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by: Sadie Wolf

TopicsinComparativeLit ENGL766

Sadie Wolf
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This 0 page Class Notes was uploaded by Sadie Wolf on Sunday November 1, 2015. The Class Notes belongs to ENGL766 at Indiana University of Pennsylvania taught by Staff in Fall. Since its upload, it has received 31 views. For similar materials see /class/233526/engl766-indiana-university-of-pennsylvania in Foreign Language at Indiana University of Pennsylvania.


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Date Created: 11/01/15
Ema Va caminOagWW 1 INTRODUCTION We will be concerned in this work to develop a conception of verbal art as performance based upon an understanding of performance as a mode of speaking In constructing this framework for a performancecentered approach to verbal art we have started from the position of the folklorist but have drawn from a wide range of disciplines chiefly anthropology linguistics and literary criticism Each of these disciplines has its own distinctive perspective on verbal art and a long tradition of independent scholarship in its study From at least the time of Herder howeVer there has been an integrative tradition as well in the study of verbal art manifested in the work of such figures as Edward Sapir Roman Jakobson and Dell Hymes scholars who have operated at an intellectual level beyond the boundaries which separate academic disciplines sharing an interest in the esthetic dimension of social and cultural life in human communities as manifested through the use of language The 4 VERBAL ARTAS PERFORMANCE present work is offered in the spirit of that integrative tradition In recent years the concept of performance has begun to assume central importance in the orientation of increasing numbers of folklorists and others interested in verbal art1 As employed in the work of these scholars the term performance has been used to convey a dual sense of artistic actz39onvthe doing of folklore and artistic event the perform ance situation involving performer art form audience and settingvboth of which are basic to the developing performance approach This usage accords well with the conventional meaning of the term performance and has served to point up the fundamental reorientation from folkloreasmaterials to folkloreascommunication which characterized the thinking of these scholars Conventional meanings can carry scholarship just so far however before the lack of conceptual rigor begins to constrain analytical insight rather than advancing it In view of the centrality of performance to the orientation of increasing numbers of folklorists and anthropologists inter ested in verbal art the time seems opportune for efforts aimed at expanding the conceptual content of folkloric performance as a communicative phenomenon beyond the general usage that has carried us up to this point That is the purpose of this work One orientational and terminological point before proceeding consistent with the chiefly sociolinguistic and anthropological roots of the performance approach the terms verbal art and oral literature provide a better frame of reference at least as a point of departure for the ideas to be advanced here than the more diffuse and problematic term folklore Spoken art might be even better insofar as this essay is concerned solely with a way of speaking and its attendant phenomena but the term has never achieved currency in any of the disciplines where it might have served a useful purposevfolklore anthropology or linguistics2 Many things have been studied under the name of folklore but verbal art has always been at or near the center of the larger Intro duction 5 domain and has constituted the chief common ground between anthropological folklorists and those of other persuasions Accordingly the shift from the folklore of the preceding paragraph to the verbal art of those to follow is neither unprecedented nor arbitrary but will serve to make somewhat clearer the universe of discourse within which the ideas which follow have been formulated Let us make explicit as well that a great deal more is intended here than a convenient relabeling of what is already known The conception of performance to be developed in these pages is not simply an alternative perspective on the familiar genres of oral literature long studied by folklorists and anthropologists It is that but it is more than that as well Performance as we conceive of it and as our examples have been selected to illustrate is a unifying thread tying together the marked segregated esthetic genres and other spheres of verbal behavior into a general unified conception ofverbal art as a way of speaking Verbal art may comprehend both myth narration and the speech expected of certain members of society whenever they open their mouths and it is performance that brings them together in culturespecific and variable ways ways that are to be discovered ethnographically within each culture and community 2 THE NA TUHE OF PERFORMANCE Modern theories of the nature of verbal art whether in anthropology linguistics or literature tend overwhelmingly to be constructed in terms of special usages or patterning of formal features within texts General formulations identify a primary focus on the message for its own sake jakobson 19602356 Stankiewicz 19601415 or a concern with the form of expression over and above the needs of communication Bascom 19552247 as the essence of verbal art Others are more specific about the nature or consequences of such a focus or concern suggesting for example that the touchstone of verbal art lies in a maximized use of the devices of the language in such a way that this use itself attracts attention and is perceived as uncommon Havranek 1964 10 Among certain linguists the idea has some currency that verbal art in some way deviates from norms which we as members of society have learnt to expect in the medium used Leech 1969256 cf Stankiewicz 196012 Durbin 1971 while others of their colleagues make a point of the mma u39w mus 8 VERBAL ARTAS PERFORMANCE multiplicity of additional formal laws restricting the poet s free choice of expressions Fonagy 1965272 italics in the original Whatever their differences of focus or emphasis all these approaches make for a conception of verbal art that is textcentered For all the artful esthetic quality of an utterance resides in the way in which language is used in the construction of the textual item To be sure it may be considered necessary at least implicitly to assess the text against the background of general linguistic norms but it is the text itself that remains the unit of analysis and point of departure for proponents of these approaches This in turn places severe constraints on the development of a meaningful framework for the understanding of verbal art as performance as a species of situated humanr communication a way of speaking if f w 391 It is of course possible to move from artistic texts identified in formal or other terms to performance by simply looking at how such texts are rendered in action terms But this is to proceed backwards by approaching phenomena whose primary social reality lies in their nature as oral communication in terms of the abstracted textual products of the communicative process As we shall see oral literary texts though they may fulfill the formal measures of verbal art be accurately recorded and bear strong associations with performance in their conventional contexts may nevertheless not be the products of performance but of rendition in another communicative mode How many of the texts in our collections represent recordings of abstracts resumes or reports of performance and performance forms rather than true performances cf Tedlock 19 72a By identifying the nature of performance and distinguishing it from other ways of speaking we will have among other things a measure of the authenticity of collected oral literary texts A performancecentered conception of verbal art calls for an approach through performance itself In such an approach the formal manipulation of linguistic features is secondary to in form ants The Nature ofPerformancg 9 the nature of performance per se conceived of and defined as a mode of communication There is communication which goes back at least to Plato s insistence that literature is lies This notion also manifest in Sir Philip Sidney s dictum the poet nothing affirmeth Ohmann 1971 5 holds that whatever the propositional content of an item of verbal art its meaning is somehow canceled out Or rendered inoperative by the nature of the utterance as verbal art A more recent expression of this conception is to be found in the writings of the British Ordinary Language philosopher J L Austin Austin maintains of any and every utterance that it will be in a peculiar way hollow or void if said by an 39 actor on the stage or spoken in soliloquy He continues circumstances is in special intelligibly used not seriously but in ways parasitic upon its normal useways which fall under the doctrine of etz39olatz39ons of language Austin 19622122 italics in the original1 Leaving aside the unfortunate suggestion that the uses Austin mentions exert a weakening influence on language a product of his particular bias we may abstract from the cited passage the that transformation of the basic referential serious a VEYY language in such ways suggestion performance represents a normal in Austin s terms uses of language In other words in artistic performance of this kind there is something going on in the communicative which says to the interpret what I say in some special sense do not take it to mean what the words alone taken literally would convey This may lead to the further suggestion that performance sets up or represents an interpretative frame within which the messages being communicated are to be understood and that interchange auditor this frame contrasts with at least one other frame the literal In employing the term frame here I am drawing not upon Austin but on the powerful insights of Gregory Bateson and the more recent and equally provocative work of Ewing Goffman 1974 Bateson first developed systematically the notion of frame as a defined interpretive context providing guidelines for discriminating between orders of message H972 old conception of verbal art as mn occur It should be noted moreover that frames may be used ex 10 VERBAL ARTAS PERFORMANCE 1956 222 in his seminal article A Theory of Play and Fantasy 1972 1955 177 93 We shall return to aspects of this theory and of Goffman s in more detail below2 Although the notion of performance as a frame was introduced above as contrasting with literal communication it should be made clear from the beginning that many other such frames besides these two may be identified For example in which the words spoken are to be interpreted as having a covert and indirect relation to the meaning of the utterance cf Austin 1962121 joking in which the words spoken are to be interpreted insinuation as not seriously meaning what they might otherwise mean cf Austin 19622121 imitation in which the manner of speaking is to be iiinterpreted as being modeled after that of another person or persons V translation in which the words spoken are to be interpreted as the equivalent of words originally spoken in another language or code quotation in which the words to be interpreted as the words of someone other than the speaker cf Weinreich 19662162 This is a very partial and unelaborated list