cultures to inform their responses to mainstream appeals and inclusive and targeted appeals Thus their reactions to ads like the rst that contains dom inant culture cues white sources mainstream setting may be very similar to the reactions of members of the dominant culture here white Americans In addition however Af rican Americans also have the ability to draw on subcultural knowledge by virtue of their membership in their subcul ture knowledge that may differ from that of the dominant culture Welltargeted executions that include both similar subculture sources and other subculture relevant cues like the second ad induce members of subcultures to draw on this knowledge to allow them to create meaning that others outside the subculture cannot Therefore this article inves tigates how source and nonsource cues work in tandem to activate knowledge associated with either the dominant cul ture or a subculture within that dominant culture and how activating these different knowledge structures in uences self referential processing and ad attitudes CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND Culture is often de ned in cognitive terms as the beliefs values and norms of a speci c social group and a culture is often de ned in social terms as the group of people that shares and perpetuates this knowledge Resnick 1991 As such the content of culture the knowledge shared and per petuated by members of the group may be thought of as a collection of schemas that are learned from socialization and participation in a cultural group Roth and Moorman 1988 These widely shared schemas or cultural models Quinn and Holland 1987 are available and accessible to members of the cultural group that shares them In contrast these cultural models are not available to people outside the cul tural group Thus cultural group membership is de ned by the collective body of knowledge that is shared Although individual differences in access to and expertise with cultural models exist Strauss and Quinn 1992 it is presumed by members of the cultural group that others in the group share the body of knowledge that comprises the culture D Andrade 1987 Although considerable debate exists regarding the exis tence of a single American culture cf Varenne et al 1984 there is increasing awareness that certain norms and beliefs shared widely by Americans exist Spindler and Spindler 1983 Furthermore many would argue that the population that drives this American culture are white European Chris tian Americans who constitute a majority of the US pop ulation Segal and Handler 1995 As a numerical majority in society and a dominant force in major political and social institutions white Americans have a strong in uence on the national culture In contrast many numerical minority groups coexist in the United States with their own distinctive values norms beliefs and behaviors that differ in some although not necessarily all aspects from the dominant American culture Many bases exist for identifying such subcultural groups including ethnicity Hispanic Ameri cans country of origin Irish Americans religion Jewish 259 Americans and race black Americans as well as less traditional bases gender agecohort or regional subcul tures Because they comprise a subset of a larger cultural group and share some distinct values norms beliefs and behaviors not shared by the dominant culture these groups are considered subcultures within the dominant culture Em ber and Ember 1996 Members of a dominant cultural group are socialized into one culture the dominant culture and therefore have only one set of cultural models that may be activated and acted on stored in dominant cultural models However members of subcultures are socialized into both the dominant culture through media and their interactions with majority members and institutions and their own subculture Therefore I posit that they have two sets of cultural models available for activation Like members of the dominant culture they have learned widely held dominant cultural models through their participation in the dominant culture In addition they have learned the knowledge of their subculture stored in sub cultural models through socialization in that subculture Where knowledge of the dominant culture and knowledge of the subculture do not differ members of the dominant culture and members of a subculture share a single cultural model the dominant cultural model for a given topic con cept or idea Where knowledge differs however it is pro posed that members of the subculture have two schemas available for activation the dominant cultural model and the subcultural model Like other types of schemas cultural models in memory are activated automatically in response to cues in the en vironment Once activated they shape individuals inter pretations of external stimuli and guide their behavior Ac tivating a cultural model that is linked to other schemas may lead to activation of those schemas depending on the as sociative strength of the links between them As individuals are socialized into a cultural group they internalize different cultural models to different degrees Quinn 1992 Those cultural models that are highly internalized and linked closely with selfknowledge have a greater in uence on one s interpretation of external stimuli and behavior than those that are not Strauss 1992 Therefore activating cultural models that are linked closely with selfknowledge should lead to activation of personal models individuals own instantiations of cultural models For example seeing an advertisement that activates a shared cultural model for success may activate in an in dividual his own successful selfschema including what it means for him to be successful how he may achieve success and how he displays success to others Activating widely shared cultural models may be a way in which marketers induce selfreferencing and its