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This 15 page Class Notes was uploaded by Van Goldner on Tuesday October 27, 2015. The Class Notes belongs to JAPAN 201 at University of Wisconsin - Milwaukee taught by Staff in Fall. Since its upload, it has received 21 views. For similar materials see /class/230265/japan-201-university-of-wisconsin-milwaukee in Japanese at University of Wisconsin - Milwaukee.


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Date Created: 10/27/15
Emergence of Universal Grammar in foreign word adaptations Shigeko Shinohara UPRESA 7018 University of Paris IIICNRS 1 Introduction There has been a renewal of interest in study of loanword phonology since the recent development in constraintbased theories enabled us to express target structures and modi cations that foreign inputs are subject to go through eg Paradis and Lebel l994 Ito and Mester l995ab Depending on how the foreign sounds are modi ed we may be able to make inferences about aspects of the speaker39s grammar for which the study of the native vocabulary is either inconclusive or uninformative At the very least we expect the foreign words to be modi ed in accordance with the productive phonological processes and constraints It therefore comes as some surprise when patterns of systematic modi cation arise for which the rules and constraints of the native system have nothing to say or even worse contradict I report a number of such emergent patterns that appear in our study of the adaptations of French and English words by speakers of Japanese Shinohara l997ab 2000 I claim that they pose a leamability problem My working hypothesis is that these emergent patterns are re ections of Universal Grammar This is suggested by the fact that the emergent patterns typically correspond to wellestablished crosslinguistic markedness preferences that are overtly and robustly attested in the synchronic phonologies of numerous other languages It is therefore natural to suppose that these emergent patterns follow from the default parameter settings or constraint rankings inherited from the initial stages of language acquisition that remain latent in the mature grammar Thus the study of foreign word adaptations can not only probe the nalstate grammar of L2 but may also shed light on the initial state The implication for acquisition is that UG latent in L1 is accessible in a later stage in life cf Epstein Flynn and Martohardjono 1996 Of course this hypothesis awaits con rmation from acquisition studies Under the assumption we made above about the emergence of the unmarked in foreign word adaptation it is possible to derive evidence bearing on the default UG pattems through the study of adapted forms We will discuss default patterns as we analyse the data in the Optimality framework In Optimality Theory Prince and Smolensky 1993 OT the learning process of a particular language consists in determining the ranking of the universal constraints as well as the inputs In recent proposals on learning theory in OT Prince and Tesar 1999 Hayes 1999 the ranking of Markedness M over Faithfulness F constraints or an equivalent in the learning process see Hayes 1999 is presumed to be the default initial state of the language faculty because such ranking leads to a more restrictive grammar In the course of acquisition the child will rerank F over M when 2 provided with positive evidence of violation of markedness constraints In this study we will examine several emergent patterns in adaptation data and characterize the constraint rankings they imply in terms of possible ranking schema M gtgt F M gtgt M F gtgt F and F gtgt M In what follows I will first provide more explanation about the data and adaptation process in Japanese in the next section Then in the following sections I will present examples of the quotemergence of UGquot patterns The analyses of the data consist of three parts in section 3 we will study the segmental level of adaptation particularly the assibilation of the alveolar plosives sections 4 and 5 treat the pitch accent assignment and an aspect of syllabification respectively The paper closes with a summary and issues for future study 2 Data and adaptation process In this section I will give some information about the data sketch the general process of adaptation and explain brie y the theoretical framework that we use and its significant consequences Our study is based on Japanese adaptations of French and English words Shinohara 1997b By quotadaptationquot we mean the process whereby native speakers of L1 adjust foreign words L2 in such a way that the resulting forms are acceptable as Ll sound sequences The following are Japanese adaptations of French and English British quotReceived Pronunciationquot words 1 Japanese adaptations French word universite lyniveRsitel junibe rusite1 English word university UUnIvrusItIl juniba asitii Data were collected from