which does spoken are not even adequately sample much less exhaust the range of possible interpretive frames within which communication may in combination as well as singly as listed It should also be stressed that although theorists like Austin suggest that the literal frame somehow has priority over all the others is more normal this is not necessary to the theory and in fact biases it in unproductive ways Fish 1973 The notorious difficulty of de ning literalness aside there is growing evidence that literal utterances are no more frequent or normal in situated human communication than any of the other frames and indeed that in spoken communication no such thing as naked literalness may actually exist Burns 1972 Goffman 1974 For our purposes all that is necessary is the recognition of performance as a distinctive frame available as a communi The Nature ofPerformance II cative resource along with the others to speakers in particular communities3 The first major task then is to suggest what kind of interpretive frame performance establishes or represents How is communication that to be interpreted The following represents a very preliminary attempt to specify the interpretive guidelines set up by the performance frame constitutes perfo rm an ce Fundamentally performance as a mode of spoken verbal communication consists in the assumption of responsibility to an audience for a display of communicative competence This competence rests on the knowledge and ability to speak in socially appropriate ways Performance involves on the part of the performer an assumption of accountability to an audience for the way in which communication is carried out above and beyond its referential content From the point of view of the audience the act of expression on the part of the performer is thus marked as subject to evaluation for the way it is done for the relative skill and effectiveness of the performer s display of competence4 Additionally it is marked as available for the enhancement of experience through the present enjoyment of the intrinsic qualities of the act of expression itself Performance thus calls forth special attention to and heightened awareness of the act of expression and gives license to the audience to regard the act of expression and the performer with special intensity5 Thus conceived performance is a mode of language use a way of speaking The implication of such a concept for a theory of verbal art is this it is no longer necessary to begin with artful texts identified on independent formal grounds and then reinjected into situations of use in order to conceptualize verbal art in communicative terms Rather in terms of the approach being developed here performance becomes constitutive of the domain of verbal art as spoken communication Some examples may be this point to demonstrate in empirical terms the application of the notion of performance we have proposed In several of her writings on useful at gt21 1 i 5 r W 14 m but a x i v I 12 VERBAL ARTAS PERFORMWC y Q m 71 1 j a i 39 f I 1 a xii 4quot 394 7 i 39L V N e39 5quot quotof4152 4 l l 7 x H quotIquot 39 quotifquot v the people of the plateau area of the Malagasy Republic Keenan 1973 1974 Elinor Keenan delineates the two major ways of speaking identified by this group The first called in native terminology remta may be loosely defined as informal conversation described by native elders as everyday talkquot or simple talk The other way of speaking ltabary is the one of principal interest to us here Kabary is glossed by Keenan as ceremonial speech what we might call oratory The following are excerpts from Keenan s description Kabary is a focal point of tradition and as a focal point of artistic expression is regarded with great interest It is not uncommon to see groups of elders evaluating the skills and approaches of speechmakers following a kahary performance A speechrnaker who pleases his audience is rmvarded With praise such as He is a very sharp speechmaker He is prepared He is a true speechmaket a child of his fatherquot His words are said to be wellarranged and quotj i balanced His performance is described as satisfying f LN Evaluations are based on both skill in handling winding speech and on a one39s ability to follow certain rules governing the sequence and 39J39 v 5 content ot39particular oratory 197332627 And further kabary performances are platforms for T quot exhibiting knowledge of traditional oratory 1973229 ll r Wedding liabary in particular is the most developed art form in the culture and a source of great delight and interest to all g 2 7 participantsquot 1973242 It is clear from this description that kabary represents for display of competence in the traditional kabary forms to render one s speech subject to evaluation for the quality of one s sneaking One is judged as a speechmaker for the way one s words are arranged Kabm y performances are keenly attended to and actively evaluated with good performances serving as a source of enjoyment and satisfaction to the auditors for the way they are done The ethnography of verbal art among the plateau Malagasy thus becomes centrally the ethnography of kabary Among the llongot of the Philippines by contrast with the above there are three major speech styles described by n 3 a quotr t V i it a y The Nature ofPerformance 13 Michelle Rosaldo the stylistically unmarked straight speech qubemata qupu invocatory speech nawnaw and a third style qambaqan described as crooked or witty talk Rosaldo 1973 It is not wholly clear from Rosaldo s account whether nawnaw involves performance but qambaqan very clearly does Qambaqan is artful witty charming a display performance pose Rosaldo 1973197 98 What is especially noteworthy about speaking among the Ilongot within our present context is that the telling of tales always included in a priori textcentered language of definitions of verbal art is classi ed as a kind of straight speech That is storytelling for the Ilongot is not a form of performance and thus in culturespecific communicative terms not a form of verbal art The domain of speaking among the llongot is to this extent among many others organized differently from that of the many cultures in which storytelling does involve performance japanese professional storytellers for example as described by Hrdlickova are certainly performers in our sense of the term For their audiences it is not seldom more important how a story is told than what the story relates Storytellers regard the mastery of storytelling elements as a necessary preliminary stage prior to any successful practicing of their art in public since the audience not only expects of them an established manner of interpretation but also rates them according to the degree of artistry the artists command l39lrdlickova 19692193 the original That storytelling involves a display of competence in the manner of telling the story which is subject to evaluation for the way it The audience the performance in proportion to the skill of the narrator Idem The point to be emphasized here is that just as speaking itself as a cultural system or part of cultural systems italics in is is done derives en ioyrnent from defined in other terms will vary from speech community to speech community so too will the nature and extent of the realm of performance and verbal art Bauman 1972 One of the principal questions one must ask in the ethnography of performance is what range of speech activity is regarded as I4 VERBAL ARTASPERFORMANCE susceptible to performance and what range is conventionally performed that is conventionally expected by members of the community to be rendered in a performance modequot For the St Vincentians for example performance may be invoked across a very wide spectrum of speech activity from oratory to storytelling to gossipgeven to speaking with a speech impediment while the seventeenth century Quakers because of basic attitudes toward speaking in general restricted performance to an extremely narrow range of activity Abrahams 1970a Abrahams and Bauman J97 Bauman 1974 1975 In performance terms it is not possible to assert a priori that verbal art consists of folktales myths legends proverbs riddles and other literary forms defined solely in formal terms Bascom 19552245 We will return to the culturespecific nature of verbal art as performance below THE KEYNG OF PERFORMANCE Before embarking upon a discussion of the further implications of the notion of performance put forward above there is one major element integral to the conception of performance as a frame which must be delineated ie the way in which framing is accomplished or to uSe Goffman s term for the process by which frames are invoked and shifted how performance is keyed Goffman 1974 Here again we may draw on Bateson s powerful insight that it is characteristic of communicative interaction that it include a range of explicit or implicit messages which carry instructions on how to interpret the other messagefs being communicated This communica tion about communication Bateson termed metacommunica tion Ruesch and Bateson 19682069 In Bateson39s terms a which either explicitly or implicitly defines a frame pm fizcto gives the frame is metacommunicatiye Any message receiver instructions or aids in his attempt to understand the messages included within the frame Bateson 1972 16 VERBA L ARTAS PERFORMANCE 1955 1188 All framing then including performance is aettomplished through the employment of culturally conven tionalized metacommunication In empirical terms this means that each speech community will make use of a structured set of distinctive communicative means from among its resources in culturally conventionalized and culturevspecific ways to key the performance frame such that all communication that takes place within that frame is to be understood as performance within that community A general list of communicative means that have been widely documented in various cultures serving to key performance is not difficult to compile Such a list would include at least the following special codes figurative language parallelism special paralinguistic features special formulae appeal to tradition disclaimer of performance The formal and conventional nature of most of these devices bears an important relation to the very nature of performance itself Burke has alerted us to the power of formal patterns to elicit the participation of an audience through the arousal of an attitude of collaborative expectancy Once you grasp the trend of the form it invites participationquot This yielding to the formal develop ment surrendering to its symmetry as such Burke 1969 1950 58 fixes the attention of the audience more stroneg on the performer binds the audience to the performer in a relationship of dependence that keeps them caught up in his display A not insignificant part of the capacity of performance to transform social structure to be discussed at the end of this work resides in the power that the performer derives from the control over his audience afforded him by the formal appeal of his performance Let us examine the devices we have listed at greater length The Keying of Performance 1 Special codex The use of special codes is one of the most widely noted characteristics of verbal art so much so that special linguistic usage is taken often as a definitive criterion of poetic language The special usage may center on one or another linguistic level or features or it may extend to whole codes Not infrequently there is an attribution of archaism to the