associated positive outcomes Bumkrant and Unnava 1989 Sujan et al 1993 Therefore including cues in ads that activate highly internalized cul tural models may favorably affect ad attitudes via activation of selfrelevant cognitions stored in personal models 260 Activating Cultural Models through Source and Nonsource Cues Despite increasing availability of interactive media that allow for onetoone marketing efforts the practical limi tation remains that it is not feasible for advertisers to create tailored executions for every individual Rather they have to depict themes that resonate with most if not all members of a targeted segment Advertisers capitalize on this aggre gation by using in ads cues that have a high probability of activating the desired shared knowledge among members of the target market If it is highly internalized then this shared knowledge will be linked to personal models and activating it creates the important connection between the ad and the self and enhances attitude toward the ad The availability and accessibility of a cultural model and the associative strength of ad cues impact the likelihood that the cultural model will be activated by an advertisement The preceding literature review suggests that dominant cul tural models are available for activation and are highly ac cessible for both members of the dominant culture and mem bers of the subculture within that dominant culture but that subcultural models are available and accessible only for members of the subculture This is not to say that members of the dominant culture do not have knowledge about sub cultures they do However relative to the rich schemas dominant culture viewers possess about their own culture these shared cultural models are likely to be impoverished schemas that contain only basic knowledge about the sub cultures and are not subcultural models eg nomelaborate knowledge Peracchio and Tybout 1996 p 176 Rather these schemas that members of the dominant culture have about subcultures are dominant cultural models about the subcultures Such knowledge may be accurate eg socio type Triandis 1994 inaccurate eg stereotype Katz and Braly 1933 or a combination of the two In either case this knowledge of the subculture is not as closely linked to selfknowledge as subcultural models are for members of the subculture and it is not as readily accessible as dominant cultural models for members of the dominant culture1 For the sake of brevity dominant cultural models about the sub culture are referred to hereafter as knowledge of the sub culture and this important distinction is further explored in the Discussion In addition to availability and accessibility of the cultural models associative strength of the cues depicted in the ad Research on stereotyping shows that individual differences in acces sibility to stereotypes cultural models about a social group may differ on the basis of one s prejudice against that group see Monteith Sherman and Devine 1998 Overall however this knowledge has been less fre quently instantiated for members of the dominant culture than has knowl edge of the dominant culture and is less accessible than dominant cultural models JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH will impact the likelihood that a cultural model is activated2 Cues that are frequently associated with a cultural or a sub cultural group will be more strongly linked with knowledge of that group and thus will be more likely to activate cultural models associated with that group than those that are not Certainly visually salient physical traits of members of a group skin color hairstyle facial structure stature etc are among such cues nearly always cooccurring with memory traces of experiences with and about the cultural group Thus the associative strength of source cues related to the characters pictured in an ad will be strong Furthermore research in persuasion shows that such source cues are highly salient and are therefore processed quickly and au tomatically Greenwald and Banaji 1995 Macrae and Bod enhausen 2000 compared to other ad cues Chaiken 198039 Petty and Cacioppo 1981 Consequently depicting mem bers of a cultural group is likely to activate cultural models associated with that group Dominant culture sources acti vate knowledge associated with the dominant culture and subculture sources activate knowledge associated with the subculture In contrast other nonsource cues unrelated to the source eg background setting language and linguistic cues etc are not as visually salient as source cues Greenwald and Banaji 1995 Macrae and Bodenhausen 2000 and may re quire additional processing or may not be processed at all Chaiken and Maheswaran 1994 Such cues will be pro cessed more slowly than source cues and cultural models linked with these cues will be activated only if the asso ciative strength between the nonsource cue and the cultural model is strong eg Spanish language ad and Hispanic subcultural models If the associative strength between them is weak nonsource cues will not activate cultural mod els eg Spanish language ad and dominant cultural models Therefore I propose that source cues will be processed before nonsource cues because of their visual salience and their strong link to cultural knowledge associated with the group of which the source is a member Nonsource cues will be processed less quickly if at all and will serve to enhance when consistent with the source cues shown in an ad or diminish when inconsistent with the source cues shown in an ad activation of cultural models initially ac tivated by the source cues only if the associative strength of the nonsource cue is strong Impact of Cues on Members of the Dominant Cul ture Members of the dominant culture are bombarded with advertising that features dominant culture sources Such ads are neither rare nor novel and are thus unlikely to trigger heightened