Tokyo Japanese speakers of the same generation 3040 years old The French data were gathered from three informants residing temporarily in Paris They were asked to convert the sounds of French words in a written word list to Japanese ones employing the type of adaptation employed in codeswitching or by interpreters when a Japanese equivalent is not available e g proper nouns They produced the adapted forms for the author and the author transcribed them The procedure was repeated after a few weeks so that any variation could be observed For the English data three other informants studying in London sent the author their adapted forms I employed this method rather than collecting loanwords from a dictionary Loanwords often re ect peculiarities of 1 Hereafter the input phonemic sequences are presented in vertical lines I l the adapted forms in Japanese phonemic sequences are indicated by indicates any phonetic output Pitch accents are marked after the accented mora spelling as well as features of the dialect of the particular adapter that are difficult to control Therefore we will mainly study the adaptation process actively employed by our informants however loanwords are also considered when they are comparable to the adapted forms The general process of adaptation is shown in 2 We suppose that the foreign input forms consist of phonemic strings of L2 with certain prosodic features rather than uncategorised sound sequences The reason for this hypothesis is that the correspondence that we observed was between phonemes of L2 and L1 not between allophones of each language A phonemic categorisation of L2 sounds by Ll speakers can be defective compared to the sound system that L2 native speakers possess For example French phonemes lel and lei can be grouped as a single e sound in French sound system of Japanese or Spanish learners if they have not acquired the distinction yet But without an initial sound categorisation of L2 it would be difficult to explain a systematic correspondence between phonemes Concerning our informants they are learners who have reached a good level of perception and production in L2 In the data obtained from our informants the correspondence between phonemes is consistent within each language group for a fuller discussion of the input forms see Shinohara 1997b and Paradis and LaCharite 1997 and for an opposing view see Silverman 1992 In the process of Japanese adaptation we recognise three levels but they do not have to be ordered procedurally 2 Process of adaptation Inputs French forms EX calmer m kalme lbakl 39 level 39 cur r J kalme bak Syllabic level Vowel epenthesis karume Prefinal syllable lengthening bakku Accentual level Pitch accent assignment ka rume ba kku Outputs Adapted forms ka rume ba kku On the segmental level Japanese segments are substituted for French ones On the syllabic level French consonants not immediately followed by a vowel within a word are syllabified via vowel epenthesis since only the syllable structures shown in 3 are allowed in Japanese 4 3 Syllable structure of Japanese Light syllable CiV ex ha tooth tja tea Heavy syllables COVV ex too tower dai title CjVN ex teN teN point COVQ ex haQpa hapa leaf N moraic nasal Q moraic obstruent the rst half of a geminate obstruent On the syllabic level the phenomenon I will call pre nal lengthening is also observed When a foreign word ends in a syllable closed by a single consonant as in lbakl bac the pre nal syllable of the adapted form is lengthened by a gemination as in bakku On the accentual level pitch accent is assigned I will present some of the adaptation phenomena that appeared in each level in later sections 3 Constraint interaction The data are analysed in the Optimality framework OT Prince and Smolensky 1993 McCarthy and Prince 1995 OT de nes the grammar of a language as a hierarchy of universal constraints The constraints are divided into two broad categories Structural or Markedness constraints re ecting unmarked forms as de ned by UG Faithfulness constraints for preservation of input properties I will brie y illustrate the interaction between the two types of constraints by taking the example of plosive assibilation Assibilation is a process whereby a plosive becomes an affricate in certain phonological environments cf Walter 1988 For example t alternates with ts before high front vowels in Quebec French The feature change in these segments is expressed by using aperture features Steriade l99l Closure A0 total absence of oral air ow Fricative Af degree of oral aperture suf cient to produce a turbulent air stream Approximant Amax degree of oral aperture insuf cient to produce a turbulent air ow According to Steriade 1991 a released plosive has a complex feature structure AoAmaX The rst part A0 corresponds to the hold stage and the second part Amax to the release stage An affricate has the hold stage in common with a plosive but the