special language of verbal art a natural outgrowth of the traditionality and esotericism of many performance systems Such attribution need not imply unintelligibility however Navajo usage is a case in point Informants identify the special language of storytelling as old fashionedquot Toelken 1969220 but it is readily understood by all even children From a purely functional point of view of course such usages are no more archaic than the language of everyday speech insofar as they have a vitalif restrictedlplace in contempor ary speaking There is a major theoretical point here Much discussion of the nature of verbal art is founded on the notion that it is part of the essence of poetic language that it is somehow deviant from normal language see above pp 7 10 Normal language in these formulations turns out to be literal strictly referential standard language We have this perspective earlier in connection with L Austin The ethnographic perspective employed in this work is funda mentally at odds with the deviationist perspective It rests discussed instead on a multifunctional view of language use which recognizes that the members of every speech community have available to them a diversity of linguistic means of speaking none of which can serve a priori as an analytical frame of reference for any other We can thus speak appropriately of difference among registers or varieties within a community but not deviance Figurative language No single feature or device figures consistently or the characteristics of verbal art than figurative language The semantic density of figurative language its foregroundedness more prominently in accounts of make it especially appropriate as a device for performance 18 VERBAL ARTAS PERFORMANCE where expressive intensity and special communicative skill are central The nature of figurative expression is so complex and extensive a subject that it is impossible even to suggest all the relevant dimensions here For a fuller discussion see Fernandez 1974 Nevertheless one important element of contrast that figurative language performance should be addressed namely the creativity of the the figures he some communities the coinage of original figures is what is valued For the Western Apache metaphorical wise words in the course of conversation is in the role assumes in artistic verbal performer vis a vis employs In for example the coinage of itself a form of performance in every sense of the term Basso 1976 On the other hand the prominence of traditional fixedphrase performance forms in the performance economies the is also amply documented Figurative language is no less important in such traditional forms performance may thus consist in the accurate rendition of ready made figures To cite but one of a myriad of possible examples the panegyric poetry of Ruanda heavily figurative in expression is performed with special attention to exactness of wording Finnegan l970118 There is finally a third alternative namely that the figures employed by the performer may be ready made but that performance involves their employment in novel contexts The use of metaphor in Homeric epic is a case in point Homer s metaphors as Parry has demonstrated are traditional and formulaic their very ready madeness essential to the formulaic improvisation of the oral epic performance Parry 1933 Parallelism Parallelism what Leech calls foregrounded regularity 1969262 involves the repetition with systematic variation of phonic of world s communities grammatical semantic or prosodic structures the combination of invariant and variant elements in the construction of an utterance Jakobson 1966 1968 Austerlitz 1960 From a functional point of view the of the and the structural principles underlying the parallel constructions may serve as mnemonic aids to the performer of a fixed traditional text or persistence invariant elements The Keying ofPerformance 19 enhance the fluency of the improvisational or spontaneous performance In either case the uent use of language marked by extra regularities is an effective vehicle for the display of communicative competence Parallelism is so fundamental and universal a phenome non that Jakobson to whom is owed much of the current interest in parallelism suggests that it is the empirical linguistic criterion of the poetic function Jakobson 19601358 However parallelism has been studied almost exclusively as it figures in highly marked and elaborate systems of oral poetry such as oral epic or ritual speech for ethnographic examples see Bricker 1974 Fox 1974 Gossen 1972 1974a 1974b Sherzer and Sherzer 1972 with little or no attention to its use as an esthetic device in conversational contexts From the perspective we have been developing here however the capacity of parallelism to extend from brief passing utterances to lengthy and elaborate poetic forms is an important factor because it gives us a clue to potential continuities between elaborate scheduled public perform ances involving highly marked performance forms and other contexts for discourse in which performance may be more fleeting and transitory For example the performance motive in contemporary urban Afro American culture illuminated by Roger Abrahams 1970b is manifested in cliches brief leavetaking formulas the rhymed dozens a form of verbal dueling the epic toasts and the religious sermons Rosenberg 1970 of male performers in this community all these forms from short and conversational to elaborate and highly marked are suffused with parallelistic constructions Special paralz39nguz39stz39c features Paralinguistic features by their very nature tend not to be captured in the transcribed or published versions of texts with the exception of certain aspects of prosody in clearly poetic forms The reader is consequently forced to rely on the incidental comments of the occasional sensitive observer who does note paralinguistic features of delivery style These will generally take the form of descriptive notes such as the Mohave have a traditional staccato strongly accented and rather rapid manner of 20 VERBAL ARTAS PERFORMANCE delivering traditional memorized texts Devereux 19492269 It is not only that recorded texts do not readily reflect paralinguistic features but that in many cases especially before the ready availability of tape recorders the conditions of recording artistic texts required that conventional paralinguistic patterns be distorted with what resultant effects on the text it is difficult to determine The Mohave style notEd by Devereux for example made it impossible to record conventionally performed texts by hand consequently Devereux insisted that his informants slow down their delivery to a pace that allowed him to take down what they said Were these latter renditions performances Certainly not by full Mohave standards A major step toward rectifying the omission of paralinguistic features of narrative performance has been taken by Dennis Tedlock in his work on Zuni narrative Tedlock 1972a 1972b Tedlock has developed a series of conventions for indicating such features as rate length pause duration pitch contour tone of voice loudness and stress that seem relatively simple and straightforward but are revolutionary in conception Tedlock s method not only makes it possible to transcribe performed texts in a way that reveals crucial features that mark it as the product of performance but points the way to a fundamental reorientation in our con ception of what constitutes an adequate text John McDowell 1974 has recently made a significant contribution toward establishing the importance of paralin guistic features as keys to performance while underscoring the distinctiveness of performance as a way of Speaking Comparing two renditions in Bolivian Quechua of the same tale by the same narrator one a report of the tale s content the other a performance McDowell discovered virtually total contrast in paralinguistic features between the two The constellation of paralinguistic features keying performance in Bolivian Quechua however is not necessarily the same as one would find in another community what is important is the contrast between performance and other ways of speaking in the informant s own community The Keying ofPerformance 21 L Special formulae Very familiar to English speaking audiences are formulae such as once upon a time opening a fairy tale or did you hear the one about to introduce a joke cf Reaver 1972 Such formulae are in effect markers of specific genres and insofar as these genres are conventionally performed in a community the formulae may serve as keys to performance The formulae may be of several types The Bahamian Bunday for example has no currency or meaning except as a marker of traditional folktales or old stories To the Bahamians Bunday ain t nothing it just mean is old storyquot Crowley 1966220 Alternatively the formula may be a naming of the genre itself as in the Clackamas Chinook ending myth myth Jacobs 1959221 A third possibility is a formula that performs some referential function however conventional for the item itself as in once upon a time which places the action of a folktale in the past Finally the formula may refer to the communicative relationship between performer and audience as in did you hear the one about P The fullest discussion of this entire phenomenon is in Babcock this volume Appeal to tradition To assume responsibility for the way in which one carries out a communicative act implies a standard of judgment against which one s performance is to be evaluated There are esthetic standards brought to bear here having to do with the intrinsic qualities of the act of expression itself but there may also be an appeal to tradition the acceptance of past practice as a standard of reference In tradition oriented societies an appeal to tradition may thus become a key to performance a way of signaling the assumption of responsibility for the proper doing of a communicative act In the words of the Mandinka griot What I have myself heard What I have heard from my parents That is the account which I shall put before you lnnes 19741145 Disclaimer of performance Finally we must note that the conventional means used to announce performance may N t I FORM1 NCE 397 lt 2 quot VERBAL ARTIS PER 7 I v amount to a surfaceiidenial of any real competence at kind of disclaimer of performance This is true for instance among the plateau Malagasy for whom the elaborate assertion of verbal incompetence is a diagnostic feature of laalmry performance Keenan 19742135 Likewise the traditional Cree storyteller opened his performance with a denial of personal competence Daniell l974z325 Such disclaimers are not of course incompatible with taking responsibility for a but concessions standards of etiquette and decorum where self assertiveness is display of competence are rather to disvalued In such situations a disclaimer of performance serves both as a moral gesture to counterbalance the power of performance to focus heightened attention on the performer and a key to performance itself A list of the kind just given is ultimately of only limited utility for the task the ethnography performance is to determine the culurespecific constellations of communicative means that serve to key performance in particular communities Features such as those listed above may figure in a variety of ways in the speech economy of a community Rhyme for example may be used to key performance or it may simply be a formal feature of the language as when it figures in certain forms of reduplication or