Women and Work in the 21st Century
Women and Work in the 21st Century
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rown Fall 2013 Women and Work in the 21st Century AMST 1904 T Course packet sales are nonrefundable AI sales final current state of feminism but also includes a historical pets nistn1ovenient not only to its own past but to global stru 0O i39econquoto39mic and social justice ELOQUENT THE BOOK 18 GLOBAL IN ITS REACH a A COMPELLING AND INSPIRATIONAL ACCOUN T Charleston Post 5 C ourier Compelling and surprisingly easy to read 39 Freedrnarfs P on global experiences and progress and her use of examples ties of individual women from villages in Africa to urban arms United States brings concepts to life Freedrnanls skill in complex material readable is evident as is her passion for the T T St Loaf Portquot A quotrigorous Work that not only stands as an excellent prirnesr THE HISTORY OF FEMINISM content With an accessible writing style and obvious love subject Freedman has penned a major Work that ts well bo classrooin andton the bedside table 39 G AND THE FUTURE OF WOMEN Pzb1i5bezts A ive1 con139e and stimulating overview that connects the mode l Kir39 ESTELLE B FREEDMAN No Taming Bar is a model of how to write global history BALLANTINE BOOKS NEW YORK c 123 SIX NEVER DONE OMEN S DOMESTIC LABOR A rzorf9e1ioz39r5 cz family 239 cm economist 6 name or pazinror cz dzplomar and more And yet we take back seats W73 pm ozmeioer Ioere H ow often do you bear 4 colleague my 39 I am only a bozrsew z BUCIII EMECHETA NIGERIAENGLAND 1985 p he growing appeal of feminist politics rests in large part upon his torical changes in the meaning of womerfs work Always critical human survival the labor of women has not always been rewarded rthe chickens and helped plant harvest and strip the tobacco crop he regularly baled hay and drove a tractor as well The Skaars agreed to never done As a farm wife however she could not reap the pro ts of er labor The invisibility of women s labor lies at the heart of feminist cri ques of work and family We often link feminism to the entry of women to the workforce but as Ellen Skaar s life illustrates that phrase is mis eading Women have always worked Well before a wage labor system hold PI0dUCtS Or provided sexual services Women received neithera Never Done Women Domenic Labor 125 I24 NOTURNING BACK 39 get and poverty to crises in welfare systems have roots in this dispar rbetween the values placed on women s and men s labor By valuing n s labor more than women s industrial economies have exacerbated er gender asymmetries Indeed de ning work ina way that over ks womerfs unpaid labor creates a false distinctionbetween sel ess came to dominate in industrial economies women raised food and animals made clothes and meals healed bodies and spiritsFo popular cultures recognize that women toil longer than men Man toil from sun to sun an aphorism goes but a woman s work is done The folktale of a farmer who tried to switch places with I paid caregiving by women and competitive wage earning by men In ct women s domestic labor has been essential to the growth of capital conomies Feminists recognize this value and criticize the domestic Z adwinner gender divide for relegating women to a dependent status ends with his realization that she could do more work in a day could do in seven Yet a powerful contemporary myth holds that W in the home do not work or when they do their jobs are na merely the biological functions of mothering nurturing reprod daily life Performed for love not money domestic work does not in the same way that men s labor does THE FAMILY ECONOMY AND HOUSEHOLD LABOR How did wornen s labor in the home become invisible As ism and industrialization drew workers out of the home and measur bots worth through wages the gap in the value ofmen s and woquot P 7 hether in the past or in rural regions of the world today subsistence agrarian cultures rely on the labor of both men and women In prein trial agricultural societies family members raised the food they are 39 39de the clothes they wore and crafted the tools they needed Each per 1 contributed a share to what has been called the family economy en husbands worked in the elds and tended livestock wives worked set to the home raising not only children but also some crops and nyard animals In much of the world farms wives provided family alth care prepared and cleaned up after several daily meals and pro ced cloth for family garments and other household items Even when a ale head of household had legal authority over his wife and children nomica1ly husband and wife relied on each other s labor Farm women knew that they performed important tasks and they others know that their labor was indeed never done Mrs Sara Price midwestern US housewife and mother of six lamented in a verse writ nin her diary in the 18005 It s sweeping at six and it s dusting at ven it s victuals at eight and it s dishes at nine It s potting and pan llg from ten to eleven we scarce break our fast til we plan how to ne A British agricultural laborer Mary Collier complained in her em The Woman s Labour that when she turned homeward in the ening after working the elds all day her domestick Toilsincessant ay These toils included cooking dinner making beds feeding swine work widened Unpaid domestic duties limited most women s op when men rst joined the wage labor force When women did wot pay they faced a double day of performing both household and labor Havingto juggle competing identities as mothers and workers ther disadvantaged women in the labor market This economic process has occurred unevenly across the world historical shift from agriculture to industry began in England andn western Europe around 1800 spread across the United States and European tnatlons by I900 and affected the global economy by 23 each locale in each era the meaning of work changed for everyon i in different W3Y3 AS men entered labor markets they came to be r by a breadwinner standard A Western ideal of natural female do ticity masked both women s economiccontributions in the hom men s familial labors The model of male breadwinner and fell caregiver required an income rarely available to working class men women For family or personal survival working class women often keted theirdomestic labor They worked as servants sold food or he li 39 ving wage nor social rewards for these forms of labor At the samequot 1 39 39 heir dual labors in the home and for wages put them at a dlsadv compared to men Many of the economic problems faced in the world today 39 sumption or sale 39393939739 3939quot 6 7 7 O7 i Neyer Done Women Domestic Labor 127 a1o and feed the animals collect dung for fuel haul water from the er clean house wash clothes bake bread and then if they needed my ilp in the elds I would go with them At age fteen she married and k her skills to her new household Despite their hard labors most farm women have not had the same 9 nership rights as men to the land they work In Europe and America quotales customarily inherited family holdings West African women have ntained some of their customary land use rights but women rarely rit land in Asia and Latin America Women s farm labor in other rds has contributed to a family economy that is legally owned by bands The case of the hardworking Wisconsin farm wife Ellen Skaar ected this principle Although not all farm families consider women rely laborers rather than owners deeply held beliefs that women work their families and not for themselves continue to in uence the mean I26 NO TURNING BACK and setting the table In the morning after she dressed and fed thg dren and mended their clothes she had to leave again for the Soon as the rising Sun has dry d the dew 2 Like Collier African can women worked both in the elds and in their own homes eve the end of slavery As Frances Harper observed in the 1870s rur313 ern black women do double duty a man s share in the eld 39 woman s part at home 3 Family farming and farm labor have declined in much of th ern world but at the start of the twenty rst century threequart the world s women lived in developing countries where they prod over half of the food raised In other words the challenge of feeding world falls heavily upon women who often have the fewest resourcgm the task In Africa with its longtradition of female farming 80 p of the food is still raised by women Many of them continue to sell produce in local markets In Asia women constitute onehalf of the of female labor cultural labor force I in In all regions farmwork remains physically demanding In rurquot INDUSTRIALIZATION AND THE FAMILY ECONOMY tions of Africa and Asia women draw and carry water for up to ve each week in the dry season in Mozambique women may spend to seventeen hours a week procuring water for their families I er the past two centuries industrial production and wage labor have planted selfsufficient household economies Mechanization allowed cialized mass production of many goods once handcrafted in house C dssuch as clothing furniture and foods Capitalist economic organi 1ion stimulated industrial growth When factory owners hired wage 1 kers to run machines they reaped pro ts by selling the manufac 39ed products to workers families This system of production for con er purchase gradually reshaped national and then world economic and the varied labors of rural women who still constitute over 11 gttem3 The industrial revolution affected the family economy in the West omplex ways Some writers have described this impact as the separa n of work and home because workers now left the household to earn es Since women continued to work within the home a more accurate ement is that wage labor drew certain workers out of the family cre America indigenous peasant women participate in the harvest In quotSquot and Southeast Asia women labor on individual family plots in 3 they harvest rice or wheat and raise animals Almost everywhere women continue to have primary responsibility for the maintenan family members and the household even as they produce goods fa The story of Om Naeema who grew up in Egypt during the 19 illustrates the persistence of the family economy in developing counI Egypt s female population Om Naeema s father would wake and feed children before they all walked to the elds where the children g the farm animals while their father plowed In the house her me ground wheat and corn for bread cooked cleaned and washed ClOta after her husband died she worked in the elds while the chil Planted OPS and tended anim315 Om N 3351113 began trainings ng a distinction between work performed for wages in the labor mar women s work as an adolescent She learned to 33153 before dawn F and work performed for families in the home I L 6 I29 128 NO IURNrNG BACK Never Done Women Domeirzc 2 0739 3 I and indust su lanted Any family member might enter the wage labor force Inde A l lite f111dd1 quot I355 Women When Commerce W pp ilriculturalllife large families were no longer needed for farm work so am le married omen had fewer children In the United States for ex p d 39 un er ve Ilgii bore on average over eight children in I800 but ildren in 1900 The shift occurred first for white women later for quot 39 I Am 39 s and Mexican dominantly rural groups such as African er1CaI1 39 s Despite these lower birth rates American society celebrated erican a 39 39 39 l39zin cultures therhood as woman s primary vocation Other industria 1 lg d I h in t e 0 created a specialized female identity the mother who wot e h se women w o me for love not money This ideal in uenced even tho uquotld not afford the luxury of remaining at home us Although housewives did not receive pay their work had enorlrlno 39 39n the ome ue for industrializing economies Womens unpaid labor 1 T ade it possible for families to survive on working men s modest wages nth working and middle class housewives Saved SEW di a d managed I I ll 39 to the twentieth ances they continued to produce for home use we in ritury Eventually housewives would spend more of their time as con ers selecting goods from the market and sometimes doubling as 7 er 39ge laborers to help families afford the expanding range of consurlrlil 39 t sks the wo roducts As mothers they prepared children for the a Y earliest textile mills in the 17805 employed wholefamilies incl quot women and children Farm daughters in the39United States and Enquot ocked to mill jobs in the 18203 and 1830s But married wome mained more tied to the household where they cared for theirfi dren In the early stages of industrialization fathers sons and Y daughters were more likely to work for wages If poor families coul survive however married women joined the wage labor force from39ii sity In the United States African American and Irish Americanquot fquot included more wageearning married women By the late twentieth tury most married women worked for wages in the United states initially the new work patterns affected men See Appendices B an Once they had worked long hours in or near the household now me home for up to twelve hours of wage labor six days a week Early c of industrial capitalism used the term wage slavery to describ 39 lives Middle class families could afford to keep wives out of the force a practice that exaggerated earlier gender distinctions be public and private spheres The elevation of domesticity as the ide cation for married middle class women contrasted with a male id sole breadwinner As Isabella Beeton advised British women in 186 all those acquirements which more particularly belong to the fe character there are none which take a higher rank in our estimat than such as enter into a knowledge of household duties foron I are perpetually dependent the happiness comfort and wellbeing t family 5 According to the abundant Anglo American domestic ture mothers were supposed to provide a comfortable pious 3939lovi home not only for their children but also for their husbands Urge be ambitious competitive and profitseeking these men served ve in the industrial and consumer economies So diverse are housewives contributions that it is difficult to place 21 quotonetary value on their labor Some economists have attempted to C10 80 Calculating the annual cost of purchasing women s services In 1993 a ly in the United States would have had to pay as much 95 5030 3 at to buy all that a housewife contributed In 1995 the United Natilpnsf 39 ual wort o evelopment Programme estimated that the worldwide ann men s unpaid or underpaid work was 1 1 U 11110 39 conomi Despite the value of their labor most housewives have been e h l 39 ll39n t err y vulnerable Historically widows could earn very little by se i g 393lls as laundresses or seamstresses If they had children to support the iild rarely survive without familial charitable or state assistancel3Wlen 39 39 tn ene ts ates established welfare systems in the early twentieth cen ry 39 39 United States rwidows were inadequate and discriminat0f39Y 19 the clerks merchants managers and professionals in the industrial econo No longer an enterprise headed by a patriarchal father the private he became a zone of affection morality and cleanliness under maternal In contrast to the individualism of the capitalist marketplace the femquot dominated home incorporated an ethic of caring which was designa as womerfs labor e spouse bene t for a surviving homemaker was half of what a hus 39 39 lt res as well In fact the reproductive labor of motherhood diminished for t and received from the social secur1tY 5Y5tem In other Cu U Never Done Wamen Domestic Labor 131 Is A NO TURNING BACK preme Court agreed that woman is still regarded as the center of me and family life Not until 1975 did feminist lawyers succeed in erturning this reasoning to establish women s right and responsibility housewives are underpaid and undervalued for their economic co tionsto both family and society tion of housework and motherhood Reacting against the revi US citizens to serve on juries3 d me5t1C1tY after World War II Betty Friedan portrayed housewo Women s domestic identities have proven to be quite tenacious en after commercial markets transform their lives Wage earning women does not necessarily exempt them from performing domes ltasks even though breadwinning exempts men from most familial ors During the putting out stage of industrialization when women en performed piecework in their homes they continued their domestic ties as well Immigrant mothers who sewed garments in London or on w York s Lower East Side in 1900 also cooked cleaned and tended ldren many of whom labored as well The pattern recurred when this tem moved to developing regions in the twentieth century A study of e makers in an Indian village in the 19703 found that even though se women earned cash that was critical for family survival the sexual ision of labor in the family remained undisturbed Since women cro eted lace in the home they were expected to perform all of the house rk and child care As one lace maker complained No man helps a man Even when the wife is busy making lace when her husband mes home she has to get up quickly and make tea for him It is not cor womanto hire a maid shifted the burden to workingclass wome left the demeaning attitude in place Surveying women s lives 39 United States during the i98os N igerianborn writer Buchi Pu was surprised by the distaste for the work of homemaking inc t hi aI1t11Val1 cook and teach their children to love is there than that she asked From he 39 African perspective Emecheta questioned the devaluation of we work I do not think it low A mother with a fam y is an econo nuSegt a Pamtergt 3 diP10m3t and II10I And yet we take back seats We put ourselves there How often do you hear a colleague say I am a housewife 5 I 39 Domestic Identities Tteclaiming the joys of homemaking would be less problematic ideal that women naturally worked in the home for love not did not have such profound implications for their identities Histo homemaking has been set in contrast to full citizenship Under the 15h and American principle of coverture wives legally owed done and 1 pt39OClI1Ct1V service to their husbands The Wisconsin court lowed this precedent when it ruled that the labor of farm wifeE Skaar belonged to her husband A wife s economic standing depend that of her husband As Alva Myrdal wrote in I945 of married Sw t on the part of the men 9 when men and women both leave the home to earn wages women ntinue to perform more of the unpaid domestic work In southern Asia example working women generally spend three to ve hours more week in unpaid subsistence work than men do as well as twenty to rty hours more per week in unpaid housework The disparity has im hcations for perpetuating gender inequality in children s lives as well women Their incomes are never directly related to their toil but onl rural India girls spend twice as much time per day doing chores as the level of the husbands I nC meS39 7 ys boys spend more than six times as long as girls readingI0 Nor is this imbalance in domestic work unique to the developing rld A 1995 UN study found that in most developed countries women ntributed over thirty hours of housework per week men only ten to f egen hours The disparity was even higher in Japan and Korea where zens The expectation that family responsibilities come rst has womei13 exclusion or exemption from military service and jury du I96I a state assistant attorney general in the United States ruledin of women s 39 39 I in b exemption from jury duty by invoking the more press urden of providing palatable food for the members of the farnily omen do nine times as much unpaid labor as men A study of the I ited States found that husbands contributed less than 25 percent of 39 39 i 5 152 N Qquot T U R N I N G B A C K Never D0718 Women 5 Domeirzc Laclmr 13 ies where women work for wages and feminists have questioned their ble day From the 19703 to the 19905 husbands in US dualincome ples gradually added an hour of household chores to each day While ir wives reduced housework by about a half hour each day Changing tudes about gender affect these patterns In western Europe men With re egalitarian attitudes perform more housework than do other men e gains are limited however In the r96os women in the United States irked six times as long as men at domestic tasks by the 19905 fh Y 11 worked twice as much And when paid jobs demand more hours in workers men reduce their housework more than women do Women s greater responsibility for child care helps to account 01 persistent imbalance in household labor Historically more men ve helped raise children whether training their sons as helpers or su ising religious instruction at home In the past few centuries mens ence from the home for wage labor along with the cultural elevation motherhood as woman s primary V0Cs Ei011 has de PE 5d the Pafental ide Socialized as girls to care for others many women e11 l15h 33 hers and pass on their caretaking skills to the next generation They rly remain the primary parent around the world In Australia and w Zealand for example when a couple has children the wife s unpatd rk increases by 25 to 30 percent the husbands not at all although hls i113 earning wages do increase In the United States when both par hold jobs a mother is about four times more likely than a fatherto e time off from work to care for a sick child Fathers who live with ir children in the United States now spend more time on caretaking 9 in the past but given fathers absence after divorce and separation eoverall tasks of parenting still fall primarily to mothers the total timespent on the four most time consuming tasks c cleaning dishwashing and laundry As Far Mainardi once cari men s attitudes Unfortunately I m no good at things like P dishes or cooking What I do best is a little light carpentry light bulbs moving furniture cow o eiz do your move fzm2z39tzz139e 11 39 Even when wives earn wages and even when men and worn fess equality the disparity holds A 1986 California poll asked what be responsible for housework when both partners worked fullt side the home Men and women agreed overwhelmingly 8990 that both should share equally but when asked who actually p O most of the housework less than half of the men 44 percent re sharing it equally and according to their wives only 30 percent 39 actually did so At the end of the century comparative data for N Canada Australia Sweden and the United States reveals husban dualearner couples perform between 18 and27 percent of househ bor depending on whether the husband or wife is reporting In39S men contribute the most and the reports of husbands and wives are likely to agree I I Modern household technology has not necessarily lightene burdens of housework inthe West Historical studies of time spy housework show that rural women who lacked electricity with its I saving appliances spent the same or less time per week on houseirt urban women who had access to laborsaving devices Housework 396 tually expand with new appliances Although washing machines the physical labor of doing laundry standards of cleanliness ros with technology Women who washed clothes by hand did so weekly while those who had machines used them several timesad Rugs previously hand beaten twice a year could now 39 be vacu Exrmded Motygeri g weekly Refrigerators and stoves made cooking less time consumin now women spent more time shopping The automobile which en 1 pite the annual outpouring of sentimental tributes to motherhood aged urban sprawl and suburbanization meant that mothers incr I iiist cultures assume that women require neither C0mPenatlo not gnition for their daily personal labors Yet the job is 3 Cfitlcal 033 It mpossible to calculate its value to children Joy Kogawa CRPWECS Wen e physical and emotional power of mothering in her 1981 novel gzmz about a Japanese Canadian family Describing the alert and ac K ate knowing of a mother and grandmother a child explains Wheel provided transportation for family members Women s greater tim in family maintenance means less time for either paid labor orle w con rming the old adage never done and disadvantaging women in world of paid work Men have increased their overall share of housework in indust 134 7 Never Done Women Domelfi L i 0 NO TURNING BACK 39 39 man cultures for am hungry and before I can ask there is food If I am weary ev haV10f XP Ct3F10I15 that Persist 11391t0 the Present In Y v ple women provide more care for aging parents than 111531 d0 13 erto Rican families daughters have primary responsibility for older ents as well as for the mental health of their children and husbands In pan almost 90 percent of the care of elders falls to WiV 3 daughters is abed A sweater covers me before there is any chill and ii pain there is care simultaneously I2 Such daily mothering can performed by siblings aunts and other mothers including 0 women still dominate in this valuable yet undervalued Work daughtersinlaw Emotional mothering whether of children parents or members of nded kin networks takes a particularly high toll on women whose ilies have the fewest resources including the growing number of sin mothers in industrial societies Poor immigrant and eth lc 0139 135131 nority families in every culture can face a particularly heartless World communities with essitating greater healing work in the home In Women not only respond to the dailyneeds of children may men do they also spend more time maintaining family and co ties Holiday preparations have become largely women s work United States Thariksgiving Passover Kwanzaa and other feasts relatives assemblequot and af rm their common cultural background days of preparation and hours of serving and cleaning as well as able crisis management skills necessitated by many a family gag Typically women send the family Christmas cards the thankyou ism women often serve as the shock absorbers for their families A powerful image of this phenomenon appears ifl 3 Poem b5 the ican American writer June Jordan set to music by Bernice Johnson gen The song Oughta Be 3 VOID1 1a quotWhich h0 0I5 Reagonis Own rher describes a woman who provides paid domestic labor by day ft re families After a day of Washing the floors to send you to college returns home to her children where She listens to your hurt and ur rage Not only her family members but also everybody White I s to her She listens to all of them but there is no one for her to turn for she is Alone in the everyday light Carrying this overload with an relief Reagon sings is too much to ask of any worn and the modern computer generated family annual reports In th States they do most of the planning for life cycle celebrations weddings the Jewish bar or bat mitzvah and the Mexican qzzirzceaifem I The service dimensions of housework extend well beyondth n or extended family Women s caregiving work has softened the i the competitive marketplace A veritable army of female volunt cushioned the effects of industrialization on urban poverty and anomie In the 18005 both married and single women became mothers in North American British and Latin American citie collected food and clothing for the poor established settlement ho assist immigrants and held bake salesito build hospitals andclimit There oughta be a woman can break Down sit down break down sit down Like everybody else call it quits on Mondays Blues on Tuesdays sleep until Sunday Down sit down break down sit down15 churches and in synagogues unsalaried women created the prec social service agencies often aiding members of their own religio nic or racial communities Parentteacher associations long depend women who did not earn wages In the twentiethcentury United I the statistically typical volunteer was a married middleaged educated woman in a midwestern urban household who was noquot ployed for wages dan and Reagon value this emotional labor but they also lament the Along with a service ideal the Western ideology of domestic a required women to play a spiritual role creating households that I serve as havens in a heartless world In the industrial era greetin39quot paeans to motherhood began to invoke an ideal of sel ess even sac her male unemployment or alcoholism or a higher incidence Of Never Done Women Domestic Lcz vor I37 I35 AND TURNING BACK n to urban life for impoverished migrants quotI came to a strange city P A I D D O M E S T I C W O R K chose housework another domestic recalled because it afforded me 39 orrie 14 For all of these reasons domestic service for women expanded ng with migration urban growth and industrialization The rise of female service occurred internationally though at differ times At the end of the I7OOS up to half of all European women em quot ed outside their homes worked as servants Over the next century ifing unmarried women who moved to Victorian London from the ijintryside swelled the ranks of female servants which doubled in the e half of the nineteenth century Ethnicity and race strongly affected composition of the female domestic labor force In the United States leclass families in the I8oos hired Irish and Scandinavian immi t women in the North Mexican migrant women in the Southwest en African Americans left the rural South after I900 black women 39nated domestic service in northern cities When Latin American Caribbean women immigrated to the United States after 1960 many d work as household maids After 1950 women from the Latin erican countryside entered urban economies with few options except estic service in middleclass homes In Mexico City for example yremained in domestic service for around sevenyears and when they new rural migrants lled the vacated jobs In the late twentieth cen domestic service provided a major source of income for black women South Africa it was the second largest occupation after agriculture High turnover rates for domestic workers in each period of urbani The dom 39 estic worker of Oughta Be a Woman represents an im historical gure for domestic service has been the main 1 39 39 311 FYPG women makin the t 39 39 39 I A g ransition from unpaid to wage labor That tr occurs at different historical moments across the world and its depends on a woman social position Certain groups of womeizii members of ethnic or 39 39 39 racial minorities take service jobs that reliev women of household work Domestic service is not unique to modern societies H t is both men and wo 1 U d men have performed domestic tasks for Wealth ies n er slave h 39 hld F ry ouse servants assisted with cooking cleanini C 1 care armin hb g families sometimes apprenticed older dang nei ors to continu 39 S h e the lessons in homemaking they first lB31 1 assistin t eirown39 39 h d 8 d f mothers In commercial and industrializing 5039 t e eman or do 39 id at mestic servants expanded Urban middleclass f c o I 39 ord household help and their higher standards of cleanli 39 quired it Lower birth rates meant fewer daughters who could assis this housework D 39 It I d tiring the 18005 the middle class in indus tr cities aroun the World Came to rely on hlffrd maids and nanni practice continues today especially when mothers have jobs ou the home ion reflected migrants views of service as a temporary vocation to practiced only until marriage or advancement to a better job Few Migrants from the countryside to cities provide a pool of dom workers whenever subsistence a 39 39 griculture gives way to an ind econom In the Un39t 39 Y 1 ed States unskilled white male migrants and grants found jobs in factories and mines in the 18005 Although 1quot mills hired young women the expansion of heavy industry SCha3 production created jobs reserved primarily for men Working women earned mone r 39 39 fun y p oviding personal services such as cleaning e 1 0 cc 1 p ime I choose housework a servant explained f simp e reason that young women look f 39 39 orward to the time when will have housework f quot 0 their own to do Aside from preparation as ture housewife live in service 39 provided food lodging and an intro inen wanted to remain in service because the job was both demand quotand often demeaning Livein maids could be on call twenty four iiirs a day You are mistress of no time of your own one worker com nedI5 Even day workers faced long hours and low pay rates An 39fican American woman wrote in I912 that she worked fourteen to 39een hour days Moreover the