release is with friction hence its feature speci cation is AOAf Let us formulate informally two constraints in con ict regarding the assibilation of alveolar plosives in Japanese Assibilation Assib sequences where t and d followed by a high vowel should be avoided and this sequence is realised with an affricate eg tsu Ident Amax the release feature Amax of a plosive must be identical in the input and the output Assib Assibilation above is a Markedness constraint IdentAmax belongs to the Faithfulness constraint family In Tableau l the input matu wait non past from a Japanese tending verb stem followed by the suffix u contains the tu sequence Suppose that this input t has the plosive release feature Amax When the markedness constraint dominates Faithfulness this grammar can neutralise the release feature of t and gives the output matsu with assibilation Tableau l Markedness constraint gtgt Faithfulness matu to wait non past Assib IdentAmax matu 9matsu If the constraints are ranked in the reversed order as noted below the consonant t will preserve its release feature and the output is without assibilation matu IdentAmax gtgt Assib Output matu It is noteworthy that in the latter grammar where IdentAmax dominates Assib the input must be specified for Amax t whereas in the first case the result would not change whether the input is t or ts ie any of the allophones of t It follows from this that by using OT when an adapted form does not follow the regular alternation patterns of the native lexicon we can detect special structure in foreign inputs as well as the positions of Faithfulness constraints con icting with structural constraints in the diachronic axis Another relevant factor in Japanese is lexical stratification There are several approaches to grammar structure of sublexica We accept the idea that each subgroup of the lexicon e g native mimetic recent loanwords etc has a distinct constraint ranking which is minimally reranked from the others Ito and Mester 1995a For instance when the input form for the loanword ti lt tea is realised as ti without assibilation it re ects a distinct grammar where a reranking takes place F gtgt M from the native 6 one M gtgt F Inkelas 1994 and Fukazawa 1997 propose other approaches to grammar structure of sublexica Since discussion of stratification as a whole is beyond the scope of this paper we won t discuss this any further With these analytic preliminaries completed we now turn to some of the emergent patterns found in our study of Japanese adaptations 4 Emergent Pattern 1 Subdivision ofthe constraint Affricate The first example concerns the emergence of a ranking between two markedness constraints on affricates We compare the assibilation of the alveolar plosives in two lexical strata the native stratum and relatively recent loanwords We observe an asymmetry in the treatment of voiced and voiceless alveolar plosives followed by a high vowel in both strata We will discuss three phenomena that are in one way or another in uenced by the constraint of assibilation Let us first explain the facts in the native lexicon In the native lexicon of Japanese as we have seen in the preceding section the alveolar plosives t and d surface as affricates before the high vowels i and u As shown in examples 1 2 3 in 4 input sequences tu and du give tsu and dzu in the output respectively In addition to the assibilation for the voiced alveolar plosive there is another phenomenon taking place The input sequences du and di after becoming aifricates neutralise with zu and zi the former is shown in examples 3 4 6 and 7 In examples 3 and 6 d and z follow N these sequences give the affricate outputs 4 and 7 have d and z in intervocalic positions they give fricative outputs Thus we see that the closure feature Af friction of the input consonant z and the A0 occlusion of the d mutate depending on the environment I will call this phenomenon mutation The important point here is that the mutation occurs only with the voiced alveolar plosive the voiceless one does not mutate cf 1258 4 A quot quot quot and mutation in the native lexicon tuki tsuki moon natu natsu summer Nt I E kaNduki kandzuki cold month mikaduki mikazuki increasing moon 5 V39 su su vinegar poNzu pondzu vinegar with lemon gomazu gomazu vinegar with sesames gt1 7 8 nasu nasu aubergine Let us first turn to analysis of the assibilation and the mutation in the native lexicon We assume that the limitation of affricates to only certain contexts re ects the universal markedness of the affricates Affricate The appearance of aifricates in the output is possible when another structural constraint requiring affrication such as Assib dominates Affricate In order to explain the fact that the mutation is observed only for d and not for t we will split Affricate into two subcategories DZ Do not have voiced affricates TS Do not have voiceless affricates By using these two constraints