it may appear in speech play which may or may not involve performance It may even be inadvertent Interest ingly when this happens in English there is a traditional formula which may be invoked to disclaim performance retroactively I m a poet and I don t know it my feet Show it they re longfellows This is an indication that rhyme often does in fact key performance in English The basic point here that empirically what are the specific conventionalized means that key performance in a particular community and that these will vary from one community to another though one may discover areal and typological patterns Jacobs 1972 Sherzer and Bauman 1972214547 and universal tendencies may exist A full and ideal ethnography of performance would indicate the keys to the entire domain viewing speaking and essential in of is one must determine The Keying ofPerformance 23 performance as a cultural system and indicating how the whole range of performance is keyed Gary Gossen s elegant analyses of Chamula genres of verbal behavior comes closest to any work in the literature known to the author in achieving such a description Gossen 1972 reprinted this volume 1974a l97lh Within the overall domain of people s speech 5 390p kz rsanol Chamula identify three macrocategories of speech ordinary speech 10 k op speech for people whose hearts are heated k op sventa sk39z39snah y0nt0n vufhm 139 kz39rsanoei and pure speech mum k op Ordinary speech is conceived of by the people as unmarked not special in any way It is not associated with performance Speech for people whose hearts are heated and pure speech on the other hand are strongly relevant to our discussion As an overall category what distinguishes speech for people whose hearts are heated from ordinary speech is that it is stylistically marked by a degree of verbatim repetition of words phrases and metaphors and in certain subcategories or genres by parallelism in syntax and metaphorical couplets Pure speech is distinguished in turn from speech for people whose hearts are heated by its relative fixity of form and the greater density of parallelism either through proliferation of syntactically parallel lines or the stacking of metaphorical couplets From Gossen s description it is evident that repetition and parallelism constitute keys to performance for the Chamula Both speech for people whose hearts are heated and pure speech involve the display of competence contribute to the enhancement of experience and are subject to evaluation for the way they are done There is a crucial point to be made here however Speech for people whose hearts are heated is idiosyncratic unl ixcd and markedly less saturated with those features that signal performance The user of speech for people whose hearts are heated is less fully accountable for a display of competence his expression is less intensely regarded by the audience his performance has less to contribute to the enhancement of the audience s experience than the one who uses the forms of pure speech The performance frame may Wm quotM wwww mtgt u zat 24 VERBAL AR39I AS PERFORMINK thus be seen to operate with variable intensity in Chamula speaking It is worth underscoring this last point Art is commonly conceived as an all ornothing phenomenonmsomething either is or is not artbut conceived as performance in terms of an interpretive frame verbal art may be culturally defined as varying in intensity as well as range We are not speaking here of the relative quality of a performanceigood performance vs bad perfot mancejbut the degree of intensity with which the performance frame operates in a particular range of culturally defined When we move beyond the firstlevel discrimination of culturally defined ways of speaking that do not conventionally involve performance ear Chamula r 3 ways of speaking ordinary speech Malagasy remta vs ways of speaking that do characteristically involve performance eg Chamula speech for people whose hearts are heated and pure speech Malagasy kabary we need to attend to the relative saturation of the performance frame attendant upon the more specific categories of ways of speaking within the community The variable range of performance in Chamula is confirmed by the metalanguage employed by the Chamula in their evaluation of performance Because of the importance of the evaluative dimension of performance as communication such metalanguages and the esthetic standards they express constitute an essential consideration in the ethnography of performance the range of application of such esthetic systems may be the best indicator of the extent of the performance domain within a community Dundes 1966 Babcock this volume Foster 1974a232 35 Increased fixity of form repe tition and parallelism which serve as measures of increasing intensity of performance also signal for the Chamula increasing heat Heat is a basic metaphor for the Chamula symbolizing the orderly the good and the beautiful by derivation from the power of the sun deity The transition from ordinary speech to speech for people whose hearts are heated to pure speech thus involves a progressive increase in heat and therefore of esthetic and ethical 2 j gt value in speaking i 5 quot j J 71quot J 7 4 THE PA TTERNNG OF PERFORMANCE Our discussion of Chamula performance at the close of the last chapter centered upon the way in which performance is keyed the Communicative means that signal that a particular act of expression is being performed We may advance our considerations still further by recognizing that it is only as these means are embodied in particular genres that they figure in the performance system of the Chamula themselves That is the Chamula organize the domain of speaking in terms of genres ie culturally definable traditional types of verbal communication Enkvist 197320 conventionalized utterance types that incorporate the features that key performance Thus terms such as k39op S uenta cavz lto court speech barf ac k of true recent narrative and antz v0 k39opetik ancient words designate specific Chamula genres The association of performance with particular genres is a significant aspect of the patterning of performance within communities This association is more problematic than to Vi 26 VERBAL ARTIS PERFORMANCE text centered etic approaches to verbal art would indicatc Ben Amos 1969 In the ethnography of performance as a cultural system the investigator s attention will frequently be attracted first by those genres that are conventionally performed These are thlt genres like the Chamula genres of pure speech or Bahamiar old stories for which there is little or no expectation on th1 part of members of the community that they will be renderet in any other way He should be attentive as well however fo those genres for which the expectation or probability 0 performance is lower for which performance is felt to be mort optional but which occasion no surprise if they arlt performed A familiar example from contemporary Americat J society might be the personal narrative which is frequentl rendered in a simply rcpertorial mode but which may well b highlighted as performance Labov s sophisticated research 01 personal narrative suggests that one of the principal factor entering into the rendering of personal narrative a performance and determining its effectiveness performance is the inclusion in the narrative of an evaluative componen that indicates the nature and intensity of the narrator feelings concerning the experience he is recountingkwhy h considers it worth telling about Labov l972a354 96 There will of course in any society be a range of verb genres that are not rendered as performances These will b viewed as not involving the kind of competence that i susceptible to display not lending themselves to th enhancement of experience Not to be forgotten are thos genres that are considered by members of the community I be performance forms but that are nevertheless nc performed as when there is no one left who is competent t perform them or conditions for appropriate performance n longer exist A related phenomenon is what Hymes person communication calls performance in a perfunctory key i which the responsibility for a display of communicativ competence is undertaken out of a sense of cultural duty traditional obligation but offering because of change circumstances relatively little pleasure or enhancement The Patterning of Performance 27 experience One thinks for example of some masses in Latin Such performances may however be a means of preserving performance forms for later reinvigoration and restoration to the level of full performance It should be noted with reference to the native organization of the domain of speaking and cultural expectations for performance that the members of a community may conceptualize speech activity in terms ofmacts rather than genres The St Vincentians are a case in pBifft39T representative Stf Vincentian speech acts susceptible to performance are grazing fatigue making melee telling story it Abrahams and Bauman l971 Speech acts and genres are ofquot course analytically distinct the former having to do with speech behavior the latter with the verbal products of that behavior For culture however the distinction may not be significant if it is recognized at all Thus a particular performance system may well be organized by members of the community in terms of speech acts that conventionally involve performance others that may or may not and still others for which performance is not a relevant consideration an oral We view the act of performance as Situated behavior situated within and rendered meaningful with reference to relevant contexts Such contexts may be identified at a variety of levelsvin terms of settings for example the culturally defined places where performance occurs Institutions too religion education politicsmay be viewed from the perspec tive of the way in which they do or do not represent contexts for performance within communities Most important as an organizing principle in the ethnography of performance is the event or scene within which performance occurs see eg KirshenblattGimblett 197 We use the term event to designate a culturally defined bounded segment of the flow of behavior and experience constituting a meaningful context for action cf Frake 1964 l39lyrnes 1967 1972 There are first of all events for which performance is attribute such that performance is a necessary component for a particular event to required for which it is a criterial 28 VERBAL ART AS PERFORMANCE count as a valid instance of the class These will be what Singei calls cultural performances Singer 197271 They may bt organized and conducted primarily for entertainment such a Bahamian old story sessions or Yincentian tea meetings or they may have some other stated primary purpose like Malagasy brideprice meetings but performance will be as integral a component for the latter as for the former As with genres and acts there are other events for which performance is an optional feature not necessary or invariably expected but not unexpected or surprising when someone tellsjokes at a party Again there will be a further range of events in which performance is extraneous not a relevant variable insofar as people categorize and participate in the events of their culture Cultural performances tend to he the most prominent performance contexts within a community They are as a rule scheduled events restricted in setting clearly bounded anc widely public involving the most highly formalized perform ance forms