domestic work environment depended entirely on the tsonality of the housewife which could range from authoritarian to agternalistic With no job security servants could be red at the whim I53 N o T U R N I N G B A C K Never Dane Women Domestic Lanai I 39 gig efl tHE0rO 011 pebhv eioi1tiriouslYbdangerous for Young W with impunity for the Servant W3 IIlflI39Il bers impr6 natedserva H missed When twentieth cent usua y 391amed for her plight ury labor unions and labor laws b protect Western industrial workers domestic Servants enjbyed p nt nannies when lawyer Zoe Baird withdrew from consideration for e post of US attorney general because she had employed a Latin erican babysitter who was an illegal immigrant Especially if they are not legal immigrants cannot speak the lan ge or cannot become citizens foreign domestic workers can be highly nerable to exploitation and abuse They dictated to me everything quotat I should do Rosalie Vista complained of her job caring for a family eleven I could not stand the way they treated me They just iouted and insulted me 13 For young and impoverished women from ie Philippines Sri Lanka and other Asian countries who have been re ted as maids by employment agencies in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia king conditions can be intolerable Con ned to their employers mes forced to work up to eighteenhour days and beaten by female as ell as male employers if they resist many of these women try to escape me nd refuge in their national embassies where new employers seek m out Few can afford the passage home One Filipina woman work g in Saudi Arabia in the 19903 who could no longer tolerate her mis eatment turned to a man who offered to help her leave the country en she re ised to provide sex in return he drugged and raped her Domestic service still provides an important foothold into the labor minim desirable kind of employment AS one B1rt 1sE 111 another homtith rem was quota continuation of slay Sewailt recalled ery except that you were able to your notice and leave instead of having to stay f0r1139fe I6 Where racial barriers prevented other forms of employment 2 a Women in the United States Work unri tlciie I96os African left these jobs They Continued to WOT rfi s long after white their families since black men earned so litlenilrir iigii1ille139PbSu 0 s able to them F01quot Japanese immigrants to the United States froin 1940 both language dif culty and a racially segregated labor u drew women to domesti 39 in I i 39 Women Could not nd WOkse1vE1OF1c11rerbS1 gr1Ps even well efd maids as 1V they lacked intelligence and ggxih il er ermpl0Yers treat this how to do ajapanese American domes1Dn all hey saY do I everything but still people try to tell on d1fr 3C ed I lltnow Rollins Points out in her stud of c 1 erent Ways F ASJH African American women often ccfncealednf hni iiafiiatdf eSt111 39F 37 3 C 39 in college because it might threaten the status of their employersI Ethnicit 39 y and race still structure the domestic quot workforce I ket for urban migrants but as soon as sales and service jobs open omen ock to them This shift to a consumerbased economy occurred adually over the I9OOS in Europe and the Americas In Brazil for ple one half of working women were servants in 1900 but only one rth were in 1985 In the United States the proportion of wageearning omen engaged in domestic service declined from 20 percent in 1920 to der 3 percent in the 1990319 In contrast the proportion of women in late twentieth century they worked not 39 mestic service remains high where economies offer few other options 03137 In P1391V3t homes but Along with its shrinking share of the female labor force in consumer ed economies domestic service has changed considerably since the ly period of industrialization Employment agencies have begun to 39 ft the nature of service eliminating the personal interaction with II1emakers and providing bene ts for workers A few cooperative clean g services have been able to achieve greater control over work condi ns Domestic workers themselves have attempted to transform the role iiiservant into that of expert In her study of Mexican American domestic cities H 39 13P3THC and AsianPaci c Islander women lled between 7 90 Percent Of the jobs cleaning of ce buildings In addition a grow nuinb f 39 a 39 er 0 immigrant women nannies from developing countries Care the children of middle and upper class families i E 39 I1 urope 3 America cl 39 b 39 39 an ur an centers in other regions In 1993 for exainple lic attention focused on the practice of professional w 39 39 omen hiring 1 national productivit Y they often underestimate the number of w I40 No TU RNIN G B A C K Never Done Women Domestic Labor 141 workers in the United St t M 39 gotiation to improve thj rar igoI1 S If391V dmyriad forms ch prostitutes work have fueled feminist critiques of both sexual and ari cation to c f L 39 to quitting Tm not Your laid Angela Fernandez told th her em 10 cal I C 39 7 I P 5733 In your housekeeper Mrs Montoya echoed the gure Im not there to be their personal maid i m there r cl housecleaningthe upkeep of their hOuSe 2o nomic exploitation The H irtory of Prostitution o etimes called the oldest profession prostitution has rarely been ac iided the status of a true profession which is marked by educational licensing requirements In some settings though prostitutes have yed social respectability Ancient Babylonian and Greek cultures ac ded status to temple prostitutes who served the gods and goddesses in ligious rathernthan commercial role In Asia some courtesans en ed the respect of colleagues for the social and sexual skills provided for it patrons More frequently however prostitution has been a disrepu le and demeaned quotoccupation Forced on women who were either cap ed by conquering armies or sold into service by desperately poor ilies it is widely condemned in law and religion Nonetheless in x y premodern societies prostitution was not necessarily a lifelong sta In fteenthcentury France for example a prostitute could repent past enter a Magdalene home and later marry respectably Because quotIughters sold into sexual service by impoverished Chinese or Japanese ilies ful lled an obligation to filialpiety and sacri ced for their fami WOMEN ON THE STREETS Iqot all women who needed From the earl f b to earn Cash became domestic use ears 0 ur 39 39 who C uld YIY h an industrial life mothers with small 0 not eave ome took 39 39 larly others onl 39 f d In Sewing 0r1aund1 Y S0I11 39WOrked 2 y in times o ire economic need H 39 ousewives could increase family income b rov39 39 I of whom we Y P ldmg food and lodgmg 01 boarders e new mi rants t 39 child ca f g A O the City some mothers provide re or other working mother3 Outside their home 39 s we streets In indust 39al39 liq 1 marketed goods 0139 Services on ri izin 39 p children could b f dg ew Ork city in the 18403 Poor W0me e oun scave 39 usepor resell I h nging for discarded goods that they nt e I99OSWOII1 11111i 39 A 39 39 grants to Latin American c39t39 39339 fruit or other food 39 l 39 I 39 1 1amp5 in street stalls From Mexico to S 39 outh Africa W continue to peddle food mat h 39 3 I c es and tourist goods to earn enoug survive This informal Sector of the ECOHOIHY Characterized by Part they too might eventually leave the trade and marry In the 18005 however the prostitute in European and American es acquired a permanent identity as a fallen woman the antithesis the pure middle class mother in the home Viewed as a sexually de quotved creature to be shunned by all respectable women the prostitute sfact protected the virtue of pure women According to the concept of essary evil society had to tolerate the existence of prostitutes be e they siphoned off male lust Brothels an editorial explained in 92 are necessary in ministering to the passions of men who otherwise uld be tempted to seduce young ladies of their acquaintance 1 Be se the boundary between pure and fallen woman mirrored racial id ethnic lines it reinforced social hierarchy by ranking sexual purity and seasonal activit 39 57 provides very meager incom e and evades go ment regulation Because 39 economists rarely recognize this labor as who are in fact working for pay While both me B cu I1 and women participate in this kind of street ing one occupation within the informal economy is h hl k 1g 3 ewequot gender prostitution Some men do engage in the 1 f Y sa e 0 sex to 339 men and lmpoverished bo s h 39 commerce Histori ll ti ave been particularly Vulnerable to S p e Van todal however women have dominatedf ranks of sex workers Jug 39 t as women migrants sold 39 goods and dom race The rapid expansion of commercial prostitution in industrializ T societies exacerbated the stricter divide between pure and impure Services in the informal 3 ector of the economy so too they mark sexual services The e an 39 39 81011 of 39 KP prostitution and the COI1Cl1t1OI1Squot11 iI 39 C0I1t mp0rary Bangkok Thousands of young girls continue to perfl I42 N O T U R N 1 N G B A C K Never Dane Women Domestic Labor 43 In multiracial societies the harshest conditions have been experi quotced by racial minority women In the 18605 and 18705 Chinese men sold into prostitution in America worked between four to six women So great was the increase of prostitution during the 1800s the spread of venereal disease created a public health crisis in the Western metropolitan centers of London Paris and New York City formers and government officials associated prostitutes with infe s in the small cribs or rooms that lined Chinatown alleys servic g white men for a small fee per customer Disease despair and early 39339th took a large toll on these assembly line sex workers After 1900 According to a vice commission report prostitutes carried a diseas be feared with as great a horror as a leprous plague quot22 Nonethei St X1131 Commerce grew wherever wage earning male migrants lived 3 es cracked down on tolerated vice districts making street prostitutes iore vulnerable to arrest Although women of color represented less than of all streetwalkers in the United States they constituted 85 percent from families and women sought income Commercial prostitu seems to peak during the rst stage of industrial growth when men greater choices for wage labor and then decline when more setvic 39 hose imprisoned for prostitution open to women Indeed prostitutes seemed omnipresent wherever congregated in early industrial England and America in cities on The Contemporary Bmme Ofpm zmnm tiefsv0 39 near m italquotY bases lostitutes continue to play an important role in modernizing economies Women became prostitutesfor a variety of reasons Some enterp ey provide sex for male workers soldiers and sailors and fuel a huge ing women entrepreneursestablished their own brothels and empll ternational sex industry In the contemporary United States an esti ted quarter million prostitutes service a million and a half customers h week The gross annual revenue from prostitution ranges from 7 ion to 9 billion not including the sale of pornographic depictions of al acts In Indonesia estimates of annual pro ts from prostitution gefrom 1 billion to 35 billion Australian police estimate that other women as residents More typically poor and workingclass wo who could not otherwise support themselves entered prostitution was absolute want that drove me to it a seventeenyear old report I8563 Some preferred the work to domestic service Others had choice especially those fallen women who bore children outsidequot 139i38e A5 3 EIOUP fAme17iC3I1 Pfostitutes asked in 1914 How stitution grosses 50 million a year there while the sex industry Citizens will e3iV emP10YIT1 I1t F0 W0m 1 1 Of 0111 C1aSSquot24 Neither h l ounts for I percent of Iapan s gross national product equal to its de wives nor factory owners wanted to hire these women and otherwo quotse budget often shunned them as well Child prostitution has always drawn inquot As capitalism expanded globally so has sexual labor and its racial hi poorest and most vulnerable workers whether in Victorianeera Londo rchy The contemporary rise of international entertainment zones has Cedents in earlier colonial outposts such as Havana before the Cuban olution of 1959 A playland for wealthy Europeans and Americans le city offered heterosexual and homosexual prostitution along with sexual labor some of them kidnapped others sold by families into Ii contracts Colonialism also affected the spread of prostitution In the ohol gambling and drugs In another former American colony the 19005 prostitution ourished in Africa when colonialism removed Jailippines poor rural women ocked to US military bases to earn low ages as bar girls and prostitutes The Marcos dictatorship encouraged e so called hospitality industry as a source of foreign income and by I time these bases closed in the 1990s an estimated one hundred thou from their villages to work compounds Officials tolerated an influx prostitutes because they helped to stabilize the male workforce In Ke rural men who migrated to Nairobi for jobs could not bring their who continued to farm at home In the city prostitutes charged men f d Philippine women including ve thousand children served as pros range of domestic comforts once offered in their homes including f tutes In the Philippines Thailand and South Korea a form of sexual Water and 3 bed In which t0 51equot P ilrism has now developed to serve some Asianbut mostly European earnedquot a family wage When women Worked they reasoned itquotW I45 144 NO TURNING BACK SEVEN NDUSTRIALIZATION WAGE LABOR AND THE ECONOMIC GENDER GAP Women were is looked down upon It not really considered important and yoa re not going to be paid wager for something that considered trivial OE1rcE women UNIrEDSTATEs 1979 men seeking allegedly docile Asian women eitheras rnail otdet or shortterm prostitutes As the brochure for one Dutch sex 120 company explains men can nd little slaves who give real Thai Today Wherever poor women seek income prostitution pets Calcutta Pushpa Das once worked as a domestic servant but the month she earned could not support her unemployed husband da and other dependent relatives When Das turned quotto prostitution could earn 39 50 a month Women seeking income have produced forms of regional labor migration In the 19903 Egyptian prost1 faced competition from Russian women who had lost their jobs W l economic restructuring from communism to capitalism Migratin the Middle East blond Russian vvomen represented an exotic racialquot in the sexual marketplace In japandocal prostitutes now face com tion from Chinese immigrants who can earn more selling sex t h nessmen than they could in other jobs at home In the words 39 young woman trained as a doctor in China but working as a prostitir W0 1 12 mwgwem 4 wamcmsj pm39H390 Tokyo Here if you workhard you can make money and get FACTORY WORKER EGYPT I 985 You just have to be willing to vvorkhard and take the tough jobs During the transition to industrial life the association of Wquot and domesticityprofoundly affected vvomen s economic status It shapes which jobs women hold the Wages they can earn and the day of caretaking at home after paidlabor The legacy of unpai within families meant that domestic Work performed for others tend K d Ch recalled T n the 19703 a New England telephone operator nam H5 39 her Work history Her mother the daughter of immigrants had to uit school at age twelve to work in a textile mill Determined that F10 aughtet of hers would work in a factory she insisted that Chris nish 39gh school Like many young women in the United States and Europe hris completed a commercial course so that she could get a better 39 ying job in an office After graduation she found a clerical job at an in siirance company but it was just like a factory They had piecework and erything The phone company was not much better with constant sinveillarace and pressure to speed up the calls Rather than protest Chris bticed workers took their frustrations out on each other Where can hey goquot she asked rhetorically It s either a factory or an office There 39 ve 39 e not that many things that a woman can get into Most women ha be devalued Even nondomestic employers would justify quotlower fe Wagesquot by assuming that allWomen depended on male breadwinne 39 earn pin money to purchase luxuries Since not all men could sii families however women s earnings often went directly to household penses but they were never enough to provide for self support Inquot sl39i during the industrial era domesticity contributed to Women s econo dependence Ultimately feminism would respondby mobilizing W0quot workers and envisioning socialquot policies to bridge39 unpaid and paidquot39l But that political response awaited the massive entry of Women t Wage labor 146 NO TURNING BACK been trained to feel that this is all you should exp39ect I But in the I95 women like Chris began to expect more Then a working mother thirties she enrolled in a community college with hopes of becou social worker one of the few professions dominated by women Chris story reflects two equally important historical trends past century expanding opportunities for women to earn wages and 39 sistent limits on their careers Working women and especially wot mothers have reshaped family life the workplace and social policy the year 2000 women accounted for over a third of the world s workers and up to half of the workforce in the United States western rope Russia and Australia Wherever married women entered the labor force they challenged the arti cial divide between home and w Wage earning potentially weakened the patriarchal family by prov I women a measure of economic independence or at least greater leve within their families Despite their long hours in paid work outside home however working women can only rarely support themsel Their jobs cluster in female sectors of the economy light manufa ing clerical and sales or providing services once offered in their ho such as serving food or caring for children In the professions as well I have not had the same opportunities for advancement that men en And wornen s wages have never been equal to those of men even in same job categories Equally important when women participate in paid labor they tinue to care for others in their homes particularly husbands and chil The legacy of unpaid work in the home perpetuates economic ineq in several ways It masks women s full economic contributions it ct the double day for women workers and it leads to perceptions women are not dedicated to their jobs The continual devaluation of ing labor in the home also ignores the truly interdependent relationshii within families Underlying the contradictions of contemporary wo wage labor is a history in which women have been viewed rst as worn then as workers Industrialization Wage Lerner and the Economic Gender Gap 47 FROM FACTORY GIRLS TO WORKING MOTHERS quotI omen have entered the formal labor market for two main reasons em tyers expanding demand for cheap workers and the greater availability women seeking income Commercial and industrial growth required a get workforce Since most men had job choices they could demand her wages Employers could cut costs by lling new jobs with cheaper ale workers At the same time more women became available for 39e labor because they were having fewer children than in the past As ldren ceased to be an economic asset to families in industrializing nomies birth rates declined With fewer children to tend at home it older daughters and later their mothers sought wage labor The ex ding demand for cheap labor along with the increasing availability of male workers drew women rst into textile mills and later into cleri sales and other service jobs This process continues today in develop quot nations so that women s participation in wage labor now affects lies throughout the world L450 N ear and Women lr err e initial stage in this movement from housework to wage work took ce in western Europe and the United States after 1800 Industrial pro ction began to make nished goods from raw products such as cloth d clothing from the cotton harvested by southern slaves Textile pro ction was critical to the growth of world capitalism and women s la r played a central role in this phase of industrialization British women d traditionally performed muchiof the spinning weaving and sewing thin their families After I800 many of them followed these crafts into quotquote new textile mills working long hours at pay rates signi cantly lower E men s Single quotwomen who lived at home as well as some married men swelled the ranks of factory hands By the 18303 almost 60 per quott of the workers in the British textile industry were female Similarly e first textile mills in the United States welcomed young rural women 390 tended the looms while men earned higher wages as mechanics or working in a textile factory in Brazil Her workday lasted from 6 A 148 NO TURNING BACK 1 overseers In the I820s these factory girls lived in supervised do Indzirrrializazriaiz W83 L53507 47945 quot55 Eca amif Gender Gap 149 b ak g at home at least nine have to be pure work if you really W31T139t 120 fife en3 Th0ugh t3xjng working at home did avoid the supervision 0 ac ry work where you have so many people above you controlling you ries for a few years saving their wages for the time they would lea mills Now soon you ll see me married to a handsome little man the words to one of the factory girls songs Then I ll say to you f 39d treating you like a thing 3 girls come see me when you can 2 ho is the world Textile factories continue to employ women throug u d f a 39 other deman or ut the next stage of economic growth created yet an O wpaid workers this time in clerical and sales jobs Although heavy 1339 39 rs new stry such as steel manufacturing emP10Yed only male Wojke 8 c 39 B the are I 003 Ehnologles were transforming the nature of business y 1 1 l mation 0 oca e railroad telegraph and telephone fostered the ama ga sinesses into national corporations in both the United States and west Europe This process of consolidation created huge bur aL1Cf3C1 5 that h quotobs in uired an army of clerks Literate white women lled t e new 1 The surge in women s participation as factory workers in En and America declined around the middle of the nineteenth century the passage of the British Factory Act of I 83 3 and subsequentlaws ing work hours and child labor fewer women entered the factor addition with the rise of trade unions male workers insisted that should earn a family wage that would enable them to suppo wives at home Yet women continued to produce textiles as piecewo ii in their homes or in tenement sweatshops In New York London siness firms In Europe the expansionlof government services created bs for women as postal clerks and telephone operators Almost 3 third European working women held service sector jobs by the 19305 A 395 e same time the growth Of H13SS I afketi g Cre3ted 339 demandfor 3 re 1 sales force Women swelled the ranks of salesclerks in the I1 W1Yv 95 hlished department stores of Western r1atiOI1S a Professional jobs were 91s opening to educated women for the first e A bureaucratic society required literate workers 30 Public Schmls id public libraries became essential institutions Once rniddle class men in the United States and western Europe could attend college ey sought professional jobs as teachers and librarians Although men 39ce performed these tasks women cost less and seemed well suited to rking with children By 1900 women teachers outnumbered men by a tin of two to one Outside the West as well educated women gained ac ess to the professions in sexsegregated jobs such as teaching and S0C1a1 quotquotork In South Asia for example educated women became Public health and Berlin women sewed garment parts or made hats and gloves few cents each Though suitable for married women caring for children piecework in the home was a notoriously harsh trade pay that required ten to twelvehour days to earn enough for survi Over time and place textile production drew rural women manufacturing jobs In the United States cotton mills moved southern states after 1900 employing members of poor white 1 including women and children Nowsouthern factory workers san own lament Hard times cotton mill girls hard times everywhere the same time when Mexico Brazil and Argentina began to indus ize their first textile factories hired female workers from the count During World War I for example Luiza Ferreira de Medeiros b 5 RM daily In the 19203 Indian women toiled in textile factories young Chinese women worked twelve hour days in the Shanghai co mills Like the quotearliest textile workers they earned wages for several quot before returning to their villages to marry cials largely serving women and children Even after textile factories created paid jobs for women piecew As the case of teachers suggests when women ell quotBred the Paid lab at home continued to provide an important source of family incom ce they continued to be viewed as women rst workers SeC0I1d This Greek garment worker explained the pressures of home work in 19803 After paying for thread electricity rent and maintenance of sewing machine she could earn as much as a factory laborer onl working fast and for long hours When you spend sixteen hours w K entity has shaped the meaning and the value placed on women s labor any of the jobs created in the past century could be viewed as an exten on of women s familial work Along with white collar l0b5 in 0f Ce5 assrooms and department stores a pinkcollar sector employs women during the 1990s the proportion of women in the paid labor force ran the Middle East women s share of the labor force remains low H 150 NO TURNING BACK as health care aides beauticians and waitresses In all of these jobs w Indarrrializarion Wage Labor and ripe Economic Gender Gap 151 v 39 39 39 d Ction but still ex conomic activity which includes more of this pro 11 udes unpaid domestic or volunteer labor See Appendix D t hich women The national gures do not tell the whole story abou w ogk for wages and when The impact of racial discrimination on family J d States African come creates unique work patterns In the Unite erican women long exceeded all other gr01lPS Of female Wage laborer th twice the overall rate for women in 1900 Because African Ameri ii men earned so little in the few jobs open to them and because the in 1 merit black re more likely to experience seasonal or chronic unemp 0y 3 39 d 39 39 0s race remalne omen had to help support their families Until the 194 k d t n I1 oe important than gender in determining whether a woman wot e 1 a narrowe e United States After World War II however the race g p h 39 39 t hite married middleclass women sought paying jobs to help eir lies afford homes and consumer products or to save to send them ildren to college More white women supported themselves as single 39 mon women divorced mothers By 1980 the black white race Sept 3 g iorkers had almost disappeared with about half of each group working 1 Wages BY I999 64 percent of black women were in the workforce I quot 39 ompared to 60 percent of white women Other cultural gaps perslsta l art because ethnic groups differ in their views of women s wage earning in their birth rates In the United States for example a higher pf0P01 39on of Asian American than Puerto Rican women worked for Wages in remain low in part because the work is typed as female in part be employers consider women secondary earners in families headed by workers IVaid Womfeiz Wore for W zger The economic processes that draw women into paid labor occur une across the regions of the world More women earn wages where ind alization first emerged where service sectors have expanded where s have explicitly recruited female workers and where employers or s provide social services such as child care Even in countries with Squot economies however cultural attitudes affect women s labor force pa in pation While rates vary across the globe the overall trend is to women s participation in paid labor through much of the adult life See Appendix D The US labor force illustrates women s increasing participation wage labor In 1800 theUS census listed under 5 percentof all won as gainfully employed By I900 that gure had climbed to 21 pen and by 2000 it reached 60 percent or around 40 percent of all workers Figures for other industrial economies are also striking By 19205 women constituted over half of the paid workers in Japan Soviet Union could not have industrialized in the twentieth cen without women s workforce participation By the 1960s 80 perceii working age women in the USSR were employed and by 1990 wom represented half of the labor force in the former Soviet Union In H e 19903 See Appendix B Along with the young single workers rst drawn into the labor ii rce older and married women now earn wages and so do mothers young children In 1890 under 5 percent of married women in the nited States worked for wages in 1980 half of them did as did half the i natried women in Great Britain In 1995 the US paid labor force III uded 61 percent of all married women C0mP3Ied t0 77 Percent of an men The US labor force participation rate of mothers has increased I ry decade since 1950 While African American mothers had been la borers for decades by the 19805 white women with both schoolage and reschool children had joined them By 1995 twothirds of all mothers d over half of the mothers with children under age two earned wages from over half in Great Britain and Scandinavia to around a third southern Europe Since men s wage labor has declined slightly the w experience of men and women is becoming more similar4 In contrast where agriculture dominates the economy fewer women earn wages Only onefifth of Latin American wage laborers were wornquot in 1970 although that gure increased to onethird by 2000 In muc 30 percent in 2000 Keep in mind that all of these gures underesti women s paid labor force participation since so many women continu work in the informal sector of the economy The UN also measures to39quot ee Appendix C 39 39 39 l h39ft is Another way to think about this important historica S 1 39 bear more than seven children In 1900 her greatgranddaughterquotlit 152 N O T U R N I N G B A C K 1mmn394izarion39 Wage Labor and the Economic Gender Gap 15 through the life cycles of generations of women In 1800 a m A3 families increasingly depend on the wages of women as well as en attitudes toward women s paid labor slowly Chaf1g9 A5 3 Bfiusuh sband who once felt that his wife s place was in the home recalled I odi ed my views in the 1960s I accepted the fact that she really eded some other interest outside th il 101 1391 9 Opinion P0115 e the ift In Great Britain beliefs that husbands should be breadwinners and ives should care for their families declined by about half from the 9803 to the 19905 Similarly US polls show that disapproval of women s ork outside the home dropped significantly I Yet ambivalence toward working mothers persists as well Among woman in the United States could expect to live to around age for in into her fifties and had only four children By 2000 that wornan s granddaughter could expect to live to age eighty but would beat two children Over each century women s reproductive labors drop by half while their life span expanded As a result married women have manymore years without child care duties Although the dates fer for other industrial countries the direction of change is thes Since 1900 birth rates have fallen while life expectancy and worn wage labor have increased throughout the industrial world See Apf dices D and E In the United States and Japan for example over lll w all married women now work for pay In Sweden over 80 percent of 39 0s over a ouch Asian women interviewed in East London in the 199 i quotird felt that women should remain in the home to care for their fami es Echoing broader opinion around the world one of these women 2 u 39 d she s the one w o lained that she s the one who has the children an to breastfeed them and so she should stay at home and be the house II In the United States a large majority of women and men agree quotat a woman can be both a good mother and successful in a highpay1f1g 39 h r to sta home and greet Yet most also feel it