the mutation for d and the absence of the mutation for t is explained as follows on one hand the Faithfulness constraint for the closure feature IdentAo the feature A0 of corresponding segments in the input and in the output must be identical dominates TS on the other hand IdentAo is dominated by DZ Consequently DZ prevents the closure feature A0 of the voiced affricates from appearing in the output This constraint ranking is shown in 5 Tableau 2 and Tableau 3 illustrate the effects of the ranking in each case 5 Assib DZ gtgt IdentAo gtgt TS Tableau 2 Tableau 3 du Assib DZ gtxlt ZU 2 The distribution of dz in non intervocalic positions is accounted for by an undominated constraint Z no voiced fricative in non intervocalic positions ie the beginning of an utterance and postnasal position Mutation is considered to be a kind of weakninghardening process of voiced obstruents 8 We have established the hierarchy between the markedness constraints DZ gtgt TS We consider that the ranking DZ gtgt TS re ects the markedness of voiced affricates in the native lexicon of Japanese The preference of voiceless affricates over voiced ones is observed in languages such as German and Russian which possess voiceless affricates ts but lack the voiced counterpart and is a plausible universal and perhaps an instance of the more general preference for voiceless plosives over voiced ones motivated by wellknown phonetic considerations ie the difficulty of maintaining vocal fold vibration in the face of oral closure Such markedness preferences are formalised in OT by assuming that the relevant constraint rankings are fixed See Prince and Smolensky 1993 for discussion of markedness scales in these terms The same M gtgt M ranking DZ gtgt TS emerges in a quite striking fashion in the adaptation process Japanese has a five vowel system a i u e 0 High round vowels of source languages and round schwa in French are generally adapted as u In the category of relatively old loanwords as shown in 6 the input sequence tu of the French word Toulouse is adapted with the affricate ts tsuuruuzu while du of Pompidou is adapted as do poNpidoo The latter preserves the release feature Amax of the plosive d by lowering the vowel from u to o 6 Relatively old loan 1 tsuuruuzu lt tuluz Toulouse place name loan from French 2 tsuupiisu lt tupis twopiecegsl loan from English 3 poNpidoo lt pElpidu Pompidou person s name loan from French 4 kae do qurooru lt kafe dE oR Cafe de Flore name of a coffee shop loan from French The choice of vowels in each case is explained as follows The high feature of the vowel u is more important than the appearance of the voiceless affricate ts thus the adapted form tsuuruuzu preserves the high vowel u as shown in Tableau 4 Tableau 4 Whereas in poNpidoo the marked voiced affricate is avoided at the cost of sacrificing the vowel identity This is easily discribed in the OT model as 9 the insertion of the faithfulness constraint Ident high within the markedness preference ranking for voiceless aifricates DZ gtgt Identhigh gtgt TS Tableau 5 illustrates this Tableau 5 du Assib DZ gtxlt do We obtain the ranking shown in 7 7 Assib DZ gtgt Identhigh gtgt TS The ranking DZ gtgt TS thus emerges here again We consider this as an aspect of UG appearing in the adaptation process The ranking DZ gtgt Identhigh differs from the native one since the native sequence du allows the output dzu without lowering the vowel height Thus this loanword category constitutes its own stratum or at least it did so at the time of adaptation of these items Of course once the items are integrated in L1 as loanwords speakers do not necessarily have access to the source words The items may then be stored with the output sequences In this case without other evidence it is impossible to determine if they are processed by the native grammar or some other grammar In sum we have reviewed two quite distinct places in Japanese grammar where the preference for voiceless affricates over voiced ones asserts itself First in the native vocabulary intervocalic t before an u is realised as an affricate natu gt natsu summer while d is deaifricated mikaduki gt mikazuki increasing moon Second in adaptation tu is realised with an affricate Toulouse gt tsuuruuzu while du changes the vowel Pompidou gt poNpidoo While it could be argued that the former process establishes the DZ gtgt TS ranking it is implausible that the change of vowel that we see in Pompidou gt Pompidoo is a direct consequence of the avoidance of dz seen in mikaduki gt mikazuki After all deaffrication and lowering of a high vowel are quite different phonological substitutions Rather both phenomena re ect the marked status of voiced affricates relative to voiceless ones that is encoded in the DZ gtgt TS ranking that by hypothesis forms part of the initial stage of acquisition If this reasoning is correct then we see an aspect of UG emerging in the