and accomplished performers of the community Because they are scheduled public and elaborate these performances are especially attractive and interesting tc ethnographers This makes it all the more necessary to reassert that these factors are not intrinsic to performance as conceptualized in this work As interesting as cultura39 performances are performance occurs outside of them as well and the most challenging job that faces the student 0 performance is establishing the continuity between the noticeable and public performance of cultural performances and the spontaneous unscheduled optional performance contexts of everyday life i The structure of performance events is a product of the interplay of many factors including setting act sequence and ground rules of performance These last will consist of the set of cultural themes and ethical and socialinteractional organizing principles that govern the conduct of performance Bauman and Sherzer 1974 Section III As a kind of speaking performance will be subject to a range of community ground rules that regulate speaking in general Bauman l975 a 4 t The Patterning ofPerformrmce 29 but there will also be a set of ground rules specific to performance itself for example the Wishram requirement that members of the audience periodically signal their attentiveness to a myth performance Hymes 19661429 or the obligation of the Iroquois speaker to refrain from intruding a personal element into ritual speeches in which he acts as spokesman for a group Foster l97 139l23639 l It is important to be aware however that ethics and esthetics are not always as coterminous as Gossen suggests in his analysis of Chamula ways of speaking In St Vincent for example the domain talking nonsense is negatively valued in terms of ethics but encompasses a range of speech activities with a strong performance element about them that is highly valued and much enjoyed in esthetic terms Abrahams and Bauman 1971 Real as against ideal moral systems often accommo date more disreputability than anthropologists give them credit for and the association between performance and disreputability has often been remarked see Abrahams and Bauman in press Another case that underscores the complexity of the relationship between ethics and esthctics is that of the seventeenthcentury Quakers for whom funda mental moral principles against putting oneself forward speaking things that were in a strict sense not the truth and gratifying the earthly man severely limited the potential and actual domain of artistic verbal performance leaving but a few very special kinds of outlets for performance at all Bauman 1970 1974 1975 The whole matter of the relationship between ethics and esthetics is one that badly needs investigation from an anthropological point of view Also basic to the structure of performance events are the participants performers and audience Performance roles Constitute a major dimension of the patterning of performance within communities s with events certain roles will incorporate performance as a definitive attribute Performance is necessary to establish oneself in the role such that one cannot be considered an incumbent of the role without being a performer of verbal art like the vgr39alal39 the traditional Irish storyteller Delargy 1945 Other roles may be more loosely 3 j VE R BA L A R T A 5 PE R FOR M A NCE associated with performance such that members of the community have a certain expectation of performance from a person in a particular role but it is neither required of everyone in the role nor surprisingr when it does not occur Salesmen may serve as an example here in that there is a loose expectation in contemporary American culture that salesmen are often good performers of jokes but no one requires or expects this skill on the part of all salesmen And as above other roles will haye nothing to do with performance either as definitive criterion or optional attribute Eligibility for and recruitment to performance roles ary crossculturally in interesting ways One dimension along which this variation occurs has to do with conceptions of the nature of the competence required of a performer and the way such competence is acquired Abrahams 1972b 1972c reprinted in this Volume Foster 1974a13032 Lord 19602126 Does it for example require special aptitude talent or training Among the Limba storytelling is a form of performance but it is not considered to require the special talent called for in drumming and dancing Anyone is a potential storyteller and it calls for no special training to become one Finnegan 1967 6970 By contrast the Japanese storytellers who perform rakugo or kodan must undergo a long and arduous period of training and apprenticeship before they are considered ready to practice their art Hrdlickova 1969 Access to performance roles may have to do with other social factors relating to speaking Among the Ashanti artistic verbal performance is substantially the province of men but this eligibility for performance is not without its costs The correctness and appropriateness of women s speech in Ashanti is accepted at face value as natural Ashanti men on the other hand are under constant social pressure to prove themselves to demonstrate their competence this pressure extends to speaking thus increasing the impulse toward performance Hogan nd159 65 Just as sex roles influence eligibility for performance among the Ashanti cf Keenan 1974 social rank plays a part in the Wolof system described by Irvine Informants reported that the king at the pinnacle of the The Patterning of Performance 31 nobility must make mistakes in minor points ofgrammar for correctness would imply a concern for fluency of perfornr ance or on performance for its own sake that is not appropriate to people of this rank Irvine 1975 Also to be taken into account in the analysis of performance roles is the relationship both social and behavioral between such roles and other roles played by the same individual We have in mind here the way and extent to which the role of performer and the behavior associated with it may dominate or be subordinate to the other roles he may play To illustrate one extreme possibility we may cite Keil s assertion that in Afro American society the role of bluesman assimilates or overshadows all other roles an adult male may normally be expected to fulfill Keil 19661413 153 55 Sammy Davis Jr tellingly reveals the encompassing power of his role as entertainer in his statement that quotas soon as I go out the front door of my house in the morning I m on Daddy I m on quoted in Messinger et a1 196298 99 The foregoing list of patterning factors for performance has been presented schematically for analytical and presentational convenience but it should not be taken as a mere checklist It should be self evident that performance genres acts events and roles cannot occur in isolation but are mutually interactive and interdependent Any of the above factors may be used as a point of departure or point of entry into the description and analysis of the performance system of a community but the ultimate ethnographic statement one makes about performance as part of social life must incorporate them all in some degree It will be useful to consider one extended example here drawn from joel Sherzer s description of three major ceremonial traditions of the San Blas Cuna to give some indication how the organizing features of a performance system fit together in empirical terms Sherzer 1974 see also Sherzer this volume Abstracting from Sherzer s rich description of the three traditions we may note that each is associated with a type of event within which specific functionaries perform particular genres in a characteristic performance mode Thus in the type 32 VER BAL ART AS PERFORMANCE of congress known as mccrm Mia the women and everybody the chiefs sakla chant namacze long chants called pap Near The chants in turn are interpreted to the assembled participants in the congress house by special spokesmen grtar whose speaking mmmakkel also involyes performance though different from that of the chiefs ln curing rituals a special z39kar knower Iftar wait speaks sunmakke the particular curing chant each a type of Near for which he is a specialist and which is called for by the ailment from which the patient is suffering In the third type of eyent the girls puberty ceremony the specialist cantule in girls puberty chants kantur Hear shouts kormalckc the chants for the participants The three performance traditions may be summarized in tabular form thus EVENT ACT R0 LE GENRE congress 39omekari chant namakkel chief sakla chief s chant pap pela speak sunmakke spokesman arkar ikar interpretation curing ritual speak sunmakke special ikar medicine chant knower ikar kapur ikar wisit kurkm ikar etc girls puberty shout karmakke specialist in girls girls puberty ceremony puberty chant chant kam ur tkam ule ikar For each ceremony or ritual to count a valid instance of its class the appropriate form must be rendered in the appropriate way by the appropriate functionary That namakke the sunmakkc of the arkar s interpretation and the sunmakke of the medicine chants and karmaeke all represent ways of performing for the Cuna is clear from Sherzer s description All four roles sakla arkar z kar Limit and kam ule are defined in essential part in terms of competence in these specific ways of performing their respective genres There is thus in these ceremonial traditions a close and integral relationship between performance and specific events acts roles and genres and the configuration created by the The Patterning ofPerformance quot 33 interrelationships among these factors must be close to the center of an ethnography of performance among the Cuna Constellations such as Sherzer describes involving events acts genres and roles in highly structured and predictable combinations constitute the nucleus of an ethnography of performance among the Cuna and are aptly made the focus of Sherzer s paper However it is crucial to establish that not all performance related to the system Sherzer describes is captured within the framework of conventional interrela tionships outlined above We have noted for example that the performance of curingr firm by the flaw wz39sz39t has its conventional locus in the curing ritual such performance is Obligatory for the zkar zez39sz39t to fulfill the demands of his role and for the curing ritual to be conducted at all Against this background then it is noteworthy that the Near wrisz39t may also be asked to perform his Hear during a chicha festival associated with the girls puberty rites purely for entertainment That is the performance that has its primary place in a particular context in which it is obligatory may be an optional feature of another kind of event extended to the latter because of the esthetic enjoyment to be derived from it The association between performer and genre is maintained but the context and of course the function are different Though optional the performance of curing New at puberty rite festivities is no less institutionalized than the obligatory performance of these chants in curing rituals There is no surprise or novelty in the performance of curing liar at the chicha festivals Beyond the institutionalized system however lies one of the most important outlets for creative vitality within the performance domain Consider the following circumstance involving a group of small girls whom Sherer was using as linguistic informants On one occasion knowing that