would be better for a mot e Y M 39 39 d cl 39 e care of the children even when her income is nee B D h 39 39 al39ties es ite Cultural attitudes have not kept up with economlc re 1 P esires for mothers to remain at home women are unlikely to leave the 39 39 39d obs because id labor force While some women initially took pai 1 f economic need a recent survey of American workers found that only percent of female workers and 2 1 percent of male workers would re ried women earned wages in the 19803 compared with just underh q the 1960s Even during their childrearing years however mothers incr ingly enter the paid workforce For some divorce and single parenth ET make jobs an economic necessity Births to unmarried women have tri in many industrial countries since 19706 In the United States ab twothirds of single mothers and three fourths of divorced women earn wages in the 19905 Even in two parent families higher costs of liv desires for a higher standard of living and hopes for their children s tures make two wage earners a necessity The reason I turned on work a Mrs Turnbull of England explained in the 19603 was that husband was only on 8 a week and there were ve of us to keep 7 39 Women s wages have become critical to family support througho ziendly corporation sociologist Arlie Hochschild found that some women the world In Ghana women maintain a third of the households quotwt the US found the workplace more appealing and less stressful than air homes I usually come to work early just to get away from the ouse one mother of two explained Since she had to perform 15110813 Of he housework at home she found that the more I get out of the house he better I am It s a terrible thing to say but that s the way I feel 3 A1 hough the notion that women are temporary workers continues to in u children In the Philippines women providea third of the cash incof39 for their families while continuing to contribute unpaid household la that brings their full contribution to over half of household support in industrial societies women work both to help support their farnii and to improve the lives of their children According to the UN Pop lation Fund Parents increasingly recognize the need for education improve their children39s chances in life 3 Mothers take jobs to payIf school fees and uniforms especially in poorer countries that have had cut their educational budgets nce wages promotions and social policy it no longer accurately escribes the lives of most women in most industrialized nations ain at home if they could afford to In her study of workers at a family 54 N O T U R N I N G B A C K Industrialization Wage Latiaor and the Economic Gender Ga 155 inajority of them work most are unmarried though Latin Arnericaii11I11d I 39bbean women factory workers who are slightly older are more 1 e y THE GLOBAL ASSEMBLY LINE 3 be married or divorced than those in Asia Some of these Latin Ameri d some at n women have migrated to factory ObS from rural areas 33 ln the 19905 nineteen year old Adelia Ramirez Hernandez took nded high school Most of them are not from the poorest families f0f an Americanowned electronicsfactory in Reynosa Mexico earni for her forty vehour week She was one of a million and a half we who worked in export manufacturing plants in developing countri 39 most half of them for multinational corporations usually based in United States These plants contribute to the economic developm 39 largely rural nations in Southeast Asia Africa and Latin America With the end of colonialism after World War H many newly 39 pendent nations remained economically dependent on the Wes osewomen still work in domestic service and prostitution times These women factory workers earn much less than mfifl 301113 y half of male wages Their jobs however provide better wages and rme secmiry than they can find in agriculture or the informal economy omerfs factory wages often help support families A stud 0f H038 quot0I1g in the I97OS showed that 88 percent of women workers save Over alf of their earnings to their parents Families might use this money to able sons to go to school thus perpetuating gender ineq119l1tY Bu bring much needed capital into these areas governments in IIongK age earning allowed daughters more leverage in their households They Taiwan and Mexico encouraged local companies to manufacture g came exempt from domestic labor and they gained greater Control for export abroad rather than consumption at home Since the 19 these governments have offered tax and tariff incentives for foreign fa ries to locate within designated areas called free trade zones They als lowed foreign ownership of these companies encouraging Westernrb multinational corporations to move their production offshore to 39 costs In the 19605 with the help of loans from the World Bank an International Monetary Fund production of computer parts and ments increasingly moved to countries such as Sri Lanka By th er their futures by choosing their own spouses A married Egyptian orker emphasized this link between her factory earnings and authority ihomeg Work strengthens a woman s position The woman who works oesn t have to beg her husband for every piaSt 1 Sh I1 dS Sill C3fl Com and respect in her home and can raise her voice in any decision I4 Wage earning may challenge gender subordination but the global sembly line leaves many forms of hierarchy undisturbed 501119 Women quotI rkers themselves strive to retain customary gender If 13ti0f1S In I97os American and Japanese factory owners were relocating ch plants to Mexico or Southeast Asia 392angladesh for example women who observe the gender seclusion of igmiaz9 cannot wear the tentlike omea9 when they go to work Yet 301113 rm rather than abandon the system The best piirdcz9 18 the ozzra cz9 thin oneself the Eazm zz9 of the mind one factory worker expla1nedI5 39 39 t uali any employers base their hiring practices on ideas about inna e q Sometimes called runaway shops these factories escaped mum wage and other labor laws as well as environmental regulations 39 a result they paid low wages had lower production costs and tea higher pro ts At a time when American workers earned 3 to 0 n hour Mexican workers in the mczqzziiazciorazr subcontracting shops on I border earned only 3 to 5 each day Young single women such Adelia Ramirez Hernandez continue to ll the demand for cheap labor Mexico as they do in Southeast Asia About 80 percent of the global sembly line workers in electronics and clothing factories are yo 5 of gender and race As one Malaysian government of cial explained he manual dexterity of the Oriental female is famous the Wofld Wef erhands are small and she works fast with extreme care Who erefore could be better quali ed by nature and inheritance to con ibute to the efficiency of the bench assembly production line than the 39 dental gil1 I6 Employers also invoke gender stereotypes when they women between the ages of thirteen and twenty ve In Asia where 39 old beauty contests for women workers At one Mexican maiqazla om 156 N O T U R N I N G B A C K Industrialization Wage Labor and toe Economic Gender Gap 157 the management announced a bikini contest as a bene t for the we some of whom felt insulted enough to le complaints Many emp FEMINIZATION AND PROFESSIONAL WORK assume that because women in certain developing countries have b I cialized to be subordinate they will make docile workers unlik quotI complain or unionize t This concern about employee protest is well founded Assembi j ven when women enter male dominated professions gender ideology work is extremely taxing requiring intense visual concentration jeates a signi cant divide in the meaning of labor The history of the physical stamina Companies set quotas for production and rusho irofessions in the West illustrates that when signi cant numbers of can mean forced overtime with long stressful hours spent assemb omen gain access a profession is likely to become feminized Teach computer parts or garments One South Koreanstudy showed that 3939 g nursing and librarianship were feminized by the late 1800s as were of the electronics workers had severe eye problems within one year on lerical sales and bank teller positions in the 1900s Feminization cre job Hightech data entry workers also complain Everything you di res positions for more women but with lower pay and status than that of to go on a time sheet I personally call it slavery one Caribbean worker concluded Women working in factories with few safety requot en a profession loses prestige and pay rates deteriorate At the same tions risk accidents and exposure to toxic substances As a sewin ii time gender hierarchy persists for the men who remain hold the best chine operator wrote When apprentices shake the waste threads quotaid and most prestigious positions as supervisors and managers the clothes the whole room lls with dust and it is hard to brea Teaching provides a good example of an occupation that ripped from ale to female as the need for cheap workers expanded After I800 com mercial growth in the United States required literate workers Local gov Since we ve been working in such dusty air there have been increas numbers of people getting tuberculosis bronchitis and eye dis Since we are women it makes us so sad when we have pale unheal rnments established schools to support universal primary and later wrinkled faces like dried up spinach I9 39 I iecondary education compulsory school laws enforced attendance To The global economy affects women workers not only in develo ontrol growing expenses school boards began to hire women and by countries but also in the industrialized West Runaway shops can ihe 18805 the male schoolmaster had given way to the female school lower wages for all workers while the threat to move production offs acher The feminization of teaching rested upon gender ideology Women can undermine efforts to unionize When women immigrate to the they may nd work in electronics factories in Silicon Valley that rese ositions while men monopolized the of ces of principals and school su the global assembly line At the same time many immigrant wo lerintendents Furthermore schoolteachers in the United States once had continue to nd employment as did earlier generations sewing garrn o resign after marriage reinforcing the idea that woman s primary work in unregulated sweatshops where they earn less than the mini mained in the home wage and returning at night to care for their homes and children In The process of drawing women into the lower ranks of education re words of one Asian woman immigrant who could have been speakin gurred in other countries undergoing the transition to commercial and the women of the world After sewing laundry cleaning and cooking industrial economies In the Soviet Union from the 19403 through the have no breath left to sing 2 19705 women held 80 percent of primaryschool teaching and adminis irative jobs but only 30 percent of secondaryschool administrative posi ions At the end of the twentieth century women in Denmark held e men who once worked in each of these jobs Once women outnumber were considered well suited to work with children in lowpaid teaching 39quot3939 gt I53 e N 0 T U R N I N G B A C K Industrialization Wage Labor and the Economic Gender Gap I59 60 percent of the staff positions in schools but only 16 percent of 5 posts er women gained entry to law schools in the twentieth century quotas pt their numbers small and employers discriminated against even the quotlost highly quali ed women graduates In the 19503 for example no rm would hire a distinguished Stanfordlaw School graduate named dra Day O Connor Ultimately she went on to become the rst female Some professions proved more resistant to women s encroachna including medicine and law Women once served as healers in man i tures and midwives continue to attend births By the I86os ho the yprofessionalization of Western medicine created an exclusively 39 ociate justice on the US Supreme Court In the 1960s and 19703 encouraged by the revival of feminism omen in the United States and Europe applied to professional schools in ecord numbers and quotas began to fall Between 1970 and I990 the oportion of female lawyers and judges in the United States increased male domain In England and France male students physically bf and taunted women who tried to study medicine Only the Russian ernment encouraged women to become doctors because the need I was so great In the United States most medical schools and profess organizations refused to admit women and African Americans The 39 em 5 percent to 24 percent In Great Britain over half of the new solic can Medical Associationdid not admit female physicians until 9 rs during the 19905 were women Occupational segregation persisted ewevet in the kinds of legal work open to women Female lawyers re ain in the lower ranks of the profession because they cluster in low In response to exclusionary admission practices in the UnitedtS5 both women and African Americans founded their own medical t The New England Female Medical College graduated 364 women restige lowerpaying jobs as public defenders or family law attorneys cians before 1900 including Rebecca Lee the rst black woman d Olding age and quali cations constant men still fared far better than omen In oneUS study eligible men were twice aslikely to become rtners in their rms than eligible women Women solicitors hold only e fourth of the partnerships in British law rms The divergence af ctsincome Although entrylevel lawyers earn similar salaries over the in the United States The women doctors in turn established clinics hospitals that served primarily female patients Because of this sep strategy 6 percent of the doctors in the United States were womena beginning of the twentieth century compared with IO percent in sia After 1900 when male medical schools began to admit a urse of their careers a gender gap emerges in part because men are number of women the womens colleges declined Although mi ore likely to be promoted In the United States even as women in school applications from women soared strict quotas at formerly all eased their share of law degrees their earnings 173310 declined schools restricted women s enrollment to 5 percent of the studentquot b In medicine as well the surge of women doctors did not preclude cupational segregation With the elimination of gender quotas women Iquotthe United States entered medical school in record numbers By I976 most 25 percent of all medical students were female and by the 19905 Thus the integration of medical education in the United States ac halted the increase in female physicians Only after feminist pre forced the end of quotas in the 19605 did women in the UnitedS achieve full access to medical education iomen made up half of the entering class at many medical schools Simi American women also tried to enter the legal profession in ly in Great Britain the proportion of women medical students in 18oos but they met strong resistance from law schools employer eased from under a fourth in 1968 to over half in 1991 In both the courts One brave woman from Illinois Myra Bradwell took her ountries however women are often encouraged to choose family prac to the Supreme Court which ruled against her in 1875 The consti tion of the family organization the Court explained indicate ice and pediatrics while men continue to dominate higherpaying spe ialties such as surgery Much of the income differential between male domestic sphere as that which properly belongs to the domain and and female physicians arises from their different specializations tions of womanhood and is repugnant to the idea of a wo I Occupational segregation persists in a variety of professions As adopting a distinct and independent career from that of her husbandquot quot omen enter professional jobs men continue to hold the higherprestige 6 I O N 0 T U R N I N G B A C K Indmtriczlizazrion Wage La zor and the Economic Gender Gap 161 00 the fact that more women taught and more men practiced medi e wouldnot have been problematic The process of feminization how Ier has involved a devaluing of tasks simply because they are performed women Like the New Guinea culture in which women cultivate eet potatoes and men raise the higherprestige yams modern societies ach greater value to male activities Gender ideology divides the pro ssions as it divides the workforce in general creating inequality not higher paying positions most women I gain access only to the routinized obs the parttime instructors the legal clinic we u Thm v m d ugh a process known as deskilling a b that once carried pt ro s t f p o a lower status within a gender hierarchy Women often orm the routinized deskilled tasks for less pay The earliest comp programmers who were male belonged to the category of tech workers hO 1 as women entered the eld the work they performed becam c assified as cler39cal N i As women became pharmacists they found l ply in status but also 1nwages paid ObS in retail stores while male pharmacists tended to wort research or management 39 LAEOR FORCE SEGREGATION AND THE WAGE GAP Academia also illustrates the persistence of a gender hierat within the professions Although women s share of faculty positions bled in the United States between 1960 and 1990 to 40 pel women are overrepresented in less prestigious schools and among not necessarily compete for men s jobs Rather workers typically enter ecialized labor markets that are segregated largely by sex and race In 60 for example only 3 percent of skilled bluecollar workers in the nited States were female and only 2 percent of service pinkecollar orkers were male In 1990 out of 26ooccupational categories in the nited States only 12 percent were sexuallypintegrated The majority of time workers in nontenuretrack jobs In r997 white males held 70 cent of the 1ll time tenured faculty positions in the United States I at elite universities such as Stanford and Harvard only 15 peteen tenured professors are women The tenured staff at medical schoolsquot still predominantly white and male Reviewing the US data on W0 in academia in 1998 Virginia Valian concluded that since 1976 0VS bs were either male or femaledominated Female jobs vary by regional economies but in every region most bs are sex typed In developed market economies almost 80 percent of omen workers can be found in service sector jobs such as teachers ealth care workers or waitresses with about I 5 percent in industry and e remainder in agriculture Throughout the world women wage earn 5 dominate as child care workers nurses and primaryschool teachers bs sometimes typed as female in one culture may be considered male in other In the Soviet Union most doctors were women but the profes on carried low status and low pay In North America women dominate the garment industry and as bank tellers In China they harvest cotton d rice In Southeast Asia they work in textile or electronics plants Race and ethnicity irther divide the workforce creating internal b ghettos Women from minority groups cluster in domestic service or ory jobs while women from dominant groups have greater options as rofessionals and managers In South Africa for example black women has been 2 39 39 ero progress in closing the tenure gap between men women In som 39 39 39 e countries that academic gap is even wider During the e the Soviet Union despite state encouragement for women s entry scienti c research a clear gender hierarchy emerged in research teachin inst39t g 1 utes Women held onefourth of the Junior appointrne IO percent of thesenior appointments and only 2 percent of am mic professorships in science In the postSoviet era women constji sli htl o 39 1 g y ver half of the college faculty in Ukraine but they remain an owest levels of 1 39 39 ecturers and assistants In the 19905 only 4 percen Professors in Germany and Under IO percent in japan and Korea were male Wheth 39 quot er drawn into the learned professions under communism capitalism women occupy an inferior economic position If women s job categories merely differed from men s the femi 5 rquot1 tion of the 39 professions would not necessarily contribute to economic e uali If t 39 39 I IV eaching had carried the same recompense as medicine s women pour into the paid labor force in expanding economies they 162 NO TURNING BACK Indziirriizlizzzrion Wage Labor and the Economic Gender Gap 63 ed much better earning threefourths of male income Much of the EU predominate in agricultural and domestic service while white w p can be explained because men held better paying manual jobs and represent twothirds of all teachers and 85 percent of all social wotii In the United States immigrant Native American and African Amquot A 39 3 39 39 can wo 39 39 men work as nurse s aides and Chinese American women we men dominated lowerpaid clerical jobs Even without occupational segregation however the wage gap rsists In 1990 Japanese women in manufacturing jobs earned less n half of what their male coworkers made In the United States sales men earn 52 cents for every dollar a salesman takes home Whenever men enter maledominated jobs the earnings gap is wide but when 11 enter femaledominated elds as nurses or secretaries they actually I more than women5 Professional workers face a wage gap as well omen who graduate from business school earn 12 percent less than eir male classmates Women physicians in the United States take in percent of male doctors earnings One Study of Stanford University duates found that within similar jobs and holding constant the num r of hours worked each week women still earned only 75 percent of e earnings Although younger women workers often receive wages textile operatives while women of European backgrounds aresecret teachers and nurses 39 This sexually and racially segregated labor force creates many of economic inequalities that feminists challenge Changing these part 18 a daunting task given their deep historical roots Employers first Women in 13389 Part because the C01l1lt2l pay them less than men The sumed that women workers earned supplemental wages but did not to support themselves or their families Since employers expected wo 0 1 39it1l3Sf1I3 t1lCCgt11rket when they married or had children they I e them In short women workers constituted a s Ondary labor force viewed differently from male wage earners who w or would become heads of households Wornen s very economic ad tage in the labor market that they worked for less pay and did no1S advancement created their disadvantage In practice of course 39 39lar to men s over the life cycle the gap increases The wage gap like the segregated labor force has historically re ected race as well as gender hierarchies but gender has become more portant over time In 1940 white women earned 61 cents black men cents and black women 2 3 cents to the white male dollar In I976 lack men earned 75 cents but white women 59 cents and black women cents to the white male dollar Holding education constant gender ill in uenced income more than race For example collegeeducated 391Sp31391lC women earned 62 percent and college educated Hispanic men 395 percent of white male earnings These gures can be confusing but We overall picture at the close of the twentieth century showed that ihite males in the United States enjoyed almost twice the income of ispanic women a third more than white and African American women id 39 v ual women do need to support themselves and their children women often aspire to better obs But the view of women as second workers affects all women in the labor force Occ t39 39 39 upa ional segregation contributes to the persistent gender l n wages Although this gap has narrowed over time it continues to ect un 39 equal labor practices In 1900 women in the United Statesearn on average around 5o cents for every dollar earned by a man by 1950 ratio had increased to 60 cents and by 2000 American women earned PIa proximately 75 cents for every male earned dollar The wage gap iSnquot2 tower in oth 39 39 i k er industrial nations in which public policies support worn wor ers D 39 2 uring the 9803 and 19903 women s share of male mcome 90 percent in Sweden and Australia and around 80 percent in 3 and the U11 d 39 1 3 K1n8d0IT1 Although women in the USSR once avera d almost a quarter more than minority men While racial differences ersist gender has become a more salient factor in the US wage gap elicisure higher earnings In the 19905 women in China earned 59 perce 0 men s wages Women in the European Union EU nations as 3 Wh 4 39l 39 quotbecause these 39 39 A Jobs re uire les 39 39 Cl s training Why invest in a career tlia I64 N o 39r U R N I N G B A C K Indurrrizzlizarion Wage Labor and the Economic Gender Gap 165 was a product of the free choice of workers In 1986 a district court in favor of Sears I i he arguments that women workers either deserve or choose lower gjobs are deeply awed however For one the view of women as f cient workers rests on erroneous assumptions Women may39tem ly stop working to bear children but that does not mean that they ss productive than women or men who remain in the labor force How feminists and 39 39 39 public officials respond to th 39 e w large part on how they understand 39 age gap die its causes Do women ch quot Inaln l0WerPa OQ Ylng obs or do from advancement I J Q 3 employers discriminate to k s iscrimination consc39 A mus and 3131151011339 try workers it turns out are more pl 0Ci11Ct1V than entrylevel I ers It would be more rational for an employer to hire a mother who cultural ideas about d gen et inadvertently perpetuate job segregag turning to work than a young unskilled worker Second simply hav the wage ga gt p Is the econom or are attitudes a d k 1C gencier gap 3 Permanent structl1139 f T 11 W01 Place practices malleable 0 501116 econom39 t Sens f 1S s the sexually segregated labor force mak e or both employers and women k F wot ers employers women inay be tempor f tom til Perspe ary or me cient work 39 household and In ers 3 aternal work A lower wages Fro h I 8 less Valuable Workers the I11 t e ers ect39 P p we of women who may choose I the workforce and rais 39 e children entering lowerpaying ObS make 1family responsibilities does not affect incomes across the board en middleclass men increase their share of housework their earnings not decline Working class women also maintain their wage levels as they maintain their homes and African American women with dren tend to earn more money than those without children Some g other than choosing to perform domestic tasks must be affecting te women s salatiesMoreover holding constant the factors of age eational experience hours worked for pay or spent in child care and gth of time in the workforce the wage gap does not go away Women he same jobs with the same backgrounds working the same hours quotd with the same domestic and parental duties as men earn 75 to 90 be interru red Cur in maiy Cu1l3E7ull laIEEp11KS1nHD171tS lout employee chm tinct careeritracks All men enter ishe mans Else cfxbrnpames have overtime that cuts into farrliw life Um I 83 1a f k wh1Ch re 39 985 all Women had to e the second track wh39 ich involved rout 39 inized work without promg in cent of men s wages More plausible is the nding of a I981 National Academy of Sci es study that employer discrimination explains up to 50 percent of track they know they are gjvin I 3wage gap In the United States Employers perpetuate the segregated 5 P e XPeCt3t10I1s bot force when they base their expectations of workers not on indi iidual performance but on group stereotypes Once hired members of quottrain groups such as white males are given internal promotions be ause they are assumed to be high producers Members of other groups uch as women and minorities are believed to be less productive they are legated to the most strongly sex and racestereotyped jobs In the phe but more time f 39 or famil Even w 39 A Y omen university graduates had no The then been in uentilal atthViiIr11ii1ed1lijddiseeit Clilroofiiilhizlss demanding jobs 3 fense when the U3 Equal Employment OPPOrtni lcCiCeSSiu1legal39 Gig Suit against the large retailer Sears Roebuck and CltiinpaiiimSi0n me at Sears earned lower commissions than did salesmen Thc a eswom gued that women rationally chose sales jobs involvin rOq hPamp11Yt1139 lower commissions because selling highticket items re uliired illcts W1 rung hours apart from their families Rather than a result of ei1 discrimination the compan l Y C lmed the gender dis 39 Parity in commis omenon known as crowding women who enter the labor force are not ecessarily competing openly for jobs rather women and minority men ften compete with each other at the lower end of the job scale The exis quot ence of this arti cially enlarged pool of workers who are excluded from P he best jobs helps keep their wages low quot15quotquot 39 lquot 39 14I 5 4 labor plays a large part in allowing men to be quotproductive workers earnin 166 N O T U R N I N G B A C K Indzurriafizarion Wage Labor and the Economic Gender G4 167 points out men maintain their gender power when they exclude en from the best jobs Finally structural discrimination that keeps en and minority men in competition for a limited group of jobs on 39nes worker solidarity weakening the chance that unions can chal Even slight employer bias can set off a vicious cycle that perpe inequality Imagine that an economically irrational distaste for worn primaryworkers leads an employer to hire moreexpensive male woi To make up for paying more to these men the employer has to pay I the women who are hired Once women enter these lower paid dead employers over wages bene ts and work conditions ObS they are more likely to choose to leave their unrewarding and warded positions creating a self fulf1lling quotprophecy Paid less in d end jobs women learn to act like deadend workers while men better higher paying jobs Such was the case historically for secret who once had no chance of promotion and dreamed about escape Gender Ideology in 96 VVOr pZezce ctural discrimination operates through the everyday practices of I duals A good example are the social practices that can create infor barriers to hiring or promoting women and minorities The men s their l0b5 through ma139ria8e 39atmosphere in certain jobs ranging from bluecollar trades to According to feminist egonomists such as Heidi Hartmann gery to executive boards makes it hard for women to be takenquot as seri Myra Strober the structures of capitalism and patriarchy combine to lyas men One successful female investment banker could not make I social contacts necessary for promotion in part because she found her excluded from the male only excursions to golf courses and strip bs Women who work in bluecollar trades go through uncomfortable ing for encroaching on traditionally male territory Coworkers put petuate discrimination against women workersFor one women s ch labor IS critical to increasing pro ts since women represent a res f army of workers who compete with each other rather than with In But thesequot structures also contribute to maintaining male power 0 rmous obstacles in their way For a long time I wasn t allowed to do Tttainjobs a pipe tter recalled Not surprisingly in the early 1990s 2 percent of the construction workers in the United States werefe ale For those who persisted however the jobs could be enormously tisfying I loved carpentry immediately and still love it explained Pat Cull quotIt doesn t matter if it sdigging ditches or doing a ne piece of binetry it s honest work that I can be proud of The problems I ve ad have always come from the attitudes of the men I work with and 4 In addition to obstacles and hazing up to 50 percent of all women orkers in theUnited States and Europe report that they have experi nced some kind of unwanted sexual advances Subtle sexual harassment can serve to exclude women from higherpaying male jobs In the late i97os for example a female medical student preparing for surgery re feived an unwanted neck massage from the supervising male surgeon When he whispered in her ear Wish I could be doing this with you omewhere else he sent a clear message that hethought she belonged in the bedroom rather than the operating room25 When women protest bout harassment they risk accusations that they are prudish humorless women both in the family and in