adaptation process and the latter provides a window on the former 10 5 Emergent Pattern 2 Accentuation We found some cases of emergence of UG in the process of accent assignment in the adaptation Japanese is a pitch accent language For many Japanese lexical items the accent is lexical while for certain others the accent is assigned by default Foreign word adaptation is a good vantage point to observe default accent patterns because input words do not always contain an accent specification According to our study of Japanese adaptation the accentuation of adapted forms falls into two categories l the accent is carried over from the accent of the source word which is the case for the adaptations of English words 2 no accent is recognised in the source words and the accent is assigned by default which is the case observed in adaptations of French words Differing from the previous case of affricates the accent assignment analysis does not involve stratification Since the default accentuation identified in foreign word adaptations is also recognised in certain restricted parts of the Japanese lexicon such as proper names certain derived words etc we consider that a single grammar yields the default accent for the entire lexicon But patterns appearing in French adaptation are richer than ones found in those restricted classes In the analysis of the default accent patterns we encountered several instances of emergence of UG Before we look at the data from adaptations of English and French words let us brie y explain the pitch accent system of Tokyo Japanese 51 Pitch accent system in Tokyo Japanese In a Japanese word the accent is marked by a falling pitch The accented syllable is the one just before the drop in pitch In the word tama go egg the pitch drops after the second syllable ma It is the accented syllable In an accented heavy syllable the pitch falls after the first mora In ko omori bat the first syllable is a heavy one consisting of a long vowel In the heavy syllable only the first mora can bear the accent Let us turn to the specification of the place of accent A Japanese word is either specified as unaccented or accented In nouns when an item is accented the position of the accent is in most cases unpredictable In 8 threesyllable words are followed by an accentually neutral subject marker ga Since any syllable can bear the accent and a word can be also unaccented there exist four possible accent patterns 8 Accentuation in nouns Three syllable nouns followed me ganega koko roga otooto ga usagi ga b the su 39 a b ect marker brother rabbit As for the accentuation of underived verbs and underived adjectives it is limited to two types accented or unaccented If they are accented in the in nitive form the accent falls on the syllable containing the penultimate mora cf 9 9 Accentuation of verbs and adjectives accented unaccented verbs tabe ru eat nemuru sleep ha iru enter akeru open omo o ponder adjectives haja i fast akai red naga i long marui round 52 Tracking of accent in English and French words In relation to accent speci cation we will first present some data from the adaptations of English words As shown in 10 the place of accent in an adapted form of an English word always corresponds to the primary stress position in the English word 10 English stress and pitch accent placement of the adapted forms of English words Nouns Adapted forms Verbs Adapted forms 1 picnic pi kunikku 6 matter ma taa 2 in uence i NhurueNsu 7 organize o oganaizu 3 behaviour bihe ibijaa 8 investigate iNbe sutigeito 4 technique tekuni iku 9 imply inura i 5 dif culty di qikarutii 10contribute koNtori bjuuto The primary accent or stress of an English word is marked by a relative prominence manifested by amplitude and duration increase The accented syllable is also the anchoring site of the phrasal tones ie intonation cf Liberman 1975 In spite of the distinct realisations of the accent of both languages the accented syllables in English words seem to be recognised as carriers of a lexical accent in the Japanese adaptation process In contrast with the English case in French words no accent is recognised by Japanese speakers Nevertheless an accent is assigned to certain positions in the adapted forms In French phrase nal syllables are lengthened We might think of several reasons why French phrase nal lengthening is not recognised as accent by Japanese speakers 1 because it is xed it is deduced as non lexical 2 the phonetic correlates duration in the French accent and pitch drop in Japanese do not allow a correspondence 12 between them 3 the phenomena at phrasal level are deduced from lexical representation Without sufficient evidence from the adaptation of other languages we cannot determine the reason We will thus simply assume no accent speci cation in the French input 53 Default accentuation Adapted forms of French words are accented by the informants in the following