he was interested in the performance forms of the community the little girls launched spontaneously into a rendition of an trcar39s performance as they were being recorded Sherzer personal communication The remarkable ness of this is apparent when one considers that the role of Irtar is restricted to adult men and performances of the kind 34 VERBA L ART AS PERFORMANCE the girls imitated belonged in conventional terms to the congress and the congress house Though the little girls rendition was framed imitation a reframing of the Jrtars performance it constituted performance in its own right as well in which the girls assumed responsibility to an audience for a display of competence Consider one further observation made by Sherzer in his study of the Cuna The congresses mac m pela discussed above in which the chiefs chant their pap km and the artars interpret them to the audience are held in the congress house during the evening During the Ky daytime however when congresses are not in session individuals who find themselves 7 chief s hammock and launch into an attempt at a chief s chant just for the fun of it Sherzer personal communication Here we in the congress house may occasionally sit in a have what is a conventional performance doubly reframed as imitation and more importantly as play in which there is no assumption of responsibility for a display of communicative competence nor any assumption of responsibility for or susceptibility to evaluation for the way in which the act of expression is done What are the implications of these two circumstances The little girls performance of an ctrcar s interpretation represents a striking instance of the use of an element from the conventional structured performance system of the com munity in a novel creative and unexpected way to fashion a quotnew kind of performance The playful imitation of the chief s chant involves the reframing of what is conventionally a performance genre into another mode of communicationin this case the performance genre is not performed but is rendered in another frame Hymes 1975 applies the term metaphrasis to this phenomenon In both cases the participants are using the structured conventional perform ance system itself as a resource for creative manipulation as a base on which a range of communicative transformations can be wrought cf Sacks 1974 The structured system stands available to them as a set of conventional expectations and associations but these expectations and associations are The Patterning of Performance quot 35 further mzmipulatetlin innovative ways by fashioning novel performances outside the conventional system or working various transformational adaptations which turn performance into something else This is a very poorly documented aspect of performance systems but one richly deserving of study as 21 key to the creative vitality and flexibility of performance in 1 community THE EMERGENT QUALITY OF PERFORMANCE By stressingr the creative aspect of optatiye performance and the normative structured aspect of conventional performance we do not mean to imply that the latter is fixed and frozen while creativity is confined to the former Rather the argument developed up to this point to highlight creativity in the use of the performance frame itself as a resource for communication provides the entree for the final theme to he developed herethe emergent quality of all performance1 The concept of emergence is necessary to the study of performance as a means toward comprehentling the uniqueness of particular Der forrnWontext of perfglmm a generalized SEEM system in a community cf Georges l9ti9z3l9l The ethnographic construction of the structured Conventionalixed performance system standardizes and homog enizes description but all performances are not the same and one wants to he able to appreciate the individuality of each as well as the community wide patterning of the overall domain 394 IVERBA L AR 391 A S PERFORMANCE The emergent quality oi performance resides in the interplay between communicatiy e resources individual compei tence and the goals of the participants within the context ol particular situations We consider as resources all those aspects of the communication system available to the members of a community lor the conduct ol39 periormance Releyant here are the keys to performance genres acts eyents and ground rules lot the conduct oi performance that make up the structured system ol conyentionalixed perlormzmce for the community The goals of the participants include those that are intrinsic to perliormancei the display ol competence the locusing ol attention on onesell as periormei the enhancement of experiencevas well as the other desired ends toward which perl39ormance is brought to bear these latter will be highly culture and situation specifie Relatiye competence linally has to do with relative degrees oi proficiency in the conduct ol rwrlormance ne of the first works to conceptualize oral literature in terms of emergent structures was Albert Lord s in uential book The Singer of Tales 1960 a study of SerboCroatian oral epic poetry for the light it sheds on the classic Homeric epic Consider the followingr passage Whether the performance takes place at home in the coffee house in the courtyard Or in the halls of a noble the essential element of the occasion of singing that influences the form of the poetry is the variability and instability of the audience The instability of the audience requires a marked degree of concentration on the part of the singer in order that he may sing at all it also tests to the utmost his dramatic ability and his narrative skill in keeping the audience as attentive as possible But it is the length of a song which is most affected by the audience s restlessness The singer begins to tell his tale If he is fortunate he may find it possible to sing until he is tired without interruption from the audience After a rest he will continue it his audience still wishes This may last until he finishes the song and itquot his listeners are propitious and his mood heightened by their interest he may lengthen his title savoring each descriptive passage It is more likely that instead of having this ideal occasion the singer will realize shortly after beginning that his audience is not receptive and hence he will shorten his song so that it may be finished within the limit of time for which he feels the audience may be counted on Or if he The Emergent Quality ofPerformance 39 misjudges he may simply never tinish the song Leaving out of consideration for the moment the question of the talent of the singer one can say that the length of the song depends upon the audience Lord 1961 lo l The characteristic context for the performance of the oral epics that Lord describes is one in which the singer competes for the attention of his audience with other factors that may engage them and in which the time available for duration The epic remarkably well suited to the singer s combined need for fluency and flexibility The songs are made up of tensyllable end stopped lines with a medial caesura after the fourth syllable personal stock of line and halfline formulas for expressing character action and place develop the capacity to generate performance is of variable form is In attaining competence the singer must master a formulaic expressions on the model of his fixed formulas and learn to string together his lines in the development of the narrative themes out of which his epic songs are built The readymadeness of the formulas makes possible the fluency required under performance conditions while the flexibility of the form allows the singer to adapt his performance to the situation and the audience making it longer and more elaborate or shorter and less adorned as audience response his own mood and time constraints may dictate And of course the poetic skill of the singer is a factor in how strongly he can attract and hold the attention of the audience how sensitively he can adapt to their mood and how elaborate he can make his song if conditions allow Lord recorded sung versions of the same narratives from the same singer and from different singers that varied in length by as much as several thousand lines Ultimately one of Lord s demonstrate the unique and emrergeirrtrigualitv ofjhcimlal xl composed in performance His analysis of the dynamics of the chief contributions is tradition sets forth what amounts to a generative model of epic performance Although it has been argued that perhaps all art generated the Maranda 1972 there is also ample evidence to show that rotc verbal is anew in act of performance to z 40 VERBAL ART15 PERFORMANCE memorization and insistence on word for word fidelity to a fixed traditional text do play a part in the performance system of certain Communities see eg Friedman l961 The point H 9950361 and lt gtmpl 1 l ifixecl texts represent the poles of an ideal continuum and thatbetween the poles is that complet lie siitlie range of emergent text structures to be found in empirical performance The study of the factors contributing toiitihe emergent quality of the oral literary text promises to bring about a major reconceptualization of the nature of the text freeing it from the apparent fixity it assumes when abstracted from performance and placed on the written page and placing it within an analytical context which focuses on the very source of the empirical relationship between art and society cf Georges 1969324 Other aspects of emergent structure are highlighted in Elinor Keenan s ethnography an artful surrounding a marriage request Keenan 1973 The kabary is conducted by two speechmakers one representing the boys family and one the girl s The boy s speaker initiates each step of the kubary which is then evaluated by the speaker for the girl The latter may indicate that he agrees with and approves of that step of the Malagasy marriage ka bury 2 orat orical negotiation urging his opposite number on to the next or he may state that the other s words are not according to tradition that he has made an error in the kabary The boy s speaker must then be able to justify what he has said to show that no error has been made or if he admits error he must correct it by repeating the step the right way and paying a small fine to the girl s family Keenan discovered however that there is no one unified concept of what constitutes a correct kabary shared by all members of the community Rather there are regional familial generational individual and other differences of conception and style This being so how is it decided what constitutes an error There is first of all a preliminary meeting between the families often with their respective speechmakers present to establish the ground rules for the kabary These are never fully conclusive however and it is a The Emergent Quality ofPerformance 11 prominent feature of the kabary that arguments concerning the ground rules occur throughout the event with appeals to the preliminary negotiations becoming simply one set of the range of possible appeals to establish authoritative perform ance Much of the impetus toward argument derives from conflicting pressures on the boy s speechmaker who is obliged to admit to a certain range of errors out of courtesy to the girl39s family but who is at the same time actuated by the motives of a good performance ie to establish his virtu osity as a performer The girl s speechmaker desirous of representing the family to best advantage is likewise concerned to display his own