the workplace For example capi lS139I1 supports patriarchy in the family in another vicious cycle Beca women get low paid jobs they are economically dependent on menf their families Aslowerpaid workers with less leverage at home woni must take on more responsibility for housework and child care G39 their double day women often get lowpaid secondary s39ector jobs tha make them more dependent on the men in their families The patriarchal family serves capitalism as well Women s domes high wages Women literally reproduce the labor supply through un paid childbearing and household labors Many men who succeed at wot do so with the support of wives who perform most of their domesti work Nine out of ten corporate executives in the United States hav nonworking spouses while women executives only rarely have a non workingspouse running the household and taking care of their children In a sense women workers are at a disadvantage because they do not have wives The patriarchal family also serves capitalism when it siphons off protest from male breadwinners who may feel powerless on the job but know they have power over women in the home As sociologist Barbara I68 N O T U R N I N G B A C K dmtrialization Wage Lac oif and rise Economic Gender Gap 169 employers played upon gender assumptions to control their workers Supervisors felt free to irt with female employees g that they did so to make women feel feminine as if this act ated for their lower wages At least one Chinese immigrant explained that she did not le a claim about unsafe conditions be he feared losing the flirtations of her white male supervisor she iould not consider joining a union because union women she be were a bunch of tough bigmouth dykes 23 In this case homo and gender ideology jointly controlled workers these same electronics workers could turn gender ideology to dvantage A Salvadorian immigrant fed up with her boss for ad hing Hispanic women to work faster if you want your children to rought her own children as well as her nieces and nephews to the She lined them up in front of the boss and one child explained his mother was so tired after work that she never had time to play jfher children From then on the supervisor eased the pace of work began to take her more seriously She had successfully used her iden as a mother to protest and improve work conditions Similarly a an who tested chips in the factory manipulated her male supervisors onceptions about women He thinks females are flighty and irre ible because of our hormones so we make sure to have as many one problems as we can I d say we each take hormone breaks several es a day My next plan is to convince him that menstrual blood will the solvents bad so on those days we have to stay in the lunch ir1 29 While this strategy brought shortterm relief it left intact the of imagining harm As the Czech sociologist Lenka Sim sexual harassment is omnipresent but it s not considered a s lem You re supposed to laugh about it and say that it s a s tion of hysterical American feminists and that actually it do here at all 25 39 Many of these discriminatory practices originate in out about gender Every culture views men and women through chologist Sandra Bem calls the lenses of gender These n33 from a belief that male domination is natural to an ernphas complementarity of male and female spheres The egalitarian vi fe 535d bl most Contemporary industrialized societies coexist W1 lying beliefs about natural sex roles Individuals internalize these lenses and apply them unconsciously in the world of work Ev unconscious biases can accumulate over time to create major ine Social science experiments and the attitudes of employees9 these end r d 39 3 e E eXPeCl3 1t1O139lS Take the response to a test or essa male name to it and evaluators score it more highly than if uh same re 39 39 39 f 5130359 15 Signed With a female name Expectations that39 orrn better th d f an women become selfful lling prophecies Both a 39 n emale workers bring their deeply internalized understandl PIOPEI ge der roles to the job In China some women insist tha cannot h dl 39 39 i d an e highly technical work in a factory some North Amg an quotEuro e n P p an men re ise to take womens OlZS An of ce worlg llt1 10r blamed the lack of respect for women s work for its lo eo le 1 A v P 13 W011 d respect womens work naturally your wages are to 80 1113 W0men s work is looked down upon Its not really co ered i 39 mportant and you re not going to be paid wages for some that 3 considered trivial 27 Sociologist Cynthia Fuchs Epstein po int der stereotypes that largely disadvantaged women workers Subverting gender meanings is not the only tool available to work women The double day women s lower pay and gender and race bi s in hiring and promotion create fertile environments for feminist itics As the global economy continually expands the ranks of female d laborers women s movements seek to alleviate the economic bur ens of these practices Wherever a sexually segregated lower paid fe ale labor force combines with women s primary responsibility for 39amily carefeminists have introduced social policies to challenge both that this pattern mirrors family relations in which sons have been have higher selfesteem and expectations for success than daught EIDPIOYCFS Carl manipulate expectations about female behavio discourage workers from seeking advancement or voicing disconten I many Japanese companies women no matter how well educated or cg petent are not considered for advancement because they are seen p marily as Iboi zt az no band owers in the workplace Whose fashionai 0 39kP1339Ce inequities and the dmlble day l hquot 39 C 0t mg provides a decorative atmosphere In a Silicon Valley elect0 Lobor ond Monopoly Copirol The Degrodorion or Work inrne Twenriefn Century by Horry Brovermon Foreword by Poul Sweezy Monthly Review Press New York lsquot But to seize upon the materials of nature ready oft work work is an activity that alters these 0 those primitive instinctive forms of labour that S of the mere animal wrote Marx in the rst volume 3 fh quotworst architect from the best of bees is this that the I 31SCS his structure in imagination before he erects it 46 Labor and Monopobx Capital in reality At the end of every labourprocess we get a result l that already existed in the imagination of the labourer at its commencement He not only e ects a change of form in the material on which he works but he also realises a purpose of his own that gives the law to his modus operandi and to which he must subordinate his will 1 Human work is conscious and purposive while the work of other animals is instinctual instinctive activities are inborn rather than learned and represent a relatively in exible Thus labor in its human form was called by Aristotle intelligent action Aristotle despite his vain effort to find a single cause underlying all the products of nature animals and humans gave the earliest form to this distinctive principle of human labor Art indeed consists in the conception of the result to be produced before its realization in the rnaterial 2 In recent times the artistic mind has often grasped this special feature of human activity better than the technical mind for example Paul Valery Man acts he exercises his powers on a material foreign to him he separates his operations from their material infrastructure and he has a clearly defined awareness of this hence he can think out his operations and coordinate them with each other before performing them he can assign to himself the most multifarious tasks and adapt to many different materials and it is precisely this capacity of ordering his intentions or dividing his proposals into separate operations which he calls intelligence He does not merge into the materials of his undertaking but proceeds from this material to his mental picture from his mind to his model and at each moment exchangm what he wants against what he can do and what he can do against what he achieves 3 Fourier thought he recognized in this the cause of happiness among animals and the anguish of repugnant labor among humans Labour nevertheless forms the delight of various creatures such as beavers bees wasps ants God has provided them with a social he might have said biological mechanism which attracts to industry and causes happiness to be these animals What a difference between their industrial condition and ours But to see in the noninstinctual character of human labor the direct cause of the anguish of repugnant labor one must skip over all the intervening stages of social development which separate the early emergence of human labor out of prehuman forms from labor in its ntodern form mm39siLsz 1 found in industry Why should he not have accorded us the same favour as Labor and Labor Power 47 ttern for the release of energy upon the receipt of speci c jriuli it has been observed for example that a caterpillar has completed half of its cocoon will continue to ianufacture the second half without concern even if the first 1f is taken away A more striking illustration of instinctual quotbar is seen in the following in The South African weaverbird builds a complicated nest of quotticks with a knotted strand of horsehair as foundation A pair 39 39 s isolated and bred for ve generations under canaries out of ight of their fellows and without their usual nestbuilding materials In the sixth generation still in captivity but with access to the right materials they built a nest perfect even to the knot of horsehair 39 In human work by contrast the dire c1ir1gr1 glv1m2 1grrisr3391i the nalquotc equotiquot139t i l quotriiquot i v i3iisWslystem As anthropologists have pointed the physical structure of the anthropoid ape is not entirely nsuited to tool making and tool using The ape s hand is an dequate if relatively coarse instrument and because the wquoter limbs as well as the upper are tted with opposable rhbs it has been said that the ape has four hands But it is first of all in the hands or posture that the human antage lies Among the physical differences between hu s and apes it is the relative enlargement of nearly all rts of the brain and especially the pronounced enlargement he frontal and parietal parts of the cerebral hemispheres work wellconceptualized in advance and independent of guidance of instinct Men who made tools of standard he general increase in brain size is important but certain parts of the have increased in size much more than others As functional maps of cortex of the brain show the human sensorymotor cortex is not just an Flargement of that of an ape The areas for the hand especially the thumb srnan are tremendously enlarged and this is an integral part of the Ctural base that makes the skillful use of the hand possible m5Ji7zi3i2EE5iZ39uquotciTih539iaquot gquotquothi5quotfilgiin aiing in an altogether excep quotich is most important in accounting for the human capacity Labor and Labor Power 49 48 Labor and Monopo y Capital gmong apes Clearly it is continuity on the subjective side rather than on the objective or overt that is essential As we have shown it is the symbol particularly in word form which provides this element of continuity in the tool experience of man And nally it is this factor of continuity in 39man s opexperience that has made accumulation and progress in shgrt a material culture possible type as Oakley says must have formed in their minds images of the ends to which they laboured Human culture is the outcome of this capacity for conceptual thought 7 it is true as experiments in animal behavior have shown that animals are not entirely devoid of the power to learn or to conceive rudimentary ideas or to solve simple problems Thus a creature with as primitive a nervous system as the angleworm can learn to thread a maze chimpanzees can be stimulated to invent and make tools such as extensions of sticks that enable them to reach food or to stack boxes for the same purpose As a result some anthropologists and physiolo gists have concluded that the difference between the human j and the nonhuman animal is not a difference in kind but inquot degree But when a di erence of degree is so enormous as the gap that exists between the learning and conceptual abilities of humans and even the most adaptable of other animals it Imlli under the in uence of which the brain of the ape may properly be treated for the purposes of our present fally changed into that of man The hand he discussion as a difference in kind And we may add whatever ained is not only the organ of labour it is also the product learning capacities may be stimulated in animals through iiur 10 His essay called The Part Played by Labour in ingenious forms of human tutelage it has not proved possible iansition from Ape to Man was limited by the state of to stimulate in them an ability to manage symbolic represen PR knowledge of his day and some of its details may be tation especially in its highest form articulate speech With or wrong as for example his implication that the out symbols and speech conceptual thought must remain eveloped larynx of the ape is inadequate to produce rudimentary and moreover cannot be freely transmitted hSounds But his fundamental idea has again found throughout the group or to succeeding generations in the eyes of anthropologists particularly in the light of discoveries of stone tools in association with nearmen In us work as purposive action guided by the intelligence is special product of humankind Buthumankind is itself the 1 ial product of this form of labor By thus acting on the nal world and changing it he at the same time changes I1 nature wrote Marx9 Writing in 1876 Frederick had worked out in terms of the anthropological ledge of his time the theory that First labour after it Culture without continuity of experience is of course impos sible But what sort of continuity of experience is prerequisite to culture It is not the continuity which comes from the communication of experience by imitation for we nd this quot ood L Washburn says I1or to these ndings the prevailing view held that man yed nearly to his present structural state and then discov jtools and the new ways of life that they made possible Now pears that manapes creatures able to run but not yet 1 on two legs and with brains no larger than those of apes 0X 39living had already learned to make and use tools It quot110398 that the structure of modern man must be the result of The same is true for other cortical areas Much of the cortex in a monkey is still engaged in the motor and sensory functions In man it is the areas adjacent to the primary centers that are most expanded These areas r concerned with skills memory foresight and language that is with til mental faculties that make human social life possible 5 hen with it speechthese weregthe two most essential 2in apes In an article on tools and human evolution 50 Labm and Monopoyy Capimg Labor and Labor Power 51 o conception ClIld6recutz390n my be giggglged The conception st still PTe d 1d39Xrn is2si1iilt2nI2iiiilisis19a as r quot5 one may l3f ZC31ltfC 31 137LC12QlZET The driving force r mquotainhuman consciousness but the unity between the change in the terms of natural selection that came with the toolusing way of life It was the success of the simplest tools that started the whole trend of human evolution and led to the civilizations of todayquot Labor that transcends mere instinctual activity is thus this force which created humankind and the force by which humankind created the world as we know it I The possibility of all the various social forms Wl3911Cl39l have arisen and which may yet arise depends in the last analysis upon this distinctive characteristic of human labor Where th division of function within other animal species has bee assigned by nature and stamped upon the genotype in th form of instinct humanity is capable of an in nite variety quotQ functions and division of function on the basis of family grou and social assignment In all other species the directing force and the resulting activity instinct and execution are ind1vi ble The spider which weaves its web in accordance with biological urge cannot depute this function to anotherfspid it carries on this activity because that is its nature But or d and women any instinctual patterns of work which they 0 have possessed at the dawn of their evolution hay long sin atrophied or been submerged by social forms quotkiihus humans as dis nssnhed Eenanr n t quot quot 110andtheiaboritse1t b1e Th x the workshop the community the society as a whole onhuman agency whether natural or man made than labor whether directly exercised or stored in such ucts as tools machinery or domesticated animals repre the sole resource of humanity in confronting nature for humans in society labor power is a special category te and inexchangeable with any other simpbz because it is Onlyxpgn e who is uth e master cy the labor of others will q se labor power with anymotHea W5 hg a ecaiis39 39t 6quot hiiiii39quot sf a iii39 hi5rsi quotiquot ie39quot5rquotquotHuquotiH ii E Ele fUlI39I1S his mill are viewed as equivalents as factors of ction For indzinduals wig zc c gtMetfzeir own labor or a itn 33 3 13 lt f1iii I1 1tl i EE5E WbEtWeen labor Apower as against anyOtherpovver 39 i t quotdifference e u the entire economy turns And froiriiquotthe39ip 5 i t of f39 t HEmsp39eciquotes39quotasquota whole this difference is also crucial Very individual is the proprietor of a portion of the total power of the community the society and the species this consideration that forms the starting point for the quottheory of value which bourgeois economists feel they afely disregard because they are concerned not with relations but with price relations not with labor but mqirsf9 C399 Vebien s instinct of workmanship can be understood only gurative sense as a desire or proclivity to work well A British S0lt51 psychologist expresses himself somewhat agnosticaily on this matte Animals work too and do so largely through instinctive pattern behaviour which are the product of evolutionaiy processes It is not 51 whether man has innate patterns of work behaviour or not He adds possible that man s capacity for learnt persistent goaldirectedbehaVf011 h groups is such an innatepattern 12 But the sum of the WlSCl0II1 111 t statement is that the human capacity to work noninstinczually may ltself called an instinct This seems to be a useless and confusing attempt t0 f an assimilation of human and animal behavior e bourgeois point of view eedifrom the rigid paths dictated in animals by instinct V1 labor becomes indeterminate and its various determi Qrms henceforth are the products not of biology but of oduction and not with the human point of view but T 52 Labor and Monopogj Capgxag Labor and Labor Power 53 the complex interaction between tools and social relationsyj technology and society The subject of our discussion is not labor in general but labor in the forms it takes under capitalist relations of production Capitalist pr9duCTii0nJ6qUi1fS gt l 1E IEE i9 95veCom mod money but its dz39ji2ren2f zquotczw gecz39 ica is th lt haSequotf ana a1eet I E6quott 6t iiliohrmitihis purpose three basic i condhitit quotE39EEo f i i tilt iiiig i1liiiiitii1i i1ltiiH 29T 3iF fF fquot0rk er H the meU Ii3XYi1i iliI31i 3mdil3395 f0n i3 pz cairied on and can gain access to themonlyby ei 1a55Fi 56 werquot ot0ol39039thEfS i steers ii91E 9 f T EEi mega constiaiintsi suchiias serfdom or slavery that pre f1f1 j 11 iIif1 from disposing iof iqheiifi iAiiilabo1ipowerflThirdntl pE1ppstof th em T6iIiii iiii fthewotkeths99mcsthestpaa i9a9I Ei of G capiitjaliiiJ 1i2IgingtotheeII11I2lS2XS3I39stwh0isthuS lI1 li0 Ui 11 as capiitalist The labor process therefore begins with a contrac or agreement governing the conditions of the sale of labo power by the worker and its purchase by the employer It is important to take note of the historical character of thi phenomenon While the purchase and sale of labor power has existed from antiquity a substantial class of wageworker did not begin to form in Europe until the fourteenth century and did not become numerically signi cant until the rise 0 industrial capitalism that is the production of commodities on aquot capitalist basis as against mercantile capitalism which merel exchanged the surplus products of prior forms of production 111 the eighteenth century It has been the numerically dominan cues 1 i UEi E Beater four fths of the ulation We SelfE t1t21oxeltiit1139eat1iCi 3 1EE fEs nine tquot p E39 fi t ii39ryi P 1839QthisMh ad about one third Mquot i a s5E3ia 1 e1aiibi ioiiiiextremelyiiirecent date The y with which it has won supremacy in a number of e worker enters into the employment agreement because tconditionsi leave him or her no other way to gain a hood The employer on the other hand is the possessor of of capitalwhich he is endeavoring to enlarge and in to do so he converts part of it into wages Thus is set in I the labor process which while it is in general a process tjeating useful values has now also become speci cally a s3 for the expansion of capital the creation of a pro t rn this point on it becomes foolhardy to view the labor ss purely from a technical standpoint as a mere mode of It has become in addition a process of accumulation of And moreover it is the latter aspect which dominates mind and activities of the capitalist into whose hands pntrol over the labor process has passed In everything follows therefore rw na l1all be considering t e manner in 0B the la 5rp1gg ss ismdmoiiiiiiated and shaped by the C39u39mulatigr1mt3icapitral Aristotle includes service for hire of this one kind is employed in the mechanical arts the other in unskilled and bodily labor along With commerce and usury as the three divisions of exchange which form a unnatural mode of wealthgetting the natural or true and proper mOd33 being through livestock r ising and husbandry He seems however to haV3 in mind the sale qfone s la or power rather than the purchase cf that qfothers as 3 means to wealth an attitude the precise opposite of that which 15 characteristic in the capitalist era hus Marx says of the process of production that considered as the of the labourprocess and the process of producing surplusvalue it is pitalist process of production or capitalist production of commodi 4 his is not the place for a general discussion of the capitalaccumula process and the economic laws which enforce it on the capitalist 3 H1653 of his wishes The best discussion remains that of Marx and 3 4244 and 5771 54 Labor and Monopoly Capital Labor and Labor Power 55 Labor like all life processes and bodily functions is an inalienable property of the human individual Muscle and brain cannot be separated from persons possessing them one cannot endow another with one s own capacity for work 13910 matter at what price any more than one can eat sleep or perform sex acts for another Thus in the exchange the worker does not surrender to the capitalist his or her capacity for workThe worker retains it and the capitalist can take advantage of the bargainonly by setting the worker to work It is of course understood that the useful effects or products of labor belong to the capitalist But and wh italistbuy is g 9g but the power to labor 0zerqnagraampd1Q3 ZQ 1L9I 7fThi5 i11abilltY 0 p which is an inalienable bodily and mental fun tion and the necessity to purchase the power to perfor it is so fraught with consequences for the entire capitalist mode of production that it must be investigated more closcl When a master employs the services of a beast of burden in his production process he can do little more than direct in useful channels such natural abilities as strength and endu ance When he employs bees in the production of honey silkworms in the making of silk bacteria in the fermentationo wine or sheep in the growing of wool he can only turn to his own advantage the instinctual activities or biological functions of these forms of life Babbage gave a fascinating example c3 of lace and veils with open patterns in them made n Y by caterpillars The following is the mode of proceeding g39ed He makes a paste of the leaves of the plant which is quotsual food of the species of caterpillar he employs and quotlads it thinly over a stone or other at substance He then 3 camelhair pencil dipped in olive oil draws upon the ung of paste the pattern he wishes the insects to leave open hi stone is then placed in an inclined position and a number e caterpillars are placed at the bottom A peculiar species is which spins a strong web and the animals commencing bottom eat and spin their way up to the top carefully iithstanding the ingenuity displayed by this of cer it is that the entire process is circumscribed by the s and predisposition of the quotcaterpillar and so it is ery form of the use of nonhuman labor It is implied in gemployments that the master must put up with the to natural limitations of his servitors Thus in taking the war of animals he at the same time takes their labor the two while distinguishable in theory are more or critical in practice and the most cunning contrivances from the labor power of the animal only minor quotiis of actual labor quotn labor on the other hand because it is informed and d 39quot39by an understanding which has been socially and lly developed is capable of a vast range of productive The active labor processes which reside in potential or power of humans are so diverse as to type manner rmance etc that for all practical purposes they may Et be in nite all the more so as n abgggan 39 invented more rapidlythantheyca1 ire exploited tapitalist nds ir1 thisinf1nitely g1iiqap1 g t quot pr n 39labyolrmilie essential resuource for the expansion of his A most extraordinary species of manufacture has been contrived by an o icer of engineers residing at Munich It occupies much of the first volume of Capital especially Part VII A very S and compressed exposition of the capitalist drive for accumulation co ered both as subjective desire and objective necessity is to be found in Paul M Sweezy The 77250 Qf Capitalist Development New York 1942 pp 793 and 399295 This should be suppleinented with Paul M Sweezy and Paul 9 Baran Monopol Capitai which is devoted to the conditions of accurnu1at1 f in the monopoly period of capitalism New York 1966 see especiallY PP 56 Labor and Monopobz Capital quotLabor and Labor Power 57 i It is known that human labor isable to produce more than it consumes and this capacity fgr t1pluslabo Lis sometim treatedas a special and mystical endowmen p tyQL0f its laboriiliiliiiieialityiilit isiiiiiioitliiiigt ijtl1iesEtBgtwis merely Pr5l53 53fii0quot5i5li39ll iiEiiiS iirri Extend thsp9ietwE i T bor h55i5555i3 5 iiii 1fr 9rin9th rw9tmbr oivii39 fn eiaris of subsistencerr Vtheir equivaLent This time will vary with thieiintensity and productivity of labor as well with the changing requirements of subsistence but for aquot given state of these it is a de nite duration The peculiar capacity of labor power to produce for the capitalist afte has reproduced itself is therefore nothing but the extension work time beyond the point where it could otherwise come a halt An ox too will have this capacity and grind out rnq corn than it will eat if kept to the task by training an compulsion 39 The distinctive capacity of human labor power is therefo not its ability to produce a surplus but rather its intelligent and purposive character which gives it in nite adaptabili and which produces the social and cultural conditions if enlarging its own productivity so that its surplus product be continuously enlarged From the point of view of It capitalist this many sided potentiality of humans in societ the basis upon which is built the enlargement of his ca p He therefore takes up every means of increasing the outpt1 the labor power he has purchased when he sets it to woI labor The means he employs may vary from the enforcerr upon the worker of the longest possible working day 111 early period of capitalism to the use of the mostquot produC instruments of labor and the greatest intensity of labor they are always aimed at realizing from the potential inhe in labor power the greatest useful e ect of labor for it 18 that will yield for him the greatest surplus and thu greatest pro t 4 u But i giefapitalist buildswuponthis distinctive quality 3 39 Aquot quot a tial of human laboijmpower it is also this quality by its T e ancl r gl3lII1IhecoinofJab0Lhas itsv0bverse side fc jai i 1 1u lEli u I VtCIk El1 3 t can do much he is at tlieiiame uiiili isiasanuri ii ass1i ii1f 1ift 7 i diiiiilaiiiiitr Wi iiili in nite in P0567354 P3Ei t its C l 151 itil 5it d bit their previous his39i6 r By 3939 erailmsocial conditions under which they work as well as I r icular conditions of the enterprise and by the 1 setting of their labor The work actually performed Lffected by these and many other factors including the zation of the process and the forms of supervision over it IS all the more true since the technical features of the quotrecess are now dominated lf talist hasmi ffdd hedgrihat is to say the neijiielgtions iictio39iiquot iIiiai7iii gTb i eiiquot quotfoic39edquot39toquotquotsEEllquotiliei iquotlabbtwo lie ixTf5E1ZE fs aTl o i siiiif iideritlieif iiiteiiesiniiiiii the labor O beenquot a39li enated quot Tfz quotquotd btirquot ir2iE squot ha5 ggzo 5 z1z39z o I thisquotsariirrgo far 5E39s ions of production the problem of realizing the full of the labor power he has bought becomes ed by the opposing interests of those for whose the labor process is carried on and those who on the i carry it on I when the capitalist buys buildings materials tools Ilery etc he can evaluate with precision their place in Qbfor process He knows that a certain portion of his outlay transferred to each unit of production and his quotting practices allocate these in the form of costs or 39iat39ion But when he buys labor time the outcome is far 39iI391g either so certain or so de nite that it can be l this way with precision and in advance This is r expression of the fact that the portion of his capital ad on labor power is the variable portion which 58 O I 13 14 15 undergoes an increase in the process of production for him the question is how great that increase will be 39 It thus becomes essential for the capitalist that contrL ove the TaE5quot 35zesr1339es rtquot5 1 Gig owiii1quotw39Eli1quotisi7tquotransit icgti1 prese39ritsits lfinfhisto as the yorogresnoi azen2za at 3927equot enzzgsquot in A p 7 a 39 7 W7 9 capitalist it presents itself as the problem ofimonczgemencquot Notes Karl Marx Capital vol I Moscow nd p 174 Aristotle De Portions Animalium i1640 32 Oakley Skill as a Human Possession p 27 Leslie A White The Science of Culture New York 1949 p 48 Marx Capital vol I p 173 39 See Karl Marx and quotFrederick Engels Selected Works vol II Washburn Tools and Human Evolution p 63 Michael Argyle The Socia Psychology cy Work London 19 4 1 Labor and Monopob Capital e Origins of Monogement hands of the worker into hf 4 quotquotquotquot quotquot quot 39 4 io5iet94 e i2t f19 h Y0rk TS 55 the LtStrial capitalism begins when a signi cant number of ers is employed by a single capitalist At first the quot391quottquotal1st utilizes labor as it comes to him from prior formsof iiction carrying on labor processes as they had been red on before The workers are already trained in tradi 3915 arts of industry previously practiced in feudal and guild icraft production Spinners weavers glaziers potters irniths tinsrniths locksmiths joiners rnillers bakers etc M to exercise in the employ of the capitalist the ctive crafts they had carried on as guild journeyrnen and perldent artisans These early workshops were simply D Qmerations of smaller units of production re ecting little ge in traditional methods and the work thus remained Cle r the immediate control of the producers in whom was bodied the traditional knowledge and skills of their crafts yertheless a p1oducerswe1egathered then thep9121ortoftoaoass sisatat9ssiaslt1i s otary Ih 39 n the first place futH1 ticrq1sMofmanage 1en twere bropght Paul Valery Uber Kunst Frankfurt 1959 p 69 quoted Alfred Schmidt The Concept cyquot Nature in Marx London 1971 p 101 Charles Fourier Design jor Utopia Selected Writings New York 1971 pp 163464 39 Kenneth P Oakley Skill as a Human Possession in Ch