ways 1 In case the final syllable of the adapted form is light the accent falls on the syllable containing the antepenultimate mora see 11 11 Accent on the syllable containing the antepenultimate mora machicoulis lmaJ ikulil machicolation masi kuri trave sti ltRavestil travesty torabe suti crudite lkRyditel raw vegetables kurju dite alerte laleRtl alert are ruto philatelie lfilatelil philately qira teri m lpwctl point powa Nto 2 In case the final syllable is heavy the accent falls on the syllable containing the preantepenultimate mora see 12 12 Accent on the syllable containing the preantepenultimate mora potiron lpotiREll pumpkin po tiroN sa1rasin lsaRazcl a type ofwheat sa razaN poincon lpwcsljl punch powa NsoN It follows from this that if we construct a bimoraic foot from the end of these forms but excluding the final syllable the accent falls on the first mora of the foot Hence the basic accent position is defined as being the head of the nonfinal bimoraic foot 13 u u039 the final syllable 039 can be light or heavy This bimoraic metrical structure is the one that previous research has shown to play a role in the formation of quotprosodically derived words in Japanese including a hypocoristics Tateishi 1991 Poser 1990 b truncation Ito 1990 Ito amp Mester 1992 Suzuki 1995 and c reversed language of Jazz musicians Tateishi 1991 Poser 1990 Ito Kitagawa amp Mester 1995 13 a Hypocoristics a kitjan lt aki taka ma a tjan lt manami a ttjan lt a tuko b Truncation of loanwords a nime lt anime esjoN animation de mo lt demoNsutore esjoN demonstration c Japanese musicians argot ZG ianopi lt pijano piano zuuzja lt zja zu Jazz We learn from the analysis of default accentuation that the use of the bimoraic feet extends to the accent assignment in Japanese as in many other languages The constraints we use for the analysis of the default accent are essentially the following 14 Main constraints Head left Head L Trochaic feet Align F R PrWd R AlignR Align right edge of every foot with the right edge ofa prosodic word Non Finality NonFin No prosodic head accented foot F or syllable 039 of PrWd is final in PrWd MaxMin Foot Binarity MaxMinBin Feet are maximallyminimally binary at some level of analysis u 039 Parse syllable Parse 039 Parse every syllable into a foot The constraints are ranked as follows 15 Main ranking for the basic patterns NonFin gtgt AlignR gtgt Parse039 MaxMinBinarity HeadLeft One or the other is undominated in the ranking above depending on the choice we make The effects of this ranking are shown in Tableau 6 14 Tableau 6 NonFin In Tableau 6 candidate 1 better aligned to the right than candidate 2 is wins by the effect of the constraint Align R while candidate 3 better aligned to the right than candidate 1 loses this shows the NonFinality constraint in force Since Japanese words have at most one accent I will assume there is only one foot in a Japanese prosodic word3 In order to obtain noniterative footparsing Parsesyllable is ranked under AlignR Candidate 3 wins over candidate 4 by virtue of having a single aligned foot the nal feet of candidates 3 and 4 are aligned but the first foot of candidate 4 is misaligned by two syllables 54 Vowel epenthesis and accent A case of emergence of UG appearing in the accentuation concerns the avoidance of placing accent on epenthetic vowels a phenomenon not found in L1 Japanese grammar due to lack of epenthesis in monomorphemic words4 In the adapted forms of French words syllables containing epenthetic vowels count as prosodic constituents relevant for accent placement however the accent seems to shift when the predicted position is filled by an epenthetic vowel In 16 and 17 adapted forms end in a light syllable thus we expect that the accent falls on the antepenultimate mora As shown in 16 when an input contains a non epenthetic vowel in this position the accent is placed on the antepenultimate syllable as predicted Epenthetic vowels are marked by italics 3 Some of the fourmora forms of prosodically derived words namely the abbreviated compounds and words in the reverse language can be analysed as comprising two feet waapuro word processor hiko coffee And these fourmora forms are systematically unaccented I therefore suspect a relationship between the twofoot structure and its unaccentedness The presence of only one foot might be a condition for the accent ButI leave this as a topic for future investigation 4 In compound words the accent can be aligned with a morpheme boundary kami kaze lt ka mi divine kaze wind Consequently in SinoJapanese compounds where a morpheme can end in a consonant Ito 1986 an epenthetic vowel can be accented gaku moN lt gakmoN study I think in this case the alignment constraint overrides v constraint that we will discuss shortly This is consistent with adapted forms suburenu te lt souverainet lsuvRsntel sovereignty


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