scrutiny Therefore the dominant culture sources pictured in such ads will activate quickly and automatically 2In addition to associative strength encoding speci city also enhances the likelihood that a cue will activate an event in memory Tulving and Thompson 1973 However encoding speci city is relevant for events in episodic memory that are time tagged but not for semantic memory struc tures like cultural models Ellis and Hunt 1989 Therefore encoding spec i city is not discussed here SUBCULTURAL KNOWLEDGE AND PERSUASION dominant cultural models that are highly accessible for dom inant culture viewers Because of this chronic accessibility and because such commonplace ads will not be processed deeply adding dominant culture nonsource cues vs sub culture nonsource cues will not enhance activation of dom inant cultural models already activated by the dominant cul ture sources Formally Hla For members of the dominant culture ads with dominant culture sources will activate dominant cultural models more than ads with subculture sources Hlb Activation of dominant cultural models will be the same for members of the dominant culture irrespective of whether the dominant culture sources are paired with dominant culture non source cues or with subculture nonsource cues In contrast ads targeting subcultures are relatively rare Adweek 1998 Their novelty and the presence of minority subculture sources are likely to cause dominant culture view ers to take notice Nemeth 1986 if only to learn that the ad is not meant for them Aaker Brumbaugh and Grier 2000 Once again source cues will likely predominate ini tial ad processing with subculture sources activating knowl edge these dominant culture viewers have about the sub culture Because members of the dominant culture lack detailed information about the subculture to which only members have access including additional subculturecon sistent nonsource cues in an ad with subculture sources will likely not enhance their activation of knowledge of the sub culture Ratneshwar and Chaiken 1991 That is their lack of subcultural models as distinct from their knowledge about the subculture may render dominant culture viewers unable to interpret or decode these subculture nonsource cues that are only weakly associated if at all with their knowledge of the subculture Therefore including subcul ture nonsource cues vs dominant culture nonsource cues with subculture sources will not enhance activation of knowledge of the subculture among members of the dom inant culture Speci cally ch For members of the dominant culture ads with subculture sources will activate knowledge of the subculture more than ads with dominant culture sources Hld Activation of knowledge of the subculture will be the same for members of the dominant culture irrespective of whether the subculture sources are paired with dominant culture nonsource cues or with subculture nonsource cues Impact of Cues on Members of Subcultures The story is more complex for members of a subculture who are knowledgeable about both the dominant culture as well as their own subculture Ads that target the dominant culture by showing dominant culture sources should result in the 26 same reactions among subculture viewers and dominant cul ture viewers if in fact both groups share similar experience with and knowledge about the dominant culture Thus it is hypothesized that activation of highly accessible dominant cultural models will be the same for members of a subculture as for members of the dominant culture and that source cues predominate in the activation of dominant cultural models irrespective of other nonsource cues included in the ad Con sistent with hypotheses 1a and 1b H23 For members of a subculture ads with dominant culture sources will activate dominant cultural models more than ads with subculture sources H2b Activation of dominant cultural models will be the same for members of a subculture irrespec tive of whether the dominant culture sources are paired with dominant culture nonsource cues or with subculture nonsource cues Although subculture viewers reactions to ads featuring dominant culture sources are expected to be similar to re actions of dominant culture viewers their reactions to ads featuring subculture sources are expected to differ because of the knowledge they possess due to their membership in the subculture As with dominant culture members sub culture members will be more likely to notice and process ads targeting subcultures because of their novelty Hunt Kernan and Bon eld 1993 and use of subculture minority sources Nemeth 1986 This enhanced attention is aided by access to knowledge that membership in the subculture af fords subculture viewers knowledge to which dominant cul ture members simply do not have access Speci cally this knowledge allows members of subcultures to decode some times subtle subculture nonsource cues that have no meaning for dominant culture viewers cues that are strongly asso ciated with subcultural models For example a small license plate with the letters XENA LVR pictured in a Subaru ad has meaning associated with subcultural models for lesbian viewers members of the subculture but not for straight viewers members of the dominant culture Kanner 2000 Therefore it is expected that members of a subculture will have strong links between such subculture nonsource cues and subcultural models links members of the dominant cul ture do not possess Including subculture nonsource cues in an ad with subculture sources then will enhance activation of subcultural models for subculture viewers Ratneshwar and Chaiken 1991 Thus H2c For members of a subculture ads with subculture sources will activate subcultural models more than ads with dominant culture sources H2d Activation of subcultural models will be stronger for members of the subculture when subculture sources are paired with subculture nonsource