Singer E p Holmyard and A R Hall eds A Hzlrtoiy Technology vol I New York and London 1954 pp 2 3 39 Sherwood L Washburn Tools and Human Evolution Scierl tyic American September 1960 pp 7173 39 Moscow 1970 pp 6677 72 p 1 Aristotle Poiitics i1 112585938 Marx Capitai vol I p 191 5 f Charles Babbage On the Economy of Machzlrlegz and Manzgfa6i1 T London 1832 reprint ed New York 1963 pp 11011 v Hi ra i egfcooperative labor Even an b1a gE 5 iiide pieiiidently practicingiaritisiansiirequires coor On if one considers the need for the provision of a place and the ordering of processes within it the centrali of the supply of materials even the most elementary 59 60 16250 Z d MOROPOQJ Capitaf The Origin qfi lgnaggmgnt 0X embodied in the product This attempt took the form of a variety of subcontracting and puttingout systems In form of domestic labor it was to be found in textile thing metal goods nailing and cutlery watchmaking hat dquot and leather industries where the capitalist distributed lrials on a piecework basis to workers for manufacture in own homes through the medium of subcontractors and mission agents But even in industries where work could jV taken home such as coal tin and copper mines mine ers themselves working at the face took contracts singly gangs either directly or through the mediation of the ty or subcontracting employer of mine labor The system sisted even in the early factories in cotton mills skilled scheduling of priorities and assignments and the maintenamg of records of costs payrolls materials finished products sales credit and the calculation of pro t and loss Second assembly trades like ShiElgtI2Lil9 it1saad29mhmakin t5iii relaf elyii histicated meshing of different kinds of labor at didm 5iifiIquotquotequot quotgiii e39irig works etc Again it was not long befori new industries arose which had little prior handicraft back ground among them sugar re ning soap boiling and distill ing while at the same time various primary processes like iro smelting copper and brass working and ordnance paper and powder making were completely transformed All of these required conceptual and coordination functions which 1amp1 capitalist industry took the form of management The capitalist assumed these functionsuasu rr1 gg1gg Lb lirt japit39quotali39iUindeiica piitalist exchange rel tions thetin1 of tl1 e1y ikers he hired was as much his own we1etlr1ew rriaterials he siipipliied aii3ltHequotquotj5Fo d1iEis iflgfiissue free t2s h 15i ttnf EeeeeEri the begl1 1iI1 i cTit l 5iEXiEl 1l7 l1 1tgL1i Mgn Ehticeship rules tiff the legal quot 3PCii 3E EE3 3 39 3E9f 2l Lleisil guil m05filif lii ii iiTallii2s1 i t lti1iorapeIiigtjl iEnd had to be sr5dua117 tripped away jchg apita1istconZla ted hi pgt x74 reg i jcegiee 57 Faiidiiidemolished the juridical features precapitalist social formations it was partly for this reasol that early manufacturing tended to gravitate to new town which were free of guild and feudal regulations and traditions in time however law and custom were reshaped to re ect the predominance of the free contract between buyer and seller under which the capitalist gained the virtually unrestricted power to determine the technical modes of labor talist mode of management and thus of production Clld not The early phases of industrial Capitalism were ma md 5 3 me generalized until relatively recent times that IS 39 in the last hundred years 3 elp usually child assistantsifrom among their families cquaintances Foremen sometimes added to their direct ivisory function the practice of taking a few machines on own account and hiring labor to operate them Pollard es practices of this sort not only in mines and textile but also in carpet and lace mills ironworks potteries ding and civil engineering projects transport and quarry iin the United States it has been pointed out the contract m in which puddlers and other skilled iron and steel srnen were paid by the ton on a sliding scale pegged to Iltet prices and hired their own help was characteristic of industry until almost the end of the nineteenth century3 following description by Maurice Dobb of the preva e of such systems well past the middle of the nineteenth quottury points to this important fact that the speci cally sustained effort on the part of the capitalist to disregard difference between labor power and the labor that can b gotten out of it and to buy labor in the same way he boughji his raw materials as a de nite quantity of work completed idney Pollard to whose The Genesis qfModem Managernent I am indebted Jinaterials used in this chapter calls this effort if not a method of Ilagement at least a method of evading management 4 uquot eo 4 alt e e a39 V ners were put in charge of machinery and engaged their 62 Labor and Monopoljz Capital 7715 0739 5 QfManagement 53 As late as 1870 the immediate employer of many workers was 0 not the large capitalist but the intermediate subcontractor who was both an employee and in turn a small employer of 1abou1 In fact the skilled worker of the middle nineteenth century tended to be in some measure a subcontractor and in psychology and outlook bore the marks of this status It was not only in trades still at the stage of outwork and domestic production that this type of relationship prevailed with their master gunmakers or nailmasters or saddlers and coachbuilders ironmongers or factors and foggers with domestic workers under them Even in factory trades the system of subcontracting was common a system with its opportunities for Sordid tyranny and Cheating through truck and debt and the pg0 239 c 3939methods of dealing with labor bore the marks of the payment of wages in public houses against which early trade i A Of industrial Capitalism in mercantile Capitalism which unionism fought a hard and prolonged battle In blastfurnaces iftood the buying and selling of commodities but not there were the bridgestockers and the stocktakers paid by the production and sought to treat labor like all other capitalist according to the tonnage output of the furnace and mgdities It was bound to prove inadequate and did so emP10Yi 8 gangs Of men Women b Y3 and hmscs to Chafg ht apidly even though its survival was guaranteed for a furnace or control the casting In coalmines there were the by the extreme unevenness of the development of butties who contracted with the management for the working of quotlogy and by the need for technology to incessantly a Stan and employed their Own assistants Some Iiumes havlilg quotIquotits own steps and recapitulate in newer industries the as many as 150 men under them and requmng a Speclal of its historic development The subcontracting and overseer called a doggie to superintend the work In rolling mills there was the master roller in brassfoundries and chain g out Systems were plagufgd bl problems of Irregular faetoties the overhang who at times employed as many as ftproduction loss of materials in transit and through twenty or thirty even women workers in button factories 39Z1OI1391 1391t S1OWI1 SS Of I1 1aI111faCU1I39O lack Of umf0rm1tY employed girl assistants When factories first came to the T1Cf3Yt3int Of the 1113lit Of thOP1quotOdUCt But mO3t Of 311 Birmingham Smau metal trades the idea that the empioyer ere limited by their inability to change the processes of should nd as a matter of course the work places plant and 11cti0n Based as Pollard points Out upon a rudimentary materials and should exercise supervision over the details of the on of labor the domestic system prevented the further manufacturing processes did not spring into existence 4 n his or her own egtpleitatipn Tp ayhpvveverpiece a e combined with the systeu1atic and detailed control on L rz Av art of rnanagementeveentlle plgge ste pf work a control n ov tjs sometimes exercised more stringertlytharfi heretime N are ee1me1n39 iT39i39KatBE thquote s a1y5gomestic and subcon lflg svs ss si2IeSs ttssLattratisitilt2ii39 i1quot39T6ffi 5W 1i e 7 V which the capitalist had not yetassi1rnedtheessential t1 Auun u 4 fiicin i 1 3ii hmanagemi ritquoti 1i iiiidiistrial capittali tnenc9ntt91quotever o ip m5quot5Es iquot39f6rquottliis s 6H itt t39tv incompatible with the l deiielbpinent of capitalist production and survives only cialized instances this David Landes writes the manufacturer who wanted to H output had to get more work out of the labour already engaged quothowever he again ran into the internal contradictions of the system ad no way of compelling his workers to do a given number of hours of IT the domestic weaver or craftsman was master of his time starting Qpping when he desired And while the employer could raise the piece with a view to encouraging diligence he usually found that this While all such systems involved the payment of wages b39 piece rates or by subcontract rates it must not be suppose that this in itself was their essential feature Piece ratesi various forms are common to the presentgiay and represefl th atai1 3 s rs tf 1T tr39s sttaquotg e t fst5 stam wttagattsagstt wit V Xtleven success to enlist the worker as a39ivqiilliiiigquotquotaEcom n a 64 Labor and Monopoly Capital 7716 Origin of Management 65 ohs here and in the hereafter Roads aqueducts and pe were built for their military or civilian usefulness and 39fenerally on a pro t rnaking basis Statesubsidized manu development of the division of labor While the attempt to purchase nished labor instead of assuming direct Control over labor power relieved the capitalist of the uncertainties of the latter system by xing a de nite unit cost at the same time iesiproduced arms 01 luxury goods and enjoyed an actual it placed beyond the reach of the capitalist much of the al monopoly and large orders from noncommercial potential of human labor that may be made available by xed 39 39 quotquotsquot39fcourts or armies3 The management required in such hours systematic control and the reorganization of the labor 39tioi11s remained lemcntary and this was all the more true process This function capitalist management soon Seized i he labor was that of slaves and sometimes supervised upon with an avidity that was to make up for its ealieli as well The capitalist however working with hired tirnidity of rapidly revolutionizing technology to which his ports perforce contributed and goaded by the need to surplus and accumulate capital brought into being a new art of management which even in its early tations was far more complete selfconscious painstak and calculating than anything that had gone before ere were more immediate precedents for the early stnal capitalist to draw upon in the form of mercantile rprises plantations and agricultural estates Merchant lism invented the Italian system of bookkeeping with its a1 checks and controls and from merchant capital the rial capitalist also took over the structure of branch ation subdivided among responsible managers Agri estates and colonial plantations offered the experience welldeveloped supervisory routine particularly since early mining and the construction works that attended P1 carried out on the agricultural estates of Great Britain the supervision of estate agents I1trol without centralization of employment was if not pj0 ss1ble certainly very difficult and so the precondition for geriient was the gathering of workers under a single roof first effect of such a move was to enforce upon the workers lar hours of work in contrast to the self imposed pace included many interruptions short days and holidays in general prevented a prolongation of the working day The control of large bodies of workers long antedates the bourgeois epoch The Pyramids the Great Wall of China extensive networks of roads aqueducts and irrigation canals the large buildings arenas monuments cathedrals etc dating from antiquity and medieval times all testify to this We nd an elementary division of labor in the workshops which produced weapons for the Roman armies and the armies of precapitalist times exhibit primitive forms of later capitalist practicesfl Roman workshops for metalwork pot tery leather glassblowing brickmaking and textiles as well as large agricultural estates brought together scores of worker under a single management7 These predecessors howeverquot were undertaken under conditions of slave or other unfree forms of labor stagnant technology and the absence of the driving capitalist need to expand each unit of capital em ployed and so di ered markedly from capitalist management The Pyramids were builtwith the surplus labor pf an enslaved population with no end in view but the greater glory of the actually reduced output Landes also summarizes other internal contra dictions of this mode of industrial organizationquot In general Marx wrote in a letter to Engels the army is importan for economic development For instance it was in the army that the ancient first fully developed a wage system The division of labour within 03 branch was also first carried out in the armies 5 which represents a cost for every nonproducing hour in textiles if carried on in large buildings were not associatedquot 66 Labor and Monopoly Capital The Origzrw 39cyquotManagemenl 67 Zuctions and exhortations Crowley attempted to dominate piritual life of his flock and to make them into willing and dient cogs in his machine It was his express intention that 39ir whole life including even their sparse spare time the quotma1 working week being of eighty hours should revolve and the task of making the works profitable for the purpose of producing a surplus under thenexisting tech nical conditions Thus Gras writes in his Industrzkd Evolution It was purely for purposes of discipline so that the workers could be effectively controlled under the supervision of foremen Under one roof or withina narrow compass they could he started to work at sunrise and kept going till sunset barring periods for rest and refreshment And under penalty of loss of all employment they could be kept going almost all throughout the year 39 this method of total economic spiritual moral and quotcal domination buttressed by the legal and police raints of a servile administration of justice in a segregated trial area we see the forerunner of the company town iar in the United States in the recent past as one of the widely used systems of total control before the rise of ijial unionism these early e brts the capitalists were groping toward eoiry and practice of management Having created new a39 relations of production39and having begun to transform mode of production they found themselves confronted by lems of management which were different not only in 1but also in kind from those characteristic of earlier dzluction processes Under the special and new relations of alism which presupposed a free labor contract they extract from their employees that daily conduct which d est serve their interests to impose their will upon their rs while operating a labor process on a voluntary tual basis This enterprise shared from the first the cterization which Clausewitz assigned to war it is ant in a resistant medium because it involves the control of alt tory masses I e verb to manage from mamas the Latin for hand i39EI1ally meant to train a horse in his paces to cause him to the exercises of the man ge As capitalism creates a society in hich no one is presumed to consult anything but selfinterest as the employment contract between parties sharing hing but the inability to avoid each other becomes alent management becomes a more perfected and subtle Within the workshops early management assumed a variaquot ety of harsh and despotic forms since the creation of a free labor force required coercive methods to habituate the workers to their tasks and keep them working throughout the day and the year Pollard notes that there were few areas of the country in which modern industries particularly the with prisons workhouses and orphanages This connection isf39 usually underrated particularly by those historians whoquot assume that the new works recruited free labour only So widespread does he nd this and other systems of coercion that he concludes that the modern industrial proletariat was introduced to its role not so much by attraction or monetaryquot reward but by compulsion force and fear 1 Legal compulsions and a paralegal structure of punishment within factories were often enlarged into an entire social system covering whole townships Pollard gives the example of the enterprise of Ambrose Crowley a large mixed ironworks which carried on both prirnaryprocesses of iron production and fabricating In the second quarter of the eighteenth century this rm employed more than 1000 workers scattered over its central works warehouses and company ships An extraordinary Book of Laws has survived from this enterprise The rm provided a doctor a clergyrnanthree schoolmasters and a poor relief pension and funeral scheme and by his large or urban which created the new situation but rather the new social relations which now frame the produc tion process and the antagonism between those who carry 0 terms are in a sense interchangeable as management without control is I105 conceivable 68 Labor and Monopoy Capital 7716 Origins cy Mcmag6mem 69 instrument Tradition sentiment and pride in workmangh play an ever weaker and more erratic role and are regarded on both sides as manifestations of a better nature which It would be folly to accommodate Like a rider who uses re lls bridle spurs carrot whip and training from birth to impog his will the capitalist strives through management to com And control is indeed the central concept of all managemgm systems as has been recognized implicitly or explicitly by i theoreticians of management Lyndall Urwick the rhapsod historian of the scienti c management movement and himself a management consultant for many decades understood th historical nature of the problem clearly k rocess and those for whose bene t it is carried on those Iyqanage and those who execute those who bring to the j their labor power and those who undertake to extract this labor power the maximum advantage for the 11gt Cy Pollard The Genesis of Modem Management A Stuajz of the ystrial Revolution in Great Britain Cambridge Mass 1965 In the workshops of the Medieval master control was based on the obedience which the customs of the age required the apprentices and journeymen to give to the man whom they had contracted to serve But in the later phase of domestic economy the industrial family unit was controlled by the clothier only in so far as it had to complete a given quantity 0 p cloth according to a certain pattern With the advent of the 339 modern industrial group in large factories in urban areas thequot whole process of control underwent a fundamental revolution It was now the owner or manager of a factory ie the employer as he came to be called who had to secure or exact from his employees a level of obedience andor co operation which 39 would enable him to exercise control There was no individual interest in the success of the enterprise other than the extent to 1quot which it provided a livelihood zlstrial Development in Westem Europe from 1750 to the Present arnbridge England and New York 1969 pp 5859 3939rl Marx and Frederick Engels Selected Works vol I Moscow 59 pp 52940 ijphaei Argyle The Social Psychology of Work London 1972 pp 9 llard The Genesis ofModem Managevnent p 7 T B Gras Industrial Evolution 1930 p 77 quoted in ibid quotp 11 12 b1 d pp 163 207 d p 56 iliam Henry Lef ngwell O ice llfanagemenz Prznezples and tree Chicago New York and London 1925 p 35 dall Urwick and E F L Brech The Making cyquot Scientz e 39 anagement vol 11 London 1946 pp 1011 It was not that the new arrangement was modern 0 For example Lef ngwell Effective management implies control Th In id S Landes The Unbound Prometheus Technological Change andquot 256 Labor and Monopoty Capital Chapter l2 The Modern Corporation numbers and controlled in its activities This shift creates a small proportion of technical jobs most of them closely linked to management and a larger proportion of lowergrade routinized technical or unskilled clerical jobs It is now necessary to focus not on the occupational shifts within these traditional industries but rather on thesindustrial shifts the movements that change the entire social division of labor In doing this we are following the course of capital and the paths along which it has drawn laborAnd for this we must attempt P to sketch some of the broad social forces at work and the social changes which are themselves nothing but the results of the I rapid accumulation of capital in the monopoly era as well as the conditions of further accumulation he rst of these forces is to be found in the changed structure he capitalist enterprise The foundations for the theory of e39 monopolistic corporation were laid by Marx when he escribed the tendency of capital to agglomerate in huge units his comes about in the first instance by the concentration of pital which Marx de ned as the natural result of the umulation process each capital grows and with it grows P 5 scale of production it carries on The centralization of ital on the other hand changes the distribution of existing quottals bringing together capitals already formed by Inns of destruction of their individual independence 2 opriation of capitalist by capitalist transformation of ny small into few large capitals Capital growsin one qe to a huge mass in a single hand because it has in Iher place been lost by many 1 This centralization may accomplished as Marx pointsout either through competi nor through the credit system whereby many owners make 139I quot apital available to a single control the scale of capitalist enterprise prior to the development htimodern corporation was limited by both the availabil capital and the management capacities of the capitalist 1 0up of partners These are the limits set by personal T1163 and personal capabilities It is only in the monopoly T 1 V I Lenin Imperiatism the Highest Stage cy Capitalism in Setecte g Works vol V New York tid p 114 i 2 Paul A Baran and Paul M Sweezy Monopobr Capital New Yorlg g 1966 39 e 39 3 Ibid pp 89 4 Karl Marx Capital vol 1 Moscow nd pp 59293 258 Labor and Monopoly Capital 773 Modem C0p0my390 259 period that these limits are overcome or at least immensely broadened and detached from the personal wealth and capacities of individuals The corporation as a form severs the direct link between capital and its individual owner and monopoly capitalism builds upon this form Huge aggregates of capital may be assembled that far transcend the sum of the wealth of those immediately associated with the enterprise And operating control is vested increasingly in a specialized management staff for each enterprise Since both capital and professional management at its top levels are drawn by and large from the same class it may be said that the two sides of the capitalist owner and manager formerly united in one person now become aspects of the class it is true that ownership of capital and the management of enterprises are never totally divorced from each other in the individuals of the class since both remain concentrated in a social grouping off extremely limited size therefore as a rule top managers arefig not capitalless individuals nor are owners of capital necessar Hi ily inactive in management But in each enterprise the direc and personal unity between the two is ruptured Capital ha now transcended its limited and limiting personal form an has entered into an institutional form This remains true eve though claims to ownership remain in the last resort largel personal or familial in accordance with the rationale an juridical structure of capitalism To belong to the capitalist class by virtue of ownership Q capital one must simply possess adequate wealth that is th only requirement for membership in that sense To belong t the capitalist class in its aspect as the direct organizer an manager of a capitalist enterprise is another matter Here process of selection goes on having to do with such qualities aggressiveness and ruthlessness organizational pro ciency anquot drive technical insight and especially marketing talent Thu while the managerial stratum continues to be drawn from among those endowed with capital family connections ail Qther ties within the network of the class as a whole it is not losed to some who may rise from other social classes not ljirough the acquisition of wealth on their part but through he cooptation of their talent on the part of the capitalist rganization which they serve In this case the ownership of apital later follows from the managerial position rather than he other way around But this is exceptional not just because p management is drawn as a rule from within the class but 130 because the stratum as a whole is not a large one While the title of manager is bestowed in various tatistical classi cations upon a great variety of jobs the ossession of this title has for most nothing to do with the quotapitalist management of the substantial corporations of the Ziuntry For example the Bureau of the Census classi ed linost six and onehalf million persons out of some 80 llion as managers and administrators except farm in the nsus of 1970 But this included perhaps a million managers etail and service outlets and as much as another million femployed petty proprietors in these same elds It in d buyers and purchasing agents o cials and administra at the various levels of government school administration spitals and other such institutions postmasters and mail erintendents ships of cers pilots and pursers building Iiagers and superintendents railroad conductors union cialsg and funeral directors Since such categories consume llfiost half of the entire classi cation it is clear without htlier analysis of the rest that the managerial stratum of true erating executives of the corporate world is quite a small But though proportionately small in the total population tratum has become very large in comparison with the monopoly situation Speaking of the early part of the eenth century Pollard says The largescale entrepre Of the day began with very limited managerial clerical assdministrative sta quot he wrote his own letters visited his own 250 Labor and lIonopoly Capital customers and belaboured his men with his own wallgi stick The small number of clerks employed even in la quality control traveling and draftsmanship For years says Pollard Watt made all his drawings himself and he gives thisf ng rge establishments did not only bookkeeping but timekeeping The Modem Corporation 261 I ent it was soon outstripped in functional importance by the marketing apparatus The first great integrated corporations hich began to appear in the United States in the 1880s and E905 were constructed on the basis of a new approach to the quot arketing problem and it is not too much to say that after the quot remarkable Statistic The Arkwrightsa in 18014 employed quotsurance of basic engineering requirements it was this only three clerks to look after 1063 workers nearly all whom again were paid by complicated piece rates 2 In the United States Alfred D Chandler points out Before 1850 very few American businesses needed the services of a fulltime administrator or required a clearly de ned administrative structure industrial enterprises were very small in compari son with those of today And they were usually family a airs The two or three men responsible for the destiny of a single enterprise handled all its basic activities econornic and administrative operational and entrepreneurial 3 quot The institutionalization of capital and the vesting of control in a specialized stratum of the capitalist class corresponds chronologically to an immense growth in the scale of manage ment operations Not only is the size of enterprises growing at a great pace to the point where a few enterprises begin to dominate the productive activity of each major industry but at the same time the functions undertaken by management are broadened very rapidly We have already traced this developquot ment in the sphere of production When fully reorganized in the modern corporation the producing activities are subdt vided among functional departments each having a speci cquot aspect of the process for its domain design styling researchquot and development planning production control inspection 0 quality control manufacturing cost accounting work study methods study and industrial engineering routing and tra c materials purchasing and control maintenance of plant and machinery and power personnel management and trainingquot and so on But if the engineering organization was the rst requireI evolutionary marketing approach that served as the basis for he monopolistic corporation The earlier pattern had been he of buying and selling through commission agents whole 3 ers and the like The growing scope of the market based pon improvements in transport and communications as well 39upon the rapid increase in the size of cities created by the mwth of industry showed itself not only through increases in lume but also in geographical dispersion The fundamental orporate innovation in this area was the national marketing frganizations they established as part of their own structures rganizations which were soon to become international The transportation network was the rst arena for the giant rporation The railroads and shipping organizations by me of their demand for steel rails plate and structural liapes drew in their wake the steel industry which had just gun to become pro cient in the manufacture of steel at a ice and quantity that made these developments possible Special adaptations of the means of transport to food ipping in the form of insulated and refrigerated compart ments at rst iced later mechanically cooled made possible he longdistance movement 6f the most essential commodities equired by the rapidly growing urban centers The cities were Seleased from their dependence on local supplies and made art of an international market Gustavus Swift began in the fliid18703 to market Western meat in the Eastern region and quoty the end of the century his organization had become a giant ertically integrated manufacturing shipping and marketing i lpire This lead was soon followed by a number of other eatpackers as well as by Andrew Preston who beginning 264 Labor and Monopo y Capital budgeting functions required of even the smallest cliViSion3 Each often controls its own hiring through its own personnel department many require separate maintenance and clean ing sections as well as tra ic and routing office management purchasing planning correspondence and so forth Thus each corporate division takes on the characteristics of a separate enterprise with its own management staff The picture is rendered still more complex by the tendency of the modern corporation to integrate vertically as well as horizontally Thus by growth and by combination the manufacturing corporation acquires facilities for the produc tion of raw materials for transportation semi banking institu tions for the raising of capital or extending of credit etc At the same time horizontal integration brings together a variety of products under the aegis of a single aggregate of capital sometimes assembling under one overall nancial control products and services bearing no discernible relation to each other except in their function as sources of pro t Each of these massive sub corporations requires a complete management structure with all of its divisions and subdivisions As Chandler has related the eventual outcome of this pyramiding was the need for decentralization and the result was the modern decentralized corporate structure pioneered by Du Pont General Motors Standard Oil of New jersey and Sears Roebuck in the 1920s and much imitated since The essence of the policy has been best explained in brief form by Alfred P Sloan long tirne operating head of General Motors and the person responsible more than any other for the adaptation of this method to that corporation It places he said each operation on its own foundation assuming its own responsibility and contributing its share to the nal result The final result is of course the accumulation of capital Each section develops statistics correctly re ecting the relation between the net return and the invested capital