skill as speechmaker The arguments as noted concern the ground rules for the kabary with each party insisting on the obligatory character of particular rules and features by appeal to various standards drawn from prekabary negotiation generational regional and other stylistic differences Of particular interest is the fact that the strength of the participants insistence on the rightness of their own way their structural rigidity is a function of the mood of the enCounter increasing as the tension mounts decreasing as a settlement is approached Ultimately however the practical goal of establishing an alliance between the two families involved takes precedence over all the speechmakers insistence upon the conventions of ltdJam performance and their desire to display their performance skills if the leaJury threatens the making of the alliance many are willing to reject the rules entirely to accomplish the larger goal The most striking feature of the marriage request leaMr as described by Keenan is the emergent structure of the performance event itself The ground rules for performance as3 negotiated and asserted by the participants shift and fluctuate in terms of what they bring to the eyent and the way it proceeds once under way This is an extreme case in which the competitive dimension and conflicting pressures make for an especially variable and shifting event structure but here again the question is one of degree rather than kind for all but I 42 VER BA 1 A R T A S PERFORMANCE the most ideally stereotyped of performance events will have discerniny variable features of act sequence andor ground rules for t erformance The emergent structure of performance events is of special interest under conditions of change as participants adapt established patterns of performance to new circumstances Regna Darnell provides an es ecially illuminat ing analysis of adaptation of this kind in her account of a storytelling performance by an elderly Cree informant Darnell 19743 Called upon to tell a traditional story in a situation unlike any he could have experienced before or anticipated the old man was able to use his competence creatively to carry off a performamce Darnell s sensitive analysis illuminates the emergent structures of both text and event In addition to text and event structure we may uncover a third kind of structure emergent in performance namely social structure To be sure the emergent quality of social structure is not specific to situations involving performance Indeed there is an important line of inquiry in contemporary sociology which concerns itself with the creation of social structures in the course of and through all social interaction The principle addressed here is related to Raymond Firth39s articulation some years ago of the distinction between social structure and social organization in which the former is an abstract conception of ideal patterns of group relations of conventional expectations and arrangements and the latter has to do with the systematic ordering of social relations by acts of choice and decision in concrete activity In Firth s terms social organization is the domain of Variation from what has happened in apparently similar circumstances in the past Structural forms set a precedent and provide a limitation to the range of alternatives possible but it is the possibility of alternatives that makes for variability A person chooses 77 consciously or unconsciously which course he will followquot Firth 196I 40 What is missing from Firth s formulation is the centrality of situated social interaction as the context in which social organization as an emergent takes form The current focus on the emergence of social structures in social interaction is The Emergent Quality ofPe39rformance 43 principally the contribution of ethnomethodology the work of Garfinkel Cicourel Sacks and others For these sociologists the field of sociological analysis is anywhere the sociologist can obtain access and can examine the way the social structure is a meaningful ongoing accomplishment of members Phillipson l972l62 To these scholars too is owed in large part the recognition that language is a basic means through which social realities are intersubjectively constituted and communicated Phillipson 19722140 From this perspective insofar as performance is conceived of as communicative interaction one would expect aspects of the social structure of the interaction to be emergent from the interaction itself as in any other such situation Rosaldo39s explication of the strategic roletaking and rolevmaking she observed in the course of a meeting to settle a dispute over brideprice among the llongot illuminates the emergent aspect of social structure in that event quite clearly Rosaldo l973 The conventions of such meetings and the oratorical performances of the interactants endow the interaction with a special degree of formalization and intensity but the fact that artistic verbal performance is involved is not functionally related to the negotiation of social structure on the level Rosaldo is concerned with which has to do with such matters as the rhetorical strategies and consequences of taking the role of father in a particular event to place your interlocutor in the role of son with its attendant obligations 39 There is however a distinctive potential in performance by its very nature which has implications for the creation of social structure in performance It is part of the essence of performance that it offers to the participants a special enhancement of experience bringing with it a heightened intensity of communicative interaction which binds the audience to the performer in a way that is specific to performance as a mode of communication Through his performance the performer elicits the participative attention and energy of his audience and to the extent that they value his performance they will allow themselves to be caught up in it When this happens the performer gains a measure of 44 VERBAL ARTAS PERFORMANCE prestige and control over the audienceiprestige because of the demonstrated competence he has displayed control because the determination of the flow of the interaction is in his hands This general rhetorical power of performance and its potential for social control has been widely documented Abrahams 1968 Black l967 When the perliorrner gains control in this way the potential for transl39ormation ol the social structure may become ayailable to him as Well Burke 1969 1950 The process is manifest in the following passage from Dick Gregory s autobiography 1 got picked on a lot around the neighborhood l guess that s when I rst began to learn about humor the power ot39 a joke At tirst I d Just get mad and run home and cry when the kids started And then I don t know just when I started to tigure it out They were going to laugh anyway but itl made the jokes they d laugh with me instead oliat me I d get the kids ot t my back on my side So I d come off that porch talking about myselt39 Before they could get going I d knock it out rst tast knock out those jokes so they wouldn t have time to set and climh all met me And they started to come over and listen to me theyd see me coming and crowd around me on the corner Everything began to change then The kids began to epect to hear funny things from me and after a while I could say anything I wanted I got a reputation as a funny man And then I started to turn the jokes on them Gregory 19645465 italics in the original Through performance Gregory is able to take control or the situation creating a social structure with himself at the center His first performances are ones in which he takes control by the artful use of the deprecatory humor that the other boys had formerly directed at him The joking is still at his own expense but he has transformed the situation through performance into one in which he gains admiration for his performance skills Then building on the Control he gains through performance he is able by strategic use of his performance skills to transform the situation still further turning the humor aggressively against those who had earlier victimized him in a manner related to and reminiscent of verbal dueling cf Abrahams l97b4458 Laboy 1972b MitchellKernan 1971 In a yery real sense lregory emerges The Emergent Quality of Performance 39 45 from the performance encounters in a different social position yisaVis the other boys from the one he occupied before he began to perform and the change is a consequence of his performance in those encounters The consideration of the power inherent in performance to transform social structures opens the way to a range of additional considerations concerning the role of the performer in society Perhaps there is a key here to the persistently documented tendency for performers to be both admired and fearediadmired for their artistic skill and power and for the enhancement of experience they provide feared because of the potential they represent for subverting and transforming the status quo Here too may lie a reason for the equally persistent association between performers and marginality or deviance for in the special emergent quality of performance the capacity for change may be highlighted and made manifest to the community see eg Abrahams and Bauman l97l and in press Azadoyskii 192623 25 Glassie 19714262 Szwed l9Tl l57 65 If change is conceived of in opposition to the conventionality of the community at large then it is only appropriate that the agents of that change be plated away from the center of that conventionality on the margins of Society CONCLUSION The discipline of folklore and to an extent anthro pologv as well has tended throughout its historv to define itself in terms of a principal focus on the traditional remnants of earlier periods still to he found in those sectors ol society that have been outdistanced by the dominant culture To this extent folklore has been largely the study of what Raymond Williams has recently termed residual culture those experiences meanings and values which cannot be verified or cannot be expressed in terms of the dominant culture but are nevertheless lived and practiced on the basis of the residuemcultural as well as socialiof some previous social formation Williams 1973 l 0 l l If the suhject matter of the discipline is restricted to the residue of a specific cultural or historical period then folklore anticipates its own demise for when the traditions are fully gone the discipline loses its 48 VEA BA 1 AR 391 A S PERFORMANCE raison d etre cf Hymes 19622678 Ben mos 19721439139his need not be the case however for as Williams defines the concept cultural elements may become part of residual culture as part of a continual social process and parts of residual culture may be incorporated into the dominant culture in a complementary process At best though folklore as the discipline of residual culture looks backward to the past for its frame of reference disqualifying itself from the study of the creations of contemporary culture until they too may become residual Contrasted with residual culture in Williams prmocatiye st formulation is emergent culture in which new meanings and values new practices new significances and experiences are continually being created Williams l978111 This is a further extension of the concept of emergence employed in the preceding pages of this essay but interestingly compatible with it for the emergent quality of experience is a vital factor in the generation of emergent culture Emergent culture