cues than when paired with dominant culture nonsource cues 262 What impact does pairing dominant culture sources with subculture nonsource cues have on activation of subcultural models and ad attitudes This inconsistency should engender greater attention and processing Maheswaran and Chaiken 1991 and should simultaneously attempt to activate both the dominant cultural model via source cues and the sub cultural model via nonsource cues The meaning attributed to this incongruent pairing of cues will likely depend on the nature of cues used the speci c cultural models activated and the relationship between the dominant culture and the subculture Grier and Brumbaugh 1999 Misappropriating cues special to the subculture could be perceived by mem bers of the subculture as insensitive while having a negative impact on ad reactions However including less sacred cues could signal inclusion in a novel way to members of the subculture while having a favorable impact on ad reactions Humor is often created by such incongruent pairings Grice 1975 For example Budweiser s preppy white male version of the Whassup ads outs viewers cultural expectations set by previous executions that feature far hipper African American men Lauro 2001 Prior research shows that such incongruencies have been effective in generating humor and enhancing attitudes in an advertising context Alden Mu kherjee and Hoyer 2000 Therefore it is hypothesized that activation of subcultural models and ad attitudes among subculture viewers will differ depending on whether dom inant culture sources are paired with dominant culture or subculture nonsource cues However the directionality of the difference is not speci ed Therefore H2e Activation of subcultural models will be different for members of the subculture when dominant culture sources are paired with dominant culture nonsource cues than when paired with subculture nonsource cues Impact of Activating Cultural Models Dominant cul tural models are hypothesized to be shared and internalized by both members of the dominant culture and members of subcultures Therefore dominant cultural models should be linked with selfrelevant cognitions stored in personal mod els and activating them should lead to activation of personal models enhancing ad attitudes for both However knowl edge of the subculture is stored in subcultural models linked to selfrelevant cognitions only for members of the subcul ture Dominant cultural models about the subculture are not linked to selfrelevant cognitions for members of the dom inant culture Therefore activating subcultural models will activate personal models enhancing ad attitudes only for members of the subculture Thus H3a Activating dominant cultural models will activate personal models similarly in both members of the dominant culture and members of the subculture H3b Activating subcultural models will activate per sonal models only in members of the subculture JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH H3c Activating personal models will enhance attitude toward the ad To summarize members of the dominant culture will rely on source cues to inform which schemas dominant cultural models or knowledge of the subculture will be activated in response to mainstream or targeted advertising The chronic accessibility of dominant cultural knowledge and primacy of dominant culture source cues will make domi nant cultureconsistent nonsource cues unnecessary to ac tivate dominant cultural models Weak or nonexistent as sociations between subculture nonsource cues and knowl edge of the subculture will render these cues ineffective in activating knowledge of the subculture for members of the dominant culture However subculture members access to subcultural knowledge and their ability to create meaning from nonsource cues and to identify incongruities among ad cues will cause nonsource cues to become diagnostic in uencing which cultural models will be activated for them EXPERIMENT An experimental study was performed to examine how dominant cultural models and subcultural models may be activated through advertising and how activating these cul tural models impacts activation of personal models and ad attitudes In this study white Americans represent the dom inant culture and black Americans represent a subculture within that broader culture Black Americans were chosen as the subculture of interest for several important reasons They are less likely than other cultural groups to be im migrants and therefore as a group participate from birth in both their subculture and the dominant American culture US Bureau of the Census 1998 they represent a subgroup of the American population satisfying the de nition of a subculture Ember and Ember 1996 they are distinct in terms of cultural knowledge tradition history and material culture Steinberg 1989 they identify with both their own culture and the broader white American culture Jackson et al 1991 The cultural models to be depicted in and activated through advertising in this study are shared schemas of fam ily Family a theme common to advertising is used to fa vorably in uence people s reactions to advertising Aaker Stayman and Hagerty 1986 and is an important selfde ning concept in virtually any society Ember and Ember 1996 Cultural models of family are expected to be highly internalized and thus linked with cognitions about one s own family stored in personal models Pretests Pretest I The purpose of this pretest was to identify probes to measure the activation of cultural and personal models of family in the main experiment and to select cultureconsistent nonsource cues to be included in the ad vertising stimuli Eight black and 12 white adults partici pated in four twohour focus groups with sameculture par SUBCULTURAL KNOWLEDGE AND PERSUASION ticipants about how families are depicted in advertising The focus groups were run using a