of each operating division the true measure of ef ciency The Modern Corporation 265 is enables the Corporation to direct the placing of ditional capital where it will result in the greatest bene t to Corporation as a whole 5 From this brief sketch of the development of the modern fporation three important aspects may be singled out as aving great consequences for the occupational structure The pst has to do with marketing the second with the structure cy 39 39iga ge2nen and the third with the function of social coordination ow exercised by the corporation The overall purpose of all administrative controls is as in hquotequotcase of production controls the elimination of uncertainty d the exercise of constraint to achieve the desired result ifice markets must remain the prime area of uncertainty the Hort of the corporation is therefore to reduce the autonomous actor of the demand for its products and to increase its iced character For this purpose the marketing organization Tomes second in size only to the production organization in nufacturing corporations and other types of corporations me into existence whose entire purpose and activity is arketing Ii hese marketing organizations take as their responsibility at Veblen called a quantityproduction of customers His fscription of this task while couched in his customarily ardonic language is nevertheless a precise expression of the Seymour Melman says The explanation of the rather homogeneous irease in the administrative type of overhead will be found we suggest in growingivariety of business activities which are being subjected to trols both private and public As administrators have sought to lessen quote39uncertai1ty of their prospects by controlling more and more of the tors which determine the advantage of their plants and rms they have ernpted to control in ever greater detail production costs intensity of ifk market demands for products and other aspects of firm operation ollowing this hypothesis the evolution of the business process towards the xpansion of controlled areas of activity by management comprises the basis the additions to administrative functions and thereby the enlarged fiministration personnel 7 the engineering division is itself permeated by and ofte subordinated to it Styling e ectuated by the producin in all areas of the labor is channeled into marketing 266 e Labor and Monopolgz Cabz39taZ modern theory of marketing There is of course no actu fabrication of persons endowed with purchasing power 3 I205 nor is there even any importation of an unugg supply of such customers from abroad the law does 11quot allow it Rather as he points out the customers from one to another of the co from the point of View of each seller re is a diversion 395 mpeting sellers 3 this appears as quot and repair of customers may fairly be r productioncost per unit and this operation lends itself quantity production Veblen goes on to point out that th fabrication of customers can now be carried on as a routine operation quite in the spirit of the mechanical industries and with much the same degree of assurance as regards the quality rate and volume of output the mechanical equipme as well as quotits complement of manpower employed in sue production of customers being held to its work under th surveillance of technically trained persons who might fairly b called publicity engineers 3 quotT I design and packaging althoug g part of the organization repre Onducted moreover as a labor process exactly analzgzli e Process of Production although 1t Produces no Pr don than the operation and coordination of the corporio H In this point on to examine management means a inine is labor process which contains the same 31130 e relations asare contained in the Process of producnom the words of one observer The corporation 1stnst0 fnplishes its work through diV1S10I1 of labor 39a pr0p0s1 1 I6 resented a on for granted that it is surprising to thmk ft one lablgr has been 5Cov6139Y In the modern industrial corporation d1VlS10 tO functions tied to r1ed to great lengths Not only are there broadly separa e and through the predominance of marketing corp0rati0n s functioning a large amount of 268 Labor and Monopoly Capital The effects of this will become clearer when we examine the evolution of clerical work Finally there is the corporate function of social coordina tion The complexity of the social division of labor which capitalism has developed over the past century and the concentrated urban society which attempts to hold huge masses in delicate balance call for an immense amount of social coordination that was not previously required Since capitalist society resists and in fact has no way of developing an overall planning mechanism for providing this social coordination much of this public function becomes the internal affair of the corporation This has nojuridical basis or administrative concept behind it it simply comes into being by virtue of the giant size and power of the corporations whose internal planning becomes in effect a crude substitute for necessary social planning Apart from the federal govern ment for exarnple corporations are the largest employing and administrative units in the United States Thus the ve hundred largest industrial corporations employ almost 15 million persons or threequarters of the persons employed by all industrial corporations The internal planning of such corporations becomes in e ect social planning even though as classes of individualswmarketing production nance law accounting technology managementwbut within each of these there are many subdivisions any one of which may constitute a career This inctionalism rests on the clear description of the varied interrelated tasks that make up the corporation s work The job description is a statement of task meant to be independent of the individual who lls the job Individuals become personnel or manpower in relation to such job descriptions In the twentieth century we have become increasingly aware of the tendency of this industrial inctionalism to take on the characteristics of the production process itself Not only is the complex work of the corporation divided into many discrete tasks performed by discrete individuals but there has been a strong tendency to make these tasks consist of simple uniform repeatable elements capable of at least partial mechanization 9 The Modern Corporation 269 p6 39 31 an ex lained it is based upon the net return on f d P 0 39 1 hicih he calls the true measure of listed Ca39139I ta iii rowth of administrative employment encyi ra oliipthui reflects the urgency of 1116 Dfied f0139 cciihrrliiiination the general absence of such coordination The partial lling of the gap 13 the C01quot For 5 On Ollerajtlng 9 tans basis and out of purely capitalist motivations Capl 39 f overnmental functions of social coordina yli39f1ipIE l i1C1l1eCgod S is another expression of this ufgent and the fact that such government activities aI h18h1Y ible in comparison with those of the COI pOI39at101391h3S 16d C0 notion that the prime exercise of social control is done by rnment On the contrary so long as investment d C1S10I15 o ade DY the C0I p0I39atlO l1S the lociti of soggilefggfiglt ordination must be S0113 t among em f391I139t I39StlCCS left by these prime decisions 8 M C 39 1 ol 1 Moscow 1391Clla P 58639 ISiiie39 rcillarCdpzvflzquothevGenesis J Modem Managmmi lcambndge 198 23031 3 giifgii i96 iiaIIiFdler J12 Strategy and Structure Chapters in the Histo in Qfthe Industrial Entef rise Cambridge M333 1962 eG 1939h t 39 rs 4 Ibid on thlsj and forbwhlft follows I am indebte to t e chapter of ChandIer s oo d Lewis 0I 6Ya Meat and T A Stdg 1M0quot P l Umomsm an D Food Policy New YOTIC 1 a PP 39 Y k Alfred p Sloan Jr My Years With General Motors New or 39 1965 p 50 h d L in F the Manufacturing Industries of the Unite a 9 noted in Oxford Economic PI p T5a new S3133 110 3 195 1 P q 270 Labor and Monopoly Capizaj George E Delehanty Nonprod 1 W I U3 M I 8 39f 11sterdan1 1968 P 75 mm or any m i anzy ctunng orstein Veblen Absente O 1239 d B 39 E 52 39 39 Recent Times New York 123L07I1rIY 13567 06 wines nter rzse zn UDlVerSCl MQlkel 9 D ld 39 Y11 191E7SCI1l r1607gEnology and Change The New Heraclztus New y in its era of monopoly that the capitalist mode of tion takes over the totality of individual family and quoteeds and in subordinating them to the market also quotipes them to serve the needs of capital It is impossible to and the new occupational structure and hence the working class without understanding this develop How capitalism transformed all of society into a Iitic marketplace is a process that has been little investi d although it is one of the keys to all recent social history strial capitalism began with a limited range of corn Gdltles in common circulation On the household level these ded the basic foodstuffs in more or less unprocessed form 0 as grains and meals sh and meats dairy products getables distilled and fermented liquors bread and biscuits molasses Other regular household needs included to o coal and candles lamp oils and soap tallow and swax paper and printed matter Clothing production was I1 1ts infancy but the market in the early part of the ieteenth century was already well developed for thread and tiles including knit goods and boots and shoes Household ems also included the lumber products of sawmills and quotlaning mills iron hardware bricks and stone clay and glass Oducts furniture furnishings china and utensils musical 271 oxmain umvsasm T mass i agcmnow Tox oanj raswTYoRltfj could suspect that times 39 when the man who 3 even more surely quotthan he who bled quot theydonot threaten anyone as individuals they do practice HE Whitecollar people slipped quietly into modern Whatever history they have had is a history Without events ever common interests they have do not lead to unityquot ever future they have will not be of their own rnaking P aspire at all it is to amiddle course at a time when no course is available and hence to an illusory course in an nary society Internally they are split fragmented 39 egcternalljz they are dependent on larger forces Even if they the will to act their actions being unorganized would3939he 1quot 4w movement than a tangle of unconnected contests As gr39o1 1jp an independent way of life So before an adequate idea o them could be formed they have been taken for granted as fa actors of the urban mass g I PO Yet it is to this whitecollar world that one mustlopk 0 quotmuc that is char39acterquotistic of twentiethcentury existencequot quotBy their 1se M to numerical importance the white collar peop1e f hav upset the nineteenthcentury expectation that society be divide between entrepreneurs and wage work39e39rsi mass way 390 life they have transformed the tang and o Sf the p3 I experience They carry in a most revea ngl vvay I psychological themes that characterize nd 1I1 0Il76 Way or another every general theory of f to take account of them For above 39 new quot cast of actors performing the major routin s39 f3939tvven ethecene tury society HI I Qw V 39 At the top of the White co11ar world the old captain of industryquot 39 39 ix A 39 INTRODUCTION hands39 oyerhistasks to the manager of the corporation Alongside I with his string tie and ready tongue the salaried ncrat with brief case and slide rule rises into political These top managers now command hierarchies of anony quotou39squotquot3939Iniddle managers oorwalkers salaried foremen county cogent I federal inspectors and police investigators trained in the SW 39 Inquot e established professions the doctor lawyer engineer no was free and named on his own shingle in the new white qll W world the salaried specialists of the clinic the junior part ersquot39in the law factory the captive engineers of the corporation ein begun to challenge free professional leadership The old Zessions of medicine and law are still at the top of the profes all world but now all around them are men and women quotnew skills There are a dozen kinds of social engineers and mechanical technicians a multitude of girlquot Fridays laboratory assistants registered and unregistered quotnurses draftsmen statis crans social workers 39 39 13 the salesrooms which sometimes seem to coincide with the society as aquot whole are the sta onary salesgirls in the de p tment store the mobile salesmen of insurance the absentee In39en 39admen helpiitig others sell from a distance At the top theprima donnas the vice presidents who saythat they are quotrely salesmen although perhaps a little more creative than otl1ers and at the bottom the ve and dime clerks selling corn m39odities39 at a xed price hoping soon to leave the job for mar r1agquot 3 s i i nithe enormous le of the o cein all the calculating rooms tantsand purchasing agents replace the man who did his guring And in thelower reaches of the whiteecollar world operatives grind along loading and emptying the ling rem there are private secretaries and typists enuy clerks clerks corresponding clerks a thousand kinds of clerks quote o3939erators of light machinery comptometers dictaphones ddress0graphs and the receptionists to let you in or keep you g y of quotwhitecollar types are now part of the literature major industrial I nation Hans Fallada presented the INTRODUCTION a Pinnebergs to pre Ilitler Germany Johannes Pinneberg 0 keeper trapped by in ation depression and wife with 39 ends up in the economic gutter with no answer to the question Little Man What39Now except support by a genuinely prole tarian Wife I B Priestley created a gallery of tortured and secure creatures from the whitecollar world of London in Ang39eZ39 Pavement Here are people who have been stood up by what they most desire is forbidden them by reason of what they are George Orwell s Mr Bowling a salesman in Coming for Air speaks for them all perhaps when he says There s39a39e lot of rot talked about the sufferings of theworking class I m39 not so sorry for the proles myself The prole suffers physically but he s a free man when he isn t working But in every one of those little stucco boxes there s some poor bastard who s never free except when he s fast asleep and dreaming that he s got the boss down the bottom of a well and is bunging lumps of coal at him Of course the basic trouble with people like us is that PA9 all imagine we ve got something to lose Kitty Foyle is perhaps the closest American counterpart these European novels But how different itsheroinea is In Amer ica unlike Europe the fate of White col1a139 types is not yet clear A modernized Horatio 1 Alger heroine Kitty 39Foyle 0 8 Adams beforeher has aspirations up the Main quotLine The ends in a depression year with KittyearI1iI1g 3900 3Y 339 f about to buy stock in her rm and hesitating over doctor whohappens to be a Iew While Herr Pinneberg t 1sn t it true that he had to have a false dream in our so39ciety The nineteenthcentury farmer and businessman p r erally thought to be stalwart individualsetheir ow11i391 INTRODUCTION 3533 big as anyone else The ll ia has never been independent S hopeful Of the main chance as is ays somebody s man the corpora 9 3m1Y S and he is seen as the man the independent individual and the rise of I th American mind bfowded with big ugly f0139C S the White collar man E1 d to P0SS6SSquota11 the supposed virtues of the small be at the bottom ofthe social world but he is gfa fyingly middle class It is easy as well a thize withhis troubles he can do little or noth Other social actors threaten to become bi a d P tiaCf Out of sel sh interests and deal in politicsg Tll 3111658111311 continues his bigbusinessesusual thr h Ih oug Ihj3tl oflslump and war and boom the big 131301 I1 d 11333 Y8l31 0Ws holds up thenation untilhis H 9 met t 6 big farmer cultivates the Senate to see that lg armers get theirs But not the whitecollar man He is more 3n39Pllili11dan uagi as he is seen collectively ghting n oI1al39 ti s P t a on livingoiit in slow misery his yeemmg for the Q1 0 American climb Heis pushed by forces beyond his Con EP1195 into movements he does not understand he gets into tH 4 11quot 39 39 39 H I 39 3 Il5 lh g ich his is the most helpless position The White a luau 13 the hem 35 Victim the Small creature who is acted jl 11 l3ut who does not act who works along unnoticed in some F o ce or store never loud 39 O O 1 7 i 39 H1quot 39lalillllg a stand 39 3 never tafklllg back P the focus shifts from the generalized Little Man to 1 39 39 e spe m i ltflryCp whom the publie encounters the images b a shar atr 0 lm unSympathehC39 Sympathy itself Often to bePp eCei111I t i I Eg1E1 V rc 1 i llt1f1CIgtlr lexainplei p 6 T O a W gy tonthe t 33193 agen Opens the door to the bill collector Everybody quot 139 11S1IleSSmeI1 s jo es The housewife s 0 e P111 39 INTRODUCTION ion of private secretaries is not often friendly indeed much whitecollar ction capitalizes on her hostility to the o ce These are images of speci c white co1lar types seen from above But from below for two generations sons and daughtlrs of the poor have looked forward eagerly to becoming even mere clerks Parents have sacri ced to have even one child nish school business school or college so that he could be the assist ant to the executive do the ling type the letter teach school39 work in the governmento ce do something requiring skills hold a white collar job In serious literature whitecollar393 images are often subjects for lamentation in popular they are often targets of aspiration Images of American types have not been built carefully v piecing together live experience Here as elsewhere they P been made up out of tradition and schoolbook and the early easy drift of theunalerted mind And they have been reinforced and even created especially in whitecollar times by the editorial T3 iinachinery of popular amusement and mass communications lvlanipulations by professional imagemakers are effectivebequot cause their audiences do not or cannot know personally quotallquottl139e people they want to talk about or be like and because they ve an unconsciousneed to believe in certain types In their39n 39e and inexperience such audiences snatch and holdto the e of types that are frozen into the language with whichthey 39 the world Even whenthey meet the peoplebehindthe39ty39pquot39 face to face previous images linked deeply with feelingquot them to quotwhat stands before them Experience is trapped39by false images even as reality itself sometimes seems toimitatetli soap opera and the publicity release Hquot 39 39 39j Perhaps the most cherished national images are sentimeiita versions of historical types that no longer exist if indeed39 they ever did Underpinning many standard images of The Arnequot T is themyth inthe words of the eminent historian A M b inger Sr of the long tutelagevto the soil which as the formative in uence results in courage creative energy and sourcefulness According to this idea which clearly beaquot nineteenthcentury trademark The American possesseSiiia g independence homely ingenuity great capacity forwork 3 INTRODUCTION to subdue the vast ee39fourths of the people were err ome justification for engraving mg e American But since then farm cel more than onetenth of the occu I sses of salaried employees and wage Pgoing historic changes resulting in ng challenged the nationalistic historian it quotThe American as a single type of ingenious 11 oi39far as universals can be found in fe and they are due less to any common tutelage the leveling in uences of urban civilization the standardiza on of the big technology and f mass communication r I1839ifhe139 the nation of horsetraders and master ft i 1 he quotgt nor the nation of soget ng claim ing C ftlerusthng pioneers of frontier mythology Nor have 1fS39i iglitly O Wrongly associated with such historic types OW rquot mm m5emP01 aTY Population to any noticeable 393 fraction of this population consists of free private P rs 111 any economic sense quotthere are new four times as ge Worlcers and salary workers as independent enn e I1ihSt Th h3trug13 01 life W am Dean Howells wrote in IS P do as c anged from a free fight to an encounter of pitz se 3139CeS and the free ghters that are left get ground 1 7 I 39 39 C 4 13 assumed that Whitecollar employees represent some jfOfquot C0I1 I1uifyWith the old middle class of entrepreneurs tI1I1ayl3e said that for therlasthundred years the rmiddle S ave eenfaclllg the SIOW expropriation of their holdings f I that for the last twentyyears they have facedquot the spectre ofquottIemployment Both assertions rest on facts but the facts have Sen eXPer1en ed by the Inlddle class as a double crisis The rQpertyquesuon 1S not an issue to the new middle class of the present generation That Was fought out andlost before World g m I by the old middle class The centraliza on of small prop T 18 a development that has a ected each generation back to py greatgrandfathers reaching its climax in the Progressive Era 39tilTRODUCTlON s It has been a secular trend of too slow a tempo to3939b e continuing crisis by middle class men and women V seem to have become more commoditymmded than prop39 minded Yet history is not always enacted consciously if priation is not felt as crisis still it is a basic fact in the P q life and the aspirations of the new middle class and the factsjlof39 unemployment are felt as fears hangingover the white co11af39quot world By examining white collar life it is possible to learn something about what is becoming more typically American than the fron7quot393quot tier character probably ever was What must be grasped is the L picture of society as a great salesrooman quotenormous le39an39 corporated brain a new universe of management and rnanipula39 tion By understanding these diverse whitecollar worlds UV can also understand better the shape and meaning of moderri39 society as a whole as well as the simple hopes and complex anxieties that grip all the people who are sweating it out in thequot middle of the twentieth century The troubles that confront the white collar people 39 are thequot troubles of all men and women living in the twentieth centu ry39j If these troubles seem particularly bitter to the new middle stratasf perhaps that is because for a brief time these people felt tl1em39l selves immune to troubles Before the First World War there were fewerlittle men in their brief monopoly of highschool education they were w fact protected from many of the sharper edges of the of capitalistprogress They were free to entertain deepillusion about their individual abilitiesquot and about the collective trust worthiness of the system As their number has grown however39 they have become increasingly subject to wageworker 39 condi tions Especially since the Great Depression have whitecoll people come up against all the old problems of capitalist society They have been racked by slump and war and even by boorn They have learned about impersonal unemployment in depres sions and about impersonal death by technological violence 111 war And in good times as prices rose faster than salaries money they thought they were making was silently taken A from them 4 at the quothands Of popular Vision Asa metropolitan dwell focused onslaught Of an the INTRODUCTION 1 f nineteenth39 e11t11139Y industrial workers e psychological level among twentieth 0113 employees The new Little Man seem E oots no sure loyalties to sustain his life and ghee it as not aware is unheroic hfh1 1 I 1gdanY h1StO139Y his past being 3 though 110 golden age be all in time i tr 131 0 on e Perhaps because he does not know e1 63939he is goin h 39 8 8 Is in a frantic hurry perhaps because he 3 f C 1i3139iPe0P1e the malaise Edeny order of belief has left z ua s and politically impotent Qaharsh time of creation white C 3 a group Newly created in o r man has no culture to loan 0 P1111 s In radio and tale 3931 1 18 especially open tofhe mall actured loyalties and dis es but cannot have N o prdgict difafilg i 1 i he ggeaily template with I S P can 6 is w T P easure 35 1t1S being created and after it 39 quot quot39 39 quot T 39 A 4 39r4 r 1 u sm2o ioucr1orz I I s1nade Being alienated from any product of his 39labo going year after year through the same paper routine leisure all the more frenziedly to the ersatz diversion that39 quotsold him and partalces of the synthetic excitement that nei yy eases nor releases He is bored at work and restless at play39Equotarid this terrible alternation wears him out V quotfquot In his Work he often clashes with customer and superior 1 landi i must almost always be the standardized loser he must and be personable standing behind the counter or Pj quotthe outer o ce In many strata of whitecollar employment 39 traits as courtesy helpfulness and kindness once intimate areljj now part of the impersonal means of livelihood Self alienati0n is thus an accgmpammento ted labor 39quot i 39 39 Vl7h39 nquot3z hitlec3HaquotI3 ep p1e geFj6b th LS7 lte H not only their pL and energy but their personalities as well They sell by the weelltquot3939i or month their smiles and their kindly gestures and they rn39ust39 practice the prompt repression of resentment and aggression For39 these intimate traits are of commercial relevance and requir39ed i for the more e cient and pro table distribution of goods andjf services Here are the new little Machiavellians practicing 39their personable crafts for hire and for the pro tof others 39ac39cordingi to rules laid down by those above them i K H In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries rationality wasf identi ed with freedom The ideas of Freud about the individual39 and of Marx about society were strengthenedbythe assumptio1j of the coincidence of freedom and rationality Now rationality3939 seems to have taken on a new form tohave its seatnot U vidual men but in social institutions whichby their bureaucratio quot39 planning 39 and niathematical foresight usurp both freedom 0 K rationality from the little individual men caughtin them The calculating hierarchies of department store and indushial icor poration of rationalized o ce and governmental bureau lay the gray ways of work and stereotype the pern1itted39initiatiifesquot And in all this bureaucratic usurpation of freedom and of ration39j ality the whitecollar people are the interchangeable parts he big chains ofiauthority that bind the society together 39 39 White co ar people always visible but rarely seen are p lit 7 cally voiceless Stray politicians wandering in the political 39a I without party may put white collar people alongside b11Sin39equot aquotge workers in their broadside appeals but ither major party has yet referred to th di e rs the clerk Neither Alice Adams nor Kittyelgoyl C W 6 usingszpes oi mth for the sharecroppers 111 the dust Bnliliwhile til A mA 39 prac ca politicians still living in the ideological air o e nineteenth century have paid little attenti t th middle class theoreticians 1 th 1 i On 0 3 new salaried employee as a pOtn ap t11t Vlgorously claimed the the right and Center have flan and theoreticians of bulk andvi 0 3 th 39 cam h 8 139 0 e middle class Stray heretics from both f ps ave even thought from time to time that the highe 0 e whitec ll quot 3 UPS H new P O C31 b gnVnOgIdIIIf nf11T1 E e I1115er1of m1tiiative for was one of the harps that Hitler la d an coate workers 39 l1IS wa t InpEng1and the P Y9 011 y 0 power Socialism by Capt ljilt z tnlf lnplp if ttlihouglgf to have won electoral To the question What politic I de S urbai salaried workers a irec 39o 39 quot P301313 l33k39a there are as many answers as llrhze aeth 1d1t39etC0 1ilar to the pobserve fA 39 13913 s et Osed b th 1 0 merican materials I thepo11t a1TPQb1em P h Y ese pMe9ple1snot so much what the direcltiolnlinlaly b 39 a fl 39 t h quot 3939l quotquotquot iquotquot quot ev Q O 3 S Wihtiih t Vl1la1saarr9lecat siirechon at all r Between the little man s consciousnessmalfidmthuwrm 39 epoch there seems to be a veil of indi erence 1lsSS3 10f01H intunbed his Spirit meager Other men seems e of th politically indifferent but electoral victories 1e eilnszfz arihalso 39 1 l11eydo have tireless pressure groups and excitedpcagtalq 6 fworkinandar fdth quot 39 mswo med they haV311egaeh1ugof p tzer towhom1t may be imag wh 3 3 133111 1 0r public a airs But lte collar people are scattered along the rims f 11 sh w of power no one is enthusiastic about them ar1d alike 8 Willi 81 eunuchs th th P01 C3 P in thusiasrn foflth emselves all Wlthout potency and Withoilt 811 g E tr if 3 Urgent political clash Y 331133 Y0 39 e aD mamp la ong 1Ij1t31 57fi 1ltEICY mda context of dis ust I391 larlet frofn Self expropriated of g Cin the P rsollal y r ua 39 39 p0l1ucally apathetic thes39e are the new little39peol10htY39 alid 39 I I l 2 e UHW ting van uard of 39 g milder 0C16iY These are some of the circum nsmzooucnow i hailed him as 3 Sign of the con nuing 139lfR5DUCTlON r tances for the acceptance of which their hopeful ha uite unprepared them l 3quot 39 R What menpare interested in is not always what is to their zterest the troubles they are aware of are not always the ones that beset them It would indeed be a fetish of democracy toquoti39 assume that men immediately know their interests and are clearly aware of the conditions within themselves and their society that39 frustrate them and make their efforts mis re For interests in39 volve not only values felt but also something of the means by which these values might be attained Merely by looking into 39 P x himself an individual can neither clarify his values not set up quotH 6 ways for their attainment Increased awareness is not enough T forit is not only that men can be unconscious of their situation39s 7 they are often falsely conscious of them To become more truly w conscious 39white co1lar people would have to become aware of I themselves as members of new strata practicing newmodes ofquot work and life in modern America To know what it is possiblequot to know about their troubles they would have to connect within i the going framework what they are interested in with what is to their interest 39 I p Y quot TY 39 if only because of its growing nu bers the new middle cla39ss y represents a considerable social and political potential yet ther i is more systematic information39available on the farmer the wage a worker the Negro evenquot on the criminal than on the men and h women of the variegated whitecollar worlds Even the United States census is now so arranged as to make very dif cult a de ni v tive count of these people Meanwhile theorizing about the V0 middle class on the basis ofold facts has run to seed and noquot quotfresh plots offacthave been planted Yet the human and polijti cal importance of the whitecollar people con nues to looIn P larger andlarger 39 T quot 39 3939j Liberalism s ideal was set forth for the domain of small prop erty Marxism s projection for that of unalienated labor when labor is everywhere alienated and small property no longer an anchor of freedorn or security both these philosophies characterize modern society only negatively neither can ar t U latenew developments in their own terms VVe must accusequot39lQ ohnStuart Mill and Karl Mari of having done their wot ewdevelopments of social structure and human character 11 errns of social philosophy this book is Written on the as sgifrption that the liberal ethos as developed in the first two dec 6 of this century by such men as Beard Dewey Holmes is often irrelevant and that the Marxian view popular in the American thirn39es is now often inadequate However important and suggestive they maybe as beginning points and both are that they do not enable us to understand What is essential to ourtime 39 39 39 We need to characterize American society of the midtwentieth century in more psychological terms for now the problems that quotconcern us most border on the psychiatric It is one great task of social studies today to describe the larger economic and I political situation in terms of its meaning for the inner life and 39theexterna1l career of the individual and in doing this to take into39account how the individual often becomes falsely conscious and blinded Inlthe quotWelter of the individual s daily experience the framework of modern society must be sought Within that framework the psychology of the little man must be formulated 39 The first lesson of modern sociology is that the individual can not understand his own experience or gauge his own fate without locating himself within the trends of his epoch and the life chances of quotall the individuals of hissocial layer To understand 39 the iwhite39collar people in detail it is necessary to draw at least a rough quotsketch of the social structure of which theyare a part 39 For the character of any stratum consists in large 39partof its rela quottions or lack of them quotwith the strata above and below it its peculiarities can best be de ned by noting itsdiiferences from 5 other strata The situation of the newrniddle class reflecting con 39ditions andstyles of life that are borne by elements of both the new lower and the newupper classes may be seen as symptom d symbol of modern society as a whole Whatever the futur may Contam til pasfhag shown no more excellent sf3C1 1i order than that in which the mass 0 t r3 people were the masters of the holdxllisl which they plowed and of the tools W 39 A which they worked and copld poa t H k itis a quietness to a mans II11I1d if hve I uponhis own and to know l11S heir cert j tain quot t l I B H Tawixn Hard EN the early nineteenth century although there are no exact gures probably four fths of the occupied population 39vvere sefemployed enterprisers by 1870 only about one third p in 1940 only about one fth were still in this old middle class39 Many of the remaining four fths of the people who now ea1nj7 7 I a living do so by working for the 2 or 8 percent of the popn39 39 lation who now own 4001quot 50 per cent of the private property in the United States Among these workers are the 1nernbersofiquot the new middle class whit39e collar people on salary For as for Wageworkers America has become a nation of employees It for whom independent property is out of range Labor markets not control of property determine their chancesto receive come exercise power enjoy prestige learn and use skills quot E 9cgu patienaE39CEwnge39 Of the three broadnstrata composing modern society 0 B new middle class has steadily grown in proportion to the NL Eighty years ago there I I were threequarters of a THE LABOR FORCE 1870 39 Sc million middleClass ern Old Middle Class i 33 E D ployees by 1940 there I New Middle Class 6 39 q g were over twelve and a WagWorkersl 61 139 j llalfmillion In that period Total 100 E Iquot PO R the old middle class in 39 39 W q 63 WHITE COLLAR WORLDS l39as 3939 fC 1600 Z per centquotquot 39 5 employees composing the new middle class do notmake 39p3939quotquotone single compact stratum They have not emerged on a 39339siii39gle39horizontal level but have been shu ed out simultaneously on the several levels of modern society they now form as it were a new pyramid within the old pyramid of society at large cent wageworkers 255 per cent new middle rather than a horizontal layer The great bulk of the new middle class are of the lower middle income brackets but regardless of how social stature is measuredtypes of whitecollar men and women range from almost the top to almost the bottom of modern society 39 The managerial stratum subject to minor Variations during these decades has dropped slightly from 14 to 10 per cent the salaried professionals dis T New Mnannn cans 1870 1940 playing thesame minor Managers 14 10 upsquot and downs have Salaried quotProfessionals 80 25 d1390Pp8d from 30 to 2539 Salespeople 39 44 25 per cent of the new mid S 0339 Workers 12 40 dle class The major shifts Total 100 jC 100 over all composition A have been in the relative I decline of the sales group occurring most sharply around 1900 from 44 to 25 per cent of thetotalnew middle class and the quotsteady rise of the o ce workers from 12 to 40 per cent Today 39 the threelargest occupational groups in the whitecollar stratum are schoolteachers salespeople in and out of stores and assorted o ce workers These three form the white collar mass Whitecollar occupations now engage well over half the mom I bers of the American middle class as a whole Between 1870 and 1940 white collar workers rose from 15 to 56 per cent of the middle bracketsquot whilethe old middle class declined from 85 to 44 per cent 39 00For the sources of the gures in Part ii see Sources and Acknowl edgments In the tables in this section gures for the intermediate years are appropriately graded the change has been more or less steady 39EW MEDDLE CLASS I lgatively the trans Tim MQQDLF CLASSES 1870 I S 1I1lti I1 f the middle om MIDDLE CLASS V y p 3 Shlft p139Op Farnlers l to noproperty posi Businessmen 1y it is 3 39S3jf1 from Free Professionals erty O a new axi of NEW MIDDLE CLASS ti cation occupation Managers zli Il3t11139e and W911 Salaried Professionals 4 39 Being of the old middle Salespeople 7 class can best be sought 0509 W0139k3I5 2 the Condition Of 8mmquot Total Middle Classes 100 pmneurial property of k new middle class in the economics and sociology of occui tions The numerical decline of the older independent sectors 39 T H the middle class is an incident in the centralization of prop ty the numerical rise of the newer salaried employees is due quotthe industrial mechanics bY which the 0CCuP3 Ci0113 C0I11P0 i11lt39 3quoti39 the new middle class have arisen 2 industrial Mechanics In modern society occupations are speci c functions within at 6 social division of labor as well as skills sold for income 011 3 labor market Contemporary divisions of labor involve a hithe b 0 39 hnknown specialization of skill from arranging abstract syml301S39 i 0 at 100039an hour toworking a shovel for 1000 aayear major shifts in occupations since the Civil War have assuII1 dI39 this industrial trend as a proportion of the labor force fewer individuals manipulate things more handle P601016 and sym901 This shift in neededskills is another way of describing the 6 riseof the white collar workers for their characteristic skills i volve the handling of paper and money and people Theya139i 3939 expert at dealing with people transiently and impersonally they are masters of the commercial professional and technical role tionship The one thing they do not do is live by mallting I rather they live offthe social niachineries that organize andquotQQ ordinate the people who do make things VVhitecollar peop1e help turn what someone else has made into pro t fors Ei11 339aI1 x as A 39 WHITE COLLAR worms other some of them are closer to the means of production super vising the work of actual manufacture and recording what is done They are the people who keep track they man the paper routines involved in distributing what is produced They provide which they themselves practice as well as all other skills naus rnitted by teaching As the proportion of workers needed for the extraction and 39 production of things declines 1870 1940 the proportion needed for serv producing V 77 46 icing distributing and C0 0rdi Servicing c 18 20 nating rises In 1870 over three Di3f1 ib11tiI1g 739 23 fourths and in 1940 slightly C rdmal 1ng 3 11 less than onehalf of the total employed were engaged in pro v dpucing things By 194039 the proportion of whitecollar workers of those em ployed in industries primarily involved in the production of things was 11 per cent in service industries 32 per cent in dis T Total employed 100 100 white collar industries themselves have grown and within each lie back of the fact that the whitecollar ranks have thus been the most rapidly growing of modernoccupations the increasing I quotproductivity of machinery used in manufacturing the magni cationquot of disuibution and the increasing scale of coordination 39The imrnense productivity ofmassproduction technique and the increased application of technologic rationality are the rst 39 open secrets of modern occupational change fewer men turn out more things in less time In the middleof the nineteenth cen 39tury as F Dewhurst and his associates have calculated some 3939l76 billion horsepower hours were expended in American in d1i stry only 6 per quotcent by mechanical energy by the middle of the twentieth century 4104 billion horsepower hours will be expended 94 per cent by mechanical energy This industrial rev olu39tion seems to be permanent seems to go on through war and b39 Om and slump thus a decline in production results in a more technical and personal services and they teach others the skillsquot 39 tribution 44 per cent and in coordination 60 per cent The industry the whitecollar occupations have grown Three trendsquot NEW NUDDLE crass I r r s7 proportional decline in employment and an increase in ction results in a less than proportional increase in employ 39 3 O nt Technology has thus narrowed the stratum of workers needed 5 given volumes of output it has also altered the types and pro quotdrtions of skill needed in the production process Know how nice an attribute of the mass of workers is now in the machine nd the engineering elite who design it Machines displace un lqlled workmen make craft skills unnecessary push up front the utomatic motions of the machine operative Workers composing He new lower quotclass are predominantly semiskilled their prof f fnortion in the urban wageworker stratum has risen from 81 per o lent in 1910 to 41 per cent in 1940 39 The manpower economies brought about by machinery and e largescale rationalization of labor forces so apparent in pro39 uction and extraction have not as yet been applied so exten sively in distribution tr39ansportation communication nance nd uade Yet quotwithoutanelaboration of these means of distribu fon the wide ung operations of multi plant producers could lot be integrated nor their products distributed Therefore the quotropor on of people engaged in distribution has enormously in D reased so that today about onefourth of the labor force is so39 ngaged Distribution has expanded more than production be39 jause of the lag in technological application in this eld and 9 39 ecause of the persistence of individual and small scale entrepre p xneurial units at thesarne time that the market has been enlarged 239and the need to market has been deepened r c 1 Behind this expansion of the distributive occupations lies the i central problem of39 modern capitalism to whom can the avail39 Pm able goods be sold As volume swells the intensi ed search foiji markets draws more workers into the distributive occupationsQf ltrade promotion advertising As far ung and intricate quotcome into being and as the need to nd and create e venrnti39 markets becomes urgent middle menquot who move store promote and sell goods are knit into a vast network of enterprise and occupations 39 r I The physical aspect of distribution involves wide39 ffaS uansportation networks the coordination of rnarketirlg x 9 pa ons 1 n WHITE COLLAR worms rnuiiioation the search for markets and the quotselling of goodsquot Ives trade including wholesale and retail outlets as well as nancial agencies for commodity and capital markets Each of 39 these activities engage more people but the manual jobs among them do not increase so fast as the white collar39 tasks T1393115P0139t3 011 growing rapidly after the Civil War began toquot decline 111 point of the numbers of people involved before 1980 but this decline took place among wageworkers the propor on of whitecollar workers employed in transportation continued to I159 B3 1940 SOIne 23 per cent quotof the people in transportation were wh1te collar employees As a new industrial segment of the US economy the communication industry has never been run by large numbers of free enterprisers at the outset it needed large numbers of technical and other whitecollar workers By 1940 some 77 per cent of its people were in new middleclass occu Trade is now the third largest segment of the occupational Suuctllfes exceeded only by farming and manufacturing A few years after the Civil War less than 5 out of every 100 workers Were engaged in trade by 1940 almost 12 out of every 100 work ers were so employed But while 70 per cent of those in whole saling and retailing were free enterprisers in 1870 and less than 3 per cent were white collar by 1940 of the people engaged in retail trade 27 per cent were free enterprisers 41 per centwhite collar employees Newer methods of merchandising such as credit nancing have resulted in an even greater percentage increase in the nan fzial than in the commercial agents of distribution Branch bank ing has lowered the status of many banking employees to the Tlclerical level and reduced the number of enecu ve positions By 1940 of all employees in nance and real estate 70 per cent were whitecollar workers of the new middle class l The organizational reason for the expansion of the white collar occupations is the risebf big business and big government and the consequent nend of modern social snucture the steady growth of bureaucracy In every branch of the economy as rms M merge and corporations become dominant free enuepreneurs becorne employees and the calculations of accountant statis EW mooLE CtA5S I q p quotookkeeper and clerk in these corporations 39replace39t139 ovement of prices as the co ordinating agent of the eco 393939 ystem The rise of thousandsiof big and little bureaucracies 1 39 the elaborate specializationof the system as a whole createquotquot quot e39ed for many men and women to plan coordinate and ad ster new routines for others In moving from smaller to largerquot 39739 more elaborate units of economic activity increased propor of employees are drawn into co ordinating and managing P C erial and professional employees and office workers of quotc39l539sorts iioorwalkers foremen o ce managers are needed l fto whom subordinates report and who in turn report to iiors are links in chains of power and obedience coordinat and supervising other occupational experiences functions skills And all over the economy the proportion of clerks of K W sorts has increased from 1 or 2 per cent in 1870 to 10 or 11 p quot ent of all gainful workers in 1940 gsquotthe worlds of businessnndergo these changes the increased 0 sksquot of government on all fronts draw still more people into 5 I upations that regulate and service property and menquot In re39 p 2 spjonse to the largeness and predatory complications of bi1sines s 39339 Zquot 39crises of slump the nationalization of the rural economy and all town marketsquot the ood of immigrants the urgencies quotofquot arand the march of technology disrupting sociallife govern i h ent increases its coordinating and regulating tasks Public reg1 ations social services and business taxes require more peoplequot make mass records and to integrate people sn rms goods within government and in the various segments of businesns d private life All branches of government have grown quotal4g cughthe most startling increases are found in the executive ch of the Federal Government where the needs for coordi ting theeconomy have been most prevalent t As marketable ac vities occupations change 1 with shift In the skills required as technology and rationalization arsaun evenly appliedacross the economy 2 with the enlargement and intensi cation of marketing operations in both theQQ1I1 rnodity and capital markets and 3 with shifts in the Cgt39gan17a ion of the division of work as expanded organizations o ordination management and recording The mechanics jolved within and between these three trends have led to the numerical expansion of white collar employees There are other less obvious ways in which the occupational the decline of farming as an occupation were Argentine beef allowed to enter duty free the number of meat producers here and ailect the types of construction workers that prevail Most states have bureaus of standards which limit entrance into pro occupations form associations in the attempt to control entrance into their market More successfulthan most uade unions such professional associations as the American Medical Association have managed for several decades to level oil the proportion of physicians and surgeons Every phase of the slumpquotwarboom for instance the movement back and forth between consume on worker and small contractor is geared to slumps and booms in building 39 39 39 p The pressures from these loosely organized parts of the occu ture The effects of attempts to manage occupational change directly and indirectly are not yet great except of course during wars when government freezes men in their jobs or o ers in centives and compulsions to remain in old occupations or shift to new ones Yet increasingly the class levels and occupa onal 39 39 corporate group Itis subject not only to the pulling of autono mous markets and the pushing of technology but to an alloca tion of personnel from central points of control Occupational change thus becomes more conscious at least to those who are coming to be in charge of it p Wl1ite ColEa39r Pyrcamids Occupations in terms of whichwe circumscribe the new midr Idle class involve several ways of ranking peoplequot As speci c C 39vities they entail various types and levels of skill and their s e 0n WHETE COLLAR worms structure is shaped high agricultural tariffs for example delay might diminish City ordinances and zoning laws abolish peddlers H fessions and semi professions at the same time members of these cycle in uences the numerical importance of various occupations pational world draw conscious managerial agencies into the pic composition of the nation are managed the occupa onal su39uc 39 ture of the United States is being slowly reshaped as a gigan c 39 Minors CLASS I 71 These are the skills and functions we have been examining aeauy As sources of income occupations are connected of prestige on and oil the job they are relevant to status i on They also involve certain degrees of power over other ple directly in terms of the job and indirectly in other social as Occupations are thus tied to class status and quotpower as e as to skill and function to understand the occupations corn 395ng the new middle class We must consider them in terms ach of these 39dimensions quot market rather than of pro tably buying and selling their new middleclass occupations men work for someone else on epiendent upon large properties for job security 3915 for Power ful ls certain functions within an industrial division ofquot quotloss position and since they normally carry an expectedquot I I ass situation in its simplest objective sense has to dowith amount and source of income Today occupation rather than party is ue source of income for most of those who quotreceive 3 direct income the possibilities of selling their services in the quot 39 erty and its yields now determine the 1ife chances of most J 39 0M themiddle class All 39tl1ings391noney can buy and manythat an dream about are theirs by virtue of occupational income ineone else s property This is the clue to many d1 J i erencesbe b een the old andunew middl lclasses as well as to the contrast a quot quottween the older world of the small propertied entrepreneurquot 39 quotd the occupational structure of the new society if the Old quotiddle class once fought big property structures in the name K 39 39smal free properties the new middle class like the Wag i7 i7 orlcers in latterday capitalism has been from the beginning Wageworkers in the factory and on the farm are on the props 5 rtyless bottom of39the occupational structure depending up0I1 the equipment owned by others earningwages for the time it pendat work In terms of property the whitecollar people not inbetween Capital and Labor they are in exactly the propertyclass position as the wage worllters They have no D quot The following pages are not intended as a detailed discussion the class prestige andpowerof thegwhitecollar occupaislzclrfi S prelirninaryand de n1t1onalSee Chapter 11 for Status QIia a 1 72 r 0 039 39 swims COLLAR worms nancial tie to the means of production no prime claim upon the proceeds from property Like factory Workers and day laborers for that matter they work for those Who do own such means of l livelihood Yet if bookkeepers and coal miners insurance agents and farm laborers doctors in a clinic and crane operators in an open pit have this condition in common certainly their class situations are not the same To understand their class positions we must go beyond the common fact of source of income and consider as well the amount of income In 1890 the average income of White collar occupa onal groups Was about double that of Wage workers Before World War 1 salaries Were not so adversely a ected by slumps as Wages were but on the contrary they rather steadily advanced Since World 39 War I however salaries have beenreacting to turns in the eco nomic cycles more and more like wages although stillto a lesser 39 extent If Wars help Wages more because of the greater exibility 39 of Wages slumps help salaries because of their greater in exi bility Yet after each War era salarieshave never regained their 39 previous advantage over wages Each phase of the cycle as well as the progressive rise of all income groups has resulted in a nar 39 rowing of the income gap between WageWorkers and white collar employees In the middle thirties the three urban strata en o39epreneurs whitecollar and wageworkers formed quota distinct scale with re spect to median family income the White collar employees had 39 a39Inedian income of 1896 the entrepreneurs 1464 the urban v39vage vvorkers 1175 Although the median income of white collar workers was higher than that of the entrepreneurs larger p A 0 proportions of the entrepreneurs received both high level and loW level incomes The distribution of their income Wasquot spread more than that of the White collar 7 The vvar me boom in incomes in quotfact spread the incomes of all occupational groups but not evenly The spread occurred 0 among urban entrepreneurs As an income level the old quot ddleclass in the city is becoming less an evenly graded income 39quot39groiip39quot and more a collection of di erent strata with a large pro 39 New MIDDLE crass I rtion of lumpen bourgeoisie who receive very low incomes dsa small prosperous bourgeoisie with very high incomes P the late forties 1948 median family income the income39 all Whitecollar Workers Was 4000 that ofquot all urban wage prkers 3300 These averages however should not obscure quot 393939 3939overlap of speci c groups each stratum the lower n39te collar 39peop1e salesemployees and o ce W orkers earned almostthe same as skilled workers and foreman but more than miskilled urban wage Workers 39 39 iimewhere in the middle Once they Were considerably above vvage Workers they have become less so in the middle of the 39 sntury they still have an edge but the over all rise in incomes is taking the new middle class a more homogeneous income group with income so with prestige white collar groups are ferentiated socially perhaps more decisively than vvage workers and enuepreneurs Wage earners certainly do formquot an income yramid anda prestige gradation as do entrepreneurs and ren p H quot s but the new middle class in terms of income and prestige K6 is a superimposed pyramid reaching from almost the bottom of 39 p 4 the rst to almost the top of the second 39 f5People in white collar occupations claim higher prestige than age vvorkers and as a general rule can cash in their claims quotH th wage workers as Well as with the anonymous public This fact has been seized upon with much justification asthe de ne 39 ing characteristic of the Whitecollar strata and altl1ough they3939 are de nite indicationsin the United States of a decline intl1eir39 prestige still on a nationwide basis the majority of even r lovver White collar employees o ce Workers and 39salespeoplegl3 enjoy a middling prestige 0 k 39I he historic bases of the Whitecollar employees prestige apart from superior income have included the similarity of their plat and type of Work to those of the old n1iddle classesquot39vvhichhas It is impossible to isolate the salaried foremen from d urban wageworkers in these gures If we could do so the income39Qf lower vvhitecollar workers would be closer to that of serni 39 39 kers 01 n terms of property whitecollar people are in the same tposi M iron as WageWorkers in terms of occupational income they are 0 74 WHITE COLLAR worms quotpermitted them to borrow prestige As their relations with entre sonal they have borrowed prestige from the rm itself The stylization of their appearance in particular the fact that most whitecollar jobs have permitted the wearing of street clothes on the job has also gured in their prestige claims as have the exercised in deciding work procedures Furthermore the time taken to learn these skills and the way in which they have been acquired by formal education and by 39 close contact with the higherups in charge has been important Whitecollar employees have monopolized highschool education even in 1940 they had completed 12 grades to the 8 grades for wageworkers and entre preneurs They have also enjoyed status by descent in terms of race Negro whitecollar employees exist only in isolated in stances 39and more importantly in terms of na vity in 1980only about 9 per cent of whitecollar workers but 16 percent of quotfree enterprisers and 21per cent of wageworkers were foreign born Finally asgan underlying fact the limited size of the white 39collar group compared to wageworkers has ledto successful claims to greater prestige 2 A p39endsupon factors of class status and occupation often in in tricate interrelation Given occupations involve speci c powers the job area by virtue of their relations to institutions of prep and many more are closely attached to this managerial cadre they exercise is a derived power but they do exercise it preneur and with esteemed customer have become more imper f skills required in most whitecollar jobs and in many of themquot the variety of operations performed and the degree of autonomy The power position of groups and of individuals typically de over other people in the actual course of work but also outside I erty as Well as the typical income they afford o39ceupations lend 39 power Some whitecollar occupations require the direct eicerT 2 cise of supervision over other whitecollar and wageworkers 5 Whitecollar employees are the assistants of authority the power Moreover within the whitecollar pyramids there is a charac teristic pattern of authority involving age and sex The white 39collar ranks contain a good many women some 41 per cent of a all39whitecollar employees as compared with 10 per cent of free w Minors cLAss I 1 393s3939 and 21 per cent of wageworkers are 39women 39 533939 so with age free enterprisers average median about in s of age whitecollar and wageworkers about 34 butquot g ree enterprisers and wageworkers men are about 2 or g older than women among whitecollar workers there is quot 17 year di erence In the whitecollar pyramids authority ghly graded by age and sex younger women tend to be d along any one possible dimension of strati cation skill ction class status or power They are generally in the middle ges on each of these dimensions and on every descriptive at people are not one compact horizontal stratum They do ful l one central positive functionthat can de ne them al in general their functions are similar to those of the old iddle class They deal with symbols and with other people rdinating redording and distributing but they ful l these notions as dependent employees and the skills they thus em 3910y are sometimes similar in form and required mentality to those of many wageworkers I I I 1 terms of property they are equal to wageworkers and dif rent from the old middle class Originating as propertyless de hdents they have no serious expectations of propertied inde Ifndence In terms of income their class position is on the erage somewhat higher than that of wageworkers The over p iis large and the trend has been de nitely toward less dif erence but even today the di erences are signi cant According to our calculations the proportions of women 1940 these groups are farmers 29 businesmen 20 free profes quotonals 59 managers 71 salaried professionals 517 sales p ople 275 o ce workers 51 skilled workers 32 semiskilled and unskilled 298 rural workers 91 76 r WHITE COLLAR worms Perhaps of more psychological importance is the fact that whitecollar groups havesuccessfully claimed more prestige than Wageworkers and still generally continue to do so The bases of their prestige may not be solid today and certainly they show no signs of being permanent but however vague and fragile they continue to mark o E whitecollar people from wageworkers I Members of whitecollar occupations exercise a derived au thority in the course of their work moreover compared to older hierarchies the white collar pyramids are youthful and feminine quotbureaucracies within which youth education and American birth are emphasized at the wide base where millions of o ce workers most clearly these di erences between the new middle class and other occupational groups Whiteco ar masses in turn are managed by people who are more like ie old middle class havingmany of the social characteristics it not the independence of free enterprisers the means of adminisnation are enlarged and centralized G aremore managers in every sphere of modern society and managerial type of man becomes moreimportant in the total structure These new men atthe top products of aquot hundredyear shift in theiupper brackets operate within the new bureaucracies which wlect them for their positions and then shape their characters j Iquot heir role within these bureaucracies and the role of the b11 Q aucracies within the social structure set the scope and pace of e e managerial demiurge So pervasive and weighty are these ureaucratic formsof life that in due course older types ofquot 39 39 t perbracket men shift their character and performance to join I the managerial trend or sink beneath the upperbracket men 11 their common attempt to deal with the underlying popfulaquot Hquot 39 tion the managers of business and government have become in terlaced by committee and pressure groupquot by political party and trade association Very slowly reluctantly the labor leader in his curious way during certain phases of the business cycle andquot union history joins them Themanagerial demiurge means more than an increased proportion of people who work and liveby the rules of business government and labor bureaucracy s 6 means that at thetop societyiabecomes an uneasy interlocking of private and public hierarchies and at the bottom more and more areas become objects of management and manipulation Bureaue39 ratization in the United States is by no means total its spreadis partial and segmental and the individual is caught up inseveral39 77 RICE U THERHO O D T THE WHY THE MOST IMPORTANT JOB IN THE WORLD IS STILL TIIE LEAST VALUED Ann Crittenden PICADOR A METROPOLITAN BOOK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY NEW YORK amp 39u 1p sgt quot I hf 4e v wquotv H 39 39 1e Welfare State Versus a Caring State 187 aystreaked hair cut in a perfect pageboy She was wearing a pale lue suit with a crisp white blouse the picture of a well groomed upper middleclass white woman who looked like her only connection with elfare was through volunteer work 39 Thirty years earlier this woman had been the twentynineyearold P e of a successful stockbroker living what she described as a Leave It In I eaver existence in a big house north of San Francisco with three dren all under the age of six She was playing a good role in a perfect 39pt untilher husband became manicdepressive lost his job and as ectively deserted his family Overnight the stayathome mom became single mother with no college degree and no visible means of support e had dropped out of college after two years to marry and put her hand through school3 Shesold her Marin County house just two weeks before it was sched for foreclosure ending up with 3 00 a washer and a dryer She ehanged two big cars for a beatsup old Volkswagen and moved with three kids into a twobedroom bungalowShe hated the prospect of g them to go to work and when she went to an employment agency unked all the tests When the agency representative asked her what problem was she said she didn t want to be there and really didn t 0 work fulltime I ey sent her out on a trial interview telling her to lie about her situa