writethentalk format Tem pleton 1987 in which participants initially completed a writ ten questionnaire that served to anchor the subsequent dis cussion On this questionnaire participants were asked rst to describe the typical American family a cultureneutral cue then later the typical black American and typical white American families order was counterbalanced Subsequent discussions probed into the sources and meanings of these cultural models and how marketers use different cues to target these two groups Focus group transcripts and written descriptions of fam ilies provided on the questionnaires were analyzed for po tential probes to be evaluated in pretest 2 and used in the main experiment The nal list consisted of 23 items in cluding six for the dominant cultural model a white family a typical American family a rich family a twoparent fam ily a small family a suburban family six for the black subcultural model a black family a typical African Amer ican family a poor family a singleparent family a large family an urban family four for personal models your family members of your family your siblings or cousins your parents and seven ller items The second purpose of this pretest was to select culture consistent nonsource cues to be included in the advertising stimuli in the main study Focus group transcripts were rean alyzed for such cultureconsistent nonsource cues Four were selected as being more consistent with the white dominant culture modest suburban singlefamily home boating scene skiing scene large af uent singlefamily home and four were selected as being more consistent ivith the black subculture church scene family reunion scene Kente cloth map of Africa Pretest 2 The purpose of this pretest was to evaluate the speeded judgment task used in the main study and to select families to be included in the advertising stimuli Ten black and 10 white adults participated The speeded judgment protocol Hamm and Hasher 1992 is an implicit memory task used here to measure the acti vation of dominant cultural subcultural and personal mod els Under this protocol participants are exposed to a stim ulus thought to activate a speci c schema in memory Then they are timed to encourage rapid response and discourage thinking as they answer yes or no to memory probes assessing whether the memory structure is activated Al though time to complete the measures is not recorded timing participants reduces conscious processing of each probe and helps ensure that the resulting responses measure implicit vs explicit memory The strength of activation of a schema is represented by the number of yes responses given for the target probes The nal form of the speeded judgment task consisted of three pages each containing the 23 probes identi ed in pre test 1 The following questions headed the three pages Did the ad remind you of Did something in the ad make you think of 7 and Did the following come to mind when you saw the ad The order of presentation 263 differed on each page to minimize order effects Participants were exposed to one ad that contained both source and other unambiguous cultureconsistent nonsource cues intended to activate strongly either the dominant cultural model of fam ily the white ad or the subcultural model of family the black ad After viewing each ad participants quickly com pleted the three pages of probes The measure of activation of a schema was the total number of yes responses given to the target probes for that schema divided by the number of probes for that schema per page Each measure ranged from zero no activation to three high activation It was expected that for all viewers the narrowly targeted white ad would activate the dominant cultural model and the narrowly targeted black ad would activate the subcultural modelknowledge of the subculture Results of 2 culture of participant black or white x 2 culture of ad black or white ANOVA analyses for activation of dominant cultural models and activation of subcultural models show that only the main effect of culture of ad was signi cant As expected the measure of activation of dominant cultural models was high for the white ad Mwhixead 208 Mblackad 112 F1 19 1419 p lt 01 and the measure of activation of subcultural models knowledge of the subculture was high for the black ad Mblackad 187 Mwhilead 38 F1 19 4060 p lt 01 no other effects were signi cant Thus the probes and speeded judgment tasks performed as desired 39 Finally participants evaluated photos of black and white families on attractiveness and likability Two black and two white families that did not differ on these two dimen sions were included in the nal ads for attractiveness Mblackfamilics Mwhitefamilies t 13943 Pgt for likability Mblackfamilies 548 Mwhite families 538a t 39 P gt 20 Method Participants One hundred ftyeight adult participants were recruited through philanthropic organizations that paid 750 per person for their participation in the study Prelim inary analyses showed that 15 experienced demand effects that compromised their responses and their observations were eliminated yielding a total of 143 usable response booklets Participants median age range was 30 39 and the median income range was 2000140000 Sixtytwo percent were female 48 were married and 51 had children Design and Stimuli The main experimental design was a 2 culture of participant black or white x 2 culture of sources black or white x 2 culture of nonsource cues black or white fully crossed betweenparticipants factorial design Participants were randomly assigned to one of four ad conditions formed by crossing culture of sources and culture of nonsource cues Participants saw two ad replicates within the cell to which they had been assigned These ad replicates 16 for each of the four ad conditions featured different families cues layouts and products to control for


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