She told the interviewer that she was happily married and had a inhousekeeper who could handle all the problems thatmight arise me She got the job as a secretary to a vice president of an electron mpany The pay 5 80 a inonth was barely enough to cover the era family of four but not enough for decent day care In that first herecalls she had thirteen different babysitters Her eXhusband paid a nickel in child support 39 I CHAPTER The Welfare State Versus a Caring State 39 39 39 al to No government has attempted to attach a signi cantv tie the unpaid work of caring that women do in the famJlY Jane Lewis scholar of the British welfare state1 07 ivorce is a nancial disaster for mothers and children not only because 39 fathers don t pay for or provide their fair share of care The governillerfi p instead of being part of a solution is part of the PI0b1em Quite although unpaid caregiving is the ultimate social safety net caregive U themselves are expected to perform without atnet I H I The problem for mothers may be framed this way C m1 3139Y to P013131 perception the United States does have a welfare state but it is design d k 39 to ameliorate the economic risks of pald W0fk 1 5 031 U pal worn e including those who care for dependent family members are exclud from the system Work at home does not qualify 3 Person for the Sy 39 39 39 fth rk social programs that insure everyone 186 gaf st the mks 0 lama economy As Nancy Folbre has written While motherhood 1S ideali as the most fulfilling Work a WOIDEI1 C311 Perfonna Pullzic p111y Co lte s to de ne it as though it were not really work at all e 7 31 t F01 cc 39 39 39 a thus played a major role in the feminization of poverty or w u 2 Th welfare state has ne au erization of motherhood 6 t Calls the P P tried to get a second job as a waitress in a nearby restaurant but quothe admitted that she had no experience waiting tables she was ed Finally a friend told her about AFDC Aid to Families with dent Children aka welfare She had never heard of it but she and was approved for just enough money to cover a full time r Wim that and the food stamps and health care that came with tance she had enough income to scrape by on without having to really been a caring state A Tale of Two Mothers On a hot summer day in Wfashiilgmila DCgt in 19 g 1terV1 eim39 3 39 mer welfare mother a pretty woman in her late ies wi I 183 THE PRICE OF MOTHERH e Welfare State Versus 52 Caring State 189 work nights as well as days She remembers the assistance as some C3me homa for 3 few hour5 to make Sure the kids were OK and that enabled her to hold her family together A She stayed on welfare for three years from 1968 to 1971 A job p motion nally gave her enough income to handle things on her own quotll she left welfare remarried and persuaded her mother to come do from Seattle to take care of the children after school I My kids were never latchkey she relates with some pride 3 wanted to be at home and I was able to arrange it But it took all tha enable me to get on my feet some college a good job the welfari went back to work in a crab factory in the evening Another aunt tched the children while Martin was away at night Then the beloved aunt who had raised her suffered a stroke and Mar jquit work so that she could care for her That was what nally forced to go on welfare although quitting also enabled her to devote more quot39e to her children She was the only ablebodied adult in a household J ve dependents counting a fourth child she had had after her hus d s departure For her work of caring for five people she received a are check of 169 a month When I asked her how she managed to 390 39ve she said It was necessity 39 he never received any child support Only once when her youngest d was three did she try to have it collected I think I got one check that was all she recalled 39 39 er about four and a half years on welfare Martin nally had to put aunt in a nursing home and she started working again at the mini wage earning 135 every two weeks That was enough to disqual er for welfare and she told me I haven tbeen back on since quot out the time she was working two minimumwage jobs her younger ther who had been raised by a better off uncle was in Yale Law eol He became an attorney and in 1980 the arnbitiousyoung black 5made a speech before a conference of black conservatives in which new marriage and a family able to help And I was a very assertive p son I don t know how somebody with less education who is assertive who doesn t speak English well can cope Her three children survived their brush with welfare dependeh When we spoke one son was a highly successful wine merchant daughter was president of a Webpage production company an younger son had just graduated from college This former welfare mother Lynn Woolsey is now a member of Congress from Petaluma California Every year with 2 servative Republican Henry Hyde she cosponsors legislation that create a federal system of child support collection With most childquot 0 port experts she believes that if the country had one national colleen system and all Americans had to pay their child support as routine they pay their federal income taxes as many as 800000 mothers children would no longer need any public assistance Every year thep criticized his sister for having taken assistance from the government e gets mad when the mailman is late with her welfare check he told P053115 defeated audience That s how dependent she is What s worse is that now 0 feel entitled to the check too They have no motivation for quotigbetter or getting out of that situation e brother omitted a few details from his welfare horror story He d to mention that his sister s children never had any support from PT father Then as now welfare mothers were the more popular target anservative circles It is an old sad story blame the weak and kick dog that can t bite back jut Emma Mae Martin had done exactly what a woman is supposed oz graduate from school get a job work hard get married care for Another onetime welfare mom is a black woman in her late fofE who grew up in poverty in rural Georgia with an aunt who raised afterher mother died She successfully nished high school worked a few years then married and had three children In 1973 when the dren were all still under six her husband deserted the family Up t point her story is just like Lynn Woolsey s But Emma Mae lIartin had to take two minimumwage jobs to 39 a oat the very thing that Lynn Woolsey was able to avoid becaus lived in a state with far more generous levels of assistance Vilelfare nj child support does not have national levels the payments are set by individual state Martin worked in a senior citizen s home during nsibility of caring for a sick and aged relative in addition to raising 39family and bring up your kids as best you can She had accepted the 190 THE PRICE OF MOTHERH 5eWefare State Versus 52 Caring State 191 children whose father had declined the honor A true conservative mi Pg have praised her and all other women who take on unpaid unsung f ily obligations Instead her brother criticized her in public I Clarence Thomas s speech attracted the attention of the Reag administration which was recruiting rightthinking blacks The yo lawyer was offered the chairmanship of the Equal Employment Oppquot tunity Commission which led to a federal judgeship and eventually tiquot seat on the Supreme Court Which all goes to show as one black jou Pitied But Not Entitled ding numerous newspaper stories about the struggles of welfare thers I have been struck that in virtually every case the woman like Woolsey and Emma Mae Martin would have been selfsupporting he had not been trying to meet her family obligations If she had just en in to the temptation of running away from it all like a heroine in a nan Didion novel if she had decided to travel light carry no baggage id never look back when she heard the sound of broken glass if she d just behaved Ph short like so many men she wouldn t have become t dread demonized gure the welfare mom One such story described a thirty nineyearold black woman who determined to hold it all together for her own two children and four ices and nephews theoffspring of a drugaddicted sister This woman eived 35136 a year to help support six dependents including 2 800 for the care of the four foster children The article explained It because she had lupus she wasn t being asked to enroll in job train for work as a secretary or clerk ist later wrote that a little scapegoating can take you a long way in tics even when you use your own sister 39 quot I was curious about what Thomas had called the worst part of 391 story the fact that his nieces and nephews were growing up as welf dependents virtually trained to become permanent wards of thesta In the summer of 1996 I called Emma Mae Martin who was still liquot in rural Georgia south of Savannah She said that both her young child Leola then twenty and Christine twenty ve were attend vocational school in Savannah in the fall one to study drafts ship and the other still undecided The next child Mark twen seven had been working for more than five years as a carpenter Q oldest a boy named Clarence after his uncle had a career in the navy had served aboard the battleship V7fz39rcorz5z397z during Operation Des Storm Like Congresswoman Woolsey s children Martinis seemed t quotZ well on their way to repaying society for the extremely modest inv ment that taxpayers had made in them Martin herself at the time we spoke was working fulltime for 9 j hour at a hospital not far from her home the same hospital where mother had once worked as a nurse s assistant But she was looking g six children Her constant vigilance was helping these children Ending two teenagers stay off the streets and out of serious trouble u may be in the projects she bellowed at them but you don t have be of the projects By any measure this woman s efforts to keep half a dozen children in ble environment and in school were worth 35000 a year to society iviously mistakes had been made Her sister should never have had g children or succumbed to drugs and neither mother should have the help of the fathers of their children But these things had hap ed and six children still needed to be given a decent start in life VVhat uld have happened to them if they hadn t had their welfare mother at would have happened if she was able to do something really use like working at a supermarket checkout e same newspaper also ran a story about a mother in Norway who eived a salary of 18000 80 percent of her previous income as a additional part time work There were going to be layoffs explained sister of the Supreme Court justice and she didn t know what wo happen to her job I asked Martin what she thought about her brother s disparaging co rnents so long ago We haven t talked about it for years she said w ut as the article made clear this woman already had czj0b the job of 192 THE PRICE OF MOTHERHC5 e Welfare State Versus J Caring State 193 I own as welfare Wdfare is based on need and is not an entitle ent It is perceived as charity as a handout given to recipients who 0 e not thought to have done anything to earn or deserve their payments in the government Historically welfare offered the only public protection against the nomic dependency incurred by caring for others Most caregivers it as assumed would be supported privately through their association e th a spouse In this respect the welfare state perpetuated the legal doc nine of Coverture which denied that wives and mothers were full citi mns in their own right who were entitled to the fruits of their own labor quotnly if a married mother lost the income of a breadwinner did she qual for public assistance but solely in the form of welfare Instituted early the twentieth century these payments were originally designed to secretary to stay at home with her newborn for a year Her salary as mother mailed from the government is treated like any other paych with income and social security taxes withheld v This woman had just returned to her secretarial job held open her by law and her husband was about to begin his year at homewa their daughter The parental payment for this second year was consid ably smaller a little less than 5000 but the story pointed out 7 parents who didn t choose to take the second year at home could go b to work and put their child in subsidized day care 39 We have decided that raising a child is real work and that this we provides value for the whole society Valgard Haugland the minist children and family affairs told the reporter And that the societyquot whole should pay for this valuable service 39 The American journalist T R Reid was obviously impressed P cians in Norway love to talk about family values and in that they r different from politicians almost everywhere else he wrote W11 different here is that Norway has put its money where its mouth is ble deserving poor mothers mostly widows to stay at home with eir children instead of having to give them up to foster families orphan ves or the streets Even these worthy recipients however were never owed more than a pittance Welfare has always been grudgingly given d only to those who can prove they are destitute Since its inception in 9936 Aid to Dependent Children or Aid to Families with Dependent j dren as it was called after 1962 never amounted to more than 5 cent of the GDP In the memorable phrase of one feminist scholar thers could be pitied but not entitled 9 WeHare s secondclass status emerges clearly from a comparison with 0 Security Unlike Social Security welfare bene ts were always con onal For example if a recipient was living with a man it was assumed Maternal dependency and secondclass citizenship for wives mothers were built into the Anglo SaXon welfare state from the b ning5 In the American and British welfare states that evolved in the twentieth century social insurance was provided on two trackso39n39 i people who were employed full time and another for everyone Only the former were permitted to qualify for the rst tier ben such as Social Security unemployment insurance and workman s ensation These ro rams are erceived as ricrhts or entitlements P P 8 P 2 are earned They are paid to bene ciaries who deserve their ch from the overnment 8 Historicall the bene ciaries of these ro rams have been dis ro Y P g P t she should be dependent on him rather than on the government led to the infamous searches of women s apartments for a man in closet If one was found she was summarily cut off p Also unlike Social Security welfare was never indexed to in ation In quartencentury between 1970 and 1996 when AFDC was terminated gether welfare stipends lost almost half of their purchasing power or put it another way between 1969 and 1996 the real value of govern t cash transfer payments to single parents declined by 40 percent was devastating to children When the value of AFDC payments e as it did by roughly 30 percent between 1960 and 1970 childhood terry declined by nearly 60 percent In the next quartencentury as tionately white male wage earners Social Security insures working against the economic dependency that comes with old age unemti ment insurance reduces the dependency that occurs after a job loss workmen s compensation alleviates the dependency caused by place accidents Even the most vociferous antigovernment ideologu also disproportionately white and male have never called for elimination of these programs that keep the wolf from their door The second tier of the American and British system is what has becli 194 THE PRICE or M39O39I39IIERI IO Yr Welfare State Versus a Carmg State 19539 welfare failed to keep up with in ation poverty for children under six climbed back up almost to 1960 levels quotquot5 In sum the American welfare state has never acknowledged that caregiver of a young child incurs a huge risk of losing income in a co ed on their own work records Even by the year 2030 it is estimated at only four out of ten women will be earning more Social Security in I own right than as dependents 13 I All of this sends some strange social messages A professor at the Uni quot ty of Illinois who raised three sons on her own after an early divorce forced by her family obligations to stick to relatively lowpaying but ble teaching jobs Her three children are now all working and paying es into the Social Security system Yet she receives less Social Security u her eX husband who paid only negligible child support and her In arried brother a diplomat who never had children Similarly a couple who each make 65000 a year all their lives and 39 duce no children will each receive more from Social Security than a collar couple who jointly earn 25000 accepting a lower income so 39y can care for two children The rst couple pay more taxes into the Mm but the second contribute the children whose payroll taxes will Sally pay for both couples retirement Do we really believe that the quotcouple is making a more valuable contribution to the economy or to O 13 petitive market economy and deserves some insurance against that just as workers are insured against the other major risks of old age untary unemployment and injury on the job A closer look at Social Security the keystone of the American welfi state shows just how disenfranchised mothers are A person can gt1 qualify for Social Security as an employed worker or as the dependen spouse or widow of an employed worker Years spent caring for oth unpaid are calculated as zeroes I had a dramatic reminder of this wit a Social Security statement arrived recently informing me of my q mated bene ts when I retire The statement was full of zeroes each39 representing a year in which I earned nothing because I was 8 home and raising a child For fulltime mothers in the American welf state their only hope of Social Security is derivative based not on I own unpaid labor but on their husbands paid work The only cont tions to Social Security that count are monetary To be covered a pe must pay the Social Security tax on wages Years spent raising the generation don t count even though the entire Social Security sy depends on mothers who produce the future taxpayers who will n the country s pensions A person s retirement and medical care age are not paid for by their own lifetime contributions to the syst but rather by the Social Security taxes collected from succeeding gen tions of workers that is other people s children The economic hen ciaries of productive children are not their parents but their par entire generation Here s how the system works Bene ts are calculated on a fortyiy work history with the ve lowest income years removed Thus a p 39 must be employed for thirty ve years to earn full bene ts At retirem age sixtytwo to sixty ve women can choose between their own ts or an amount equal to half their husband s whichever is greateiz the eyes of the government caregivers thus deserve half the retirem income of wage earners This penalizes almost twothirds of women In 1993 only 36 percent of women drew Social Security nal advocacy group for poor children I was reminded of the invalu contributions a good mother makes to society and by extension to al Security One of the speakers was Charles Reed r the son of a single mother From most accounts my family should have been a tic Reed told the audience gathered in the National Pension Build Washington DC I came from a broken home and my mother 39orted ve children on her salary as a bank teller and a parttime real equot agent But instead of grim statistics the Reed family a female ed household produced Reed himself then the special assistant mey general for the state of Georgia two college students and a 1997 quoto s Who Among High School Students national honoree y my very rough calculation Reed and his siblings will probably earn isthan 10 million in their lifetimes They will contribute roughly quoton in tart revenues and at least 15 million to the Social Security I7und no1 to mention whatever nonmonetary contributions they make to their communities None of this will entitle their mother to a let retirement check but their contributions to Social Security will tthe 1997 annual bene t for the Children s Defense Fund the leading 196 THE PRICE OF MOTHERHOO The Welfare State Versus cz Caring State 197 Caregivers also fail to qualify for the other rsttrack programs of the welfare state Take unemployment compensation If a breadwinner uses his job through no fault of his own he may be eligible for unem lloyment bene ts Admittedly the program has been seriously eroded the states in a competitive race to the bottom have tightened their I gibility provisions In 1995 only 38 percent of American workers in overed employment actually received bene ts during a spell of unem support the retirement of people who never spent an hour or a nickel 0 a child The Social Security system s disregard for caregiving is reflected in other ways as well No insurance is provided against the loss of a primary parent The children of a stayathome mother who dies or become disabled receive no bene ts Even though someone will surely have t spend an enormous amount of money to pay for the services a mothe39 Ioyment compared with 80 percent in 1947 As a point of comparison ercent of French and 89 percent of German workers who are out of quotrk qualify for bene ts But the great majority of people whose unemployment is a conse ence of caregiving responsibilities are not eligible in the first place fist states don t extend unemployment bene ts to parttime workers a gei39number of whom are mothers And many working mothers are eligible because their work is intermittent or their wages are too low ifus the very people who most need protection from job loss are left out jche system altogether Even if a mother is eligible for unemployment insurance to qualify for an ents she has to have a covered reason for leaving her job such as quotgquot laid off or elimination of the job Yet the situations that most fre tly force mothers out of the labor force the lack of child care or a quote in work schedules that interferes with family responsibilities P them from unemployment insurance Their departure from Ijob is deemed to be voluntary the government insured unemployment due to parental39responsibil I a huge percentage of welfare mothers i would never have had to go welfare A study published in 1995 by the Institute for Women s Pol esearch revealed that almost half 43 percent of all single mothers ving welfare during a two year period used it as if it were unemploy once performed or lose income to provide those services him or herself caregiving is not insured The loss of a breadwinner on the other hand does initiate Social Security payments although not in every case Th system treats the widows and children of men who die like princes an the families of men who divorce or desert them like paupers Yet scholars have observed nothing distinguishes the two types of worn and children except their prior relationship to men The determinatio of the life chances of women and children on the basis of their rel tions to men is patriarchal culture at its most insidious 14 I If a man dies for example his widow and children automatically an immediately qualify for Social Security survivor s bene ts The childr receive a bene t through the age of nineteen and two months providl they are still fulltime students in high school and the surviving spo receives a caretakers bene t until the child reaches sixteen or the c taker remarries These are entitlements whatever the family s inco and they are reduced only gradually if the caregiver decides not to sta home full time with the children But if a man abandons his family or if there is a divorce for what reason his wife and children have no protection under Social Secur1 they are desperate they may be able to secure some temporary welf but the children will be much worse off than if their father were dea3939 This double standard is particularly insidious because it denies 39 ance for a risk that is quite common and protects people against that is rather rare By the mid1990s of the almost 30 percent of chil being raised by a single parent those being raised by widows and wi insurance as a temporary income between jobs en there is workmen s compensation When someone suffers a job quot illness or is disabled on the job that person becomes eligible inpensation But when a mother working at home becomes disabled 39 burning her hand on the stove or tripping down stairs while car ers accounted for only 1 percent The remainder were in the hom never married 5 8 percent or divorced or separated 42 percent ers and fathers 3 ia load of laundry there is no entitlement program to cushion her THE PRICE Q1 MQTHERjg Welfare 5141221 VGTSHS cl C472 g Sfdf fall And even when she has a serious accident at home that s 7 related to paid work the injury does not qualify for any compensaar Mothers are among the few American workers who toil entirely at The Geriatric Gender Gap of the upshots of mothers exclusion from the social safety net is in old age Elderly women are more than twice as likely to be as old men This single stark truth puts the lie to all of the claims e United States truly honors mothers ie American pension system is often referred to as a threelegged quot with the legs consisting of Social Security benefits private pen enefits and individual savings Although the system is ostensibly enneutral it works well only for those relatively few women who a male pattern of uninterrupted fulltime paid work Once women own risk Another egregious example of the welfare states discrimination mothers occurs in the eld of job training In 1989 15 6 million 2 were displaced homemakers defined as women whose prim O had been homemaking and who could not nd a fulltime job after I their husbands income usually to one of the four D s divorce tion or his death or disability More than half of these women were near poverty and roughly one fth had children under age eight support These former homemakers many of whom had been out of market for years need job training as much as any other di worker But they have a much harder time getting it States hav e mothers their family commitments weaken all three legs As we seen because of their work patterns women earn fewer Social Secu e ts than men Because so many mothers tend to move in and out loyment or work parttime the great majority also have no private s Only 29 percent of all women in the workforce and 15 percent stirne female workers participate in a private pension plan And tion on whether to offer job training to displaced homemakers an have opted not to serve them at all even with the federal funds available for dislocated workers The few states that do make some allocation for homemaki39 tantly discriminate against them In some states for example homemakers can be accommodated only after all other dislocate ers have been offered training In other states homemakers u tute no more than 5 percent of a program s recipients In Arizo I mid1990s even if a former homemaker was living below the line she could not qualify for certain kinds of adjustment assis job training if her income in previous months before her we of their lower lifetime earnings mothers alsolhave fewer per 239vings than men 39effects of all this are clear a geriatric gender gap In 1997 147 cent of men The poverty rate among elderly widows was 203 w 39 and for single and divorced women it was 27 percent0 It is still tif a woman wants to eat well in old age she had better find a man s table reward for raising our children and serving as caregivers for our a congressional report wrote in 1992 millions of today s work en will become destitute in old age as the beginning of the baby nmeration retires They have done everything that our families and I ve asked of them only to discover that the nation s retirement actually penalizes them for serving as the nation s caregivers 21 c Mom solved was too high These days more and more men gure among the displace makers applying for training assistance either single parents tody or men who were laid off and stayed at home with a child for But the overwhelming majority are women whose difficulty 3 retraining is yet another reason that so many divorced and s mothers end up on welfare tquotof women over the age of sixty ve were poor compared 200 THE PRICE OF MOTHERH e Weifare State Versus a Caring State 201 P European countries that rank lowest in the provision of subsidized care for toddlers Britain Ireland Luxembourg and the Nether s have the lowest proportion of mothers of underthreeyear olds e paid workforce Even within one country Sweden the rate of ternal employment is related to the degree of subsidized child care in en locality Another interesting thing seems to occur when maternal and child cies are generous A strong safety net for single mothers and their chil seems to encourage married mothers to stay home A major multi nal study utilizing data from seven developed countries the United es Canada Australia the United Kingdom the Netherlands Ger y and Sweden found that in the countries with the highest trans of income to single mothers through guaranteed child support and quotquotallowances married mothers were less likely to work Apparently ed women feelquot that the risk of staying home is worth taking when 0 nsequences of marital failure are not economically devastating the United States more married women with young children work e than in most of these European countries Could this be related fact that the United States has the lowest income transfers to single ers the industrialized world and the highest rates of maternal d poverty ditional family advocates should take note of what may be an unin dconsequence of welfare reform Just as the parent who is rough e child nds that she is also stirring anxiety in the heart of her other A a hardhearted policy toward single mothers may well affect 1 avior of millions of married women who have never seen the inside quot 39 are office The rationale for eliminating the welfare guarantee t it would encourage mothers who were dependent on govern become selfreliant But mothers who are dependent on hus might also get the message that their only real insurance against n a paying job Unintended Consequences The other result of mothers exclusion from social insurance prog is of course child poverty As we have learned income in the mothers is more likely to be spent on children than any other P Yet the only risks to loss of income that are not insured by the Ame welfare state are those incurred by mothers The consequences are devastating for kids Almost one fth 0 American children under age eighteen lived in poverty In 2000 C1quot the longest economic boom in history The American lack of comp toward children and their mothers stands in stark contrast to other capitalist countries The incidence of child poverty in the United S is more than twice as great as in Canada nearly three times as gr in the United Kingdom and roughly eightptimes as great as 1I1 many In the Nordic countries there is no child poverty generous family supports There is a direct causal connection be these shameful comparisons and the failure in the United States to mothers under the same kind of insurance umbrella that protects 395 workers t This record reached an alltime low in August of 1996 when Co abolished AF DC the unloved federal guarantee of cash support for children and their caregivers By the end of the twentieth century states were forcing mothers of infants and toddlers to leave th 39 dren all day anywhere while the mothers worked a fulltimejobf The welfare reform bill was unquestionably the single biggest o of children in the history of American social pohcy perpetrat a Congress that couldn t stop prattling about family values 39 ignored some convincing evidence from Europe that the best encourage mothers to go out and get a job is to provide their with a safe and supportive place to be The experience in other co clearly shows that subsidized quality child care can far i encourage poor women to work than any number of punitive The European countries that offer generous assistance 0 care including Belgium France Italy Sweden and Denm 0o the highest employment rates for mothers of preschoolers Con
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