though a basic element in human social life has always lain outside the charter of folklore perhaps in part for lack of a unified point of departure or frame of reference able to comprehend residual forms and items contemporary practice and emergent structures Performance 1 would offer constitutes just such a point of departure the nexus of tradition practice and emergence in verbal art Performance may thus be the cornerstone of a new folkloristics liberated from its backward facing perspective and able to comprehend much more of the totality of human experience NOTES Chapter 1 1 Particularly important for fo1k1oriltts is the ltemina1eltsay by Jamen 119571 and Lornax 1968 Ahrahamx 1968 and 197339 Two co1lections which re ect the performance orientation are Paredex and Batimah 1973 and BenAAmox and oldstein 1 quot5 Bauman and SherZer 1974 re ects a wider performance orientation of which performance in verbal art ilt one aspect Singer 1958a 195813 and 1 quot2 represent the perx pective of an anthronoiogist on cuitura1 perforrnitncex f o1by anti Peacock 1973 contains a iection on performance anaiyx ix hut it ignores the work of fo1klorists in this fie1t1 1m ornmion which 1 perhapx to he mpected in an article on narrative which gmnotmcex itx deliberate neg1ect of folk1ore journalx 2 The term K poken art wax sugges ted hy Thomax Seheok in a discris xion of Bax comh ideax on verha1 irt tBascom 19552417 n 9 See also Berry 1 11or on 1971 Chapter 2 rue from Amtin 1 Richard Ohrnamt in two recent articlex employx the same 13 aa a point of departure for the formulation of Li theory of1iterature based on Austin x theory of epeech acts OhmArin 1971 19711 Ohmann x argument ix intei exting in piace but its productivenex39x is severeh limited by Yiis failure like 10 50 VERBA L AR 739 A S PERFORMANCE Austin s o recognize that the notion of strictly referential literal meaning has little if any relevance to the use of spoken language in social life For a strong critique of the concept of ordinary languagequot and the irnpovcrishinp effect it has on definitions ofliterature see Fish 1973 2 The notion of frame though not necessarily the term is used in a similar manner by other writers see eg Huizinpa l955 Milner 1955386 Smith 1968 Uspensky 1972 Fish l97352753 Tone l968 3 Concerning the ecological model of communication underlying this formulation see Sherzer and Bauman 1972 and Bauman and Sherzer 1974 1975 4 Note that it is Susceptibility to evaluation that is indicated here in this formulation the status of an utterance as performance is independent of how it is evaluated whether it is judged good or bad beautiful or ugly etc A bad performance is nonetheless a performance On this point see Hymes l973 18990 Mitchell Kernan 197111990 5 l have been in uenced in this formulation by Hymcs l974 llymes 1975 d Azevedo l958z706 Mukarvovsky 196419 Mukar ovskgv 197021 and Goffman 1974 A similar conception of performance is developed in an unfinished paper by my former colleague Joseph Doherty Doherty MS whose recent tragic and untimely death occurred before he was able to complete his work Elli Keiigas Maranda seems to be operating in terms of a conception of verbal art which is similar in certain central respects to the one developed here taranda 1976 Compare also Fish s conception of literature l iish 1973 Gross s excellent article on Art as the Communication of Competencequot lGross l973 came to my attention after this essay was written but is congruent with it in a number otways A special word should be said of the use of competence and performance in the above formulation Use of these terms especially in such close juxtaposition demands at least some acknowledgment of Noam Chontsky s contribution of both to the technical vocabulary of linguistics Chomsky 1965234 It should be apparent however that both terms are employed in a very different way in the present workicompetence in the sense advanced by Hymes 1971 and performance as formulated on page ll above 6 The aspect of conventionality will be discussed below Chapter 4 1 For other approaches to the nature and analysis of speech events see liaurnan and Sherzer 1975 and the references therein Chapter 5 l The concept of emergence is developed in MCHugh 1968 The emergent quality of performance is emphasized in Hymes 1975 2 Kabmy designates both a way of speaking and the forms in which it is manifested REFERENCES CITED Abraham 9 Roger D 1968 lntroduemry Remarks It at Rhetorical Theory of F gtllltlnrei Journal 0T meriean Folklore 8l 143148 WTH A A Performancet emered Appmaeh to GOSler Man 5 29l73tll l970h Deep Down in the Jungle Thieago Aldine 107311 Falklore and Literature as Performance Journal til the Frilklore lnstitute 127594 lquot2h Joking The Training at the Man at Words in Trlking Broad In Rnppin rll39lkl Stylin Our Tlitimas Kmehmzin Ed L39rhzmzi University 01 lllinois l JTZe The Training of the Mem of Words in Talking S eet Language in Stieiety 1 113129 Ahmhiims Rnger D and Buun izm Richard l 7l Sense and Nonsense in St Vincent American Anthropologist 73733772 in press Ranges 0139 Festival Behavior In The Reversible World Essays in Symboliv lnversinn Burharzi BulieockAbruhume lid lthnem New York 39nrnell University Press AusterhtL Robert WM Purnllelismus In Poetics The Hague Mouton 52 VERBAL ARTAS PERFORMANCE Austin J L 19M How to Do Things with Words New York Oxford University Press Azadovskii Mark 1926 Eine Sibirische Marchenerzahlerin Helsinki Folklore Fellows Communication No 68 English translation by James R Dow Austin Texas Center for Intercultural Studies in Folklore and Ethnomusicology Bascom William 1955 Verbal Art Journal 01quot American Folklore 68245252 Basso Keith 1976 Wise Words of the Western Apache Metaphor and Semantic Theory In Meaning and Anthropology Keith Basso and Henry Selby Eds Albuquerque University ot New Mexico Bateson Gregory 1972 Steps to an Ecology of Mind New York Ballantine Bauman Richard 1970 Aspects of SeventeenthCentury Quaker Rhetoric Quarterly Journal of Speech 5626774 1972 The La Have Island General Store Sociability and Verbal Art in a Nova Scotia Community Journal of American Folklore 85330 343 1974 Speaking in the Light the Role of the Quaker Minister In Baurnan and Sherzer 1974 1975 Quaker Folk Linguistics and Folklore In BenzAmos and GoldStein 1975 Bauman Richard and Sherzer Joel 1974 Explorations in the Ethnography of Speaking New York CambridgeWUniversity Press 1975 The Ethnography of Speaking In Annual Review of Anthro pology Volume 4 Bernard J Siegel Ed Palo Alto Annual Reviews Ben Amos Dan 1969 Analytical Categories and Ethnic Genres Genre 2275301 1972 Toward a Definition of Folklore in Context In Paredes and Bauman 1972 BenAmos Dan and Goldstein Kenneth 39Eds 1975 Folklore Performance and Communication The Hague Mouton Berry Jack 1961 Spoken Art in West Africa London School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Black Robert 1967 Hopi RabbitHunt Chants In Essays on the Verbal and Visual Arts June Helm Ed Seattle American Ethnological Society Bricker Victoria R 1974 The Ethnographic Context of Some Traditional Mayan Speech Genres In Bauman and Sherzer 1974 Burke Kenneth 1969 A Rhetoric of Motives Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California Press References Cited 53 Burns Elizabeth l972 Theatricality New York Harper Chom sky Noam 1965 Aspects of the Theory of Syntax Cambridge Massachusetts Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press Colby Benjamin and Peacock James 1973 Narrative In Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology John J Honigmann Ed Chicago Rand McNally Cone Edward T 1968 Musical Form and Musical Performance New York Norton Crowley Daniel J l966 I Could Talk OldAStory Good Creativity in Bahamian Folklore Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California Press Darnell Regna l974 Correlates of Cree Narrative Performance In Bauman and Sherzer V4 d Azevedo Warren l958 A Structural Approach to Esthetics Toward 21 De nition of Art in Anthropology American Anthropologist 607037l 4 Delargyg James H 1945 The Gaelic StoryATeller London Proceedings of the British Academy Devereux George 1949 Mohave Voice and Speech Mannerisms Word 5 2268272 Doherty Joseph MS Towards ii Poetics of Performance Dorson Richard M W73 American Folklore New York Doubleday Anchor Dundes Alan l9oo Metzii olklore and Oral Literary Criticism The Monist 50505516 Durbin Mridula l97l Transformational Models Applied to Musical Anal sis Theoretical Possibilities Ethnomusicology l5353363 Enkvist Nils E l97 3 Linguistic Stylistics The Hague Mouton Fernandez James 1974 The Mission of Metaphor in Expressive Tilture urrent Anthropology l5 l l9l45 Finnegan Ruth l967 Limhii Stories and Storytelling Oxford Oxford University Press l97ll Oral Literature in Africa O39ford O x it 39d University Press Firth Raymond 1961 Elements of Social Ul L LllllZIlilOR Third edition Boston Beacon Press paperback 1 3 Fish Stanley E 1973 How Ordinary ls Ordinary New 54054 Languagey Literary History l oriagy Ivan 1065 Form and i llnulitm of Poetic Language Diogenes 5173llll 74 I39L R KAI A R TAX PERFORM1 39 loster Michael K 19quot4a l tttlli the lattrth to Beyond the Sky An lathnographic Approach to l ttLlT Longhousc Iroquois Speech livents Ottawa National Museum oi Man 19741 When Words Become Deeds An Analysis ot 39l39hrce Iroquois Longhousc Speech Lyents In Haumtm and Sherxcr 1974 Fox larncs 19quot4 Our Ancestors Spoke in Pairs In Bauman and Sherer 1971 l rake Charles 19M A Structural Description 01 Subunun Religious Behavior In Explorations in ulturtil Anthropology Ward 11 Goodenough Ld New York McGrawellill lriedman Albert 1961 39l he Forinulaic lmproyisation 39I39heory oi Ballad 391 radition A Counterstatement Journal ot American Folklore 741l3 115 Georges Robert 1969 l oward ttn L39nderstanding of Storytelling 1 vents Journal oi American Folklore 2822313338 Glassie Henry 1971 391 ake That Night 1 rain to Selina An Lxcursion to the Outskirts of Scholarship In Folksongs and Their Makers By Henry Glassie ldeard D lves and John 1quot Szwed Bowling Green Ohio Bowling Green Popular Press Gott man Erving 1074 Frame Analysis An Essay on the Organization oi FXperience New York Harper quotolophon Gossen Gary 1073 Chamula Genres oiquot Verbal Behavior In Paredes and Bauman 1972 1074a To Speak with a Heated Heart Charnula Tanons ol Style and Good Performance In Bauman and Sherzer 1974 19741 Chamulas in the World of the Sun Time and Space in a Maya Oral Tradition Cambridge Massachusetts Harvard University Press Gregory Dick 1964 Nigger An Autobiography New York Dutton Gross Larry 1973 Art as the Communication of Competence Social Science Information 121511115441 Havranek Bohuslav 1964 The Functional Differentiation of the Standard Language In A Prague School Reader on Esthetics Literary Structure and Style Paul L Garvin Ed Washington DC Georgetown L riiversity Hogan Helen Marie nd An Ethnography of Communication Among the Ashanti Austin Penniean Working Paper no 1 HrdliEkova V 1969 Japanese Professional Storytellers Genre 1179310 Huizinga Johan 1955 Homo Ludens Boston Beacon References Cited quot 55 IIyines Dell 1962 Review of Indian Tales of North America by T P Coffin American Anthropologist 34676 679 1956 Two Types of Linguistic Relativity with ILKamples from Amerindian Ethnography In Sociolinguistics William Bright Ed The Hague Mouton 1907 Models of the Interaction of Language and Social Setting Journal of Social Issues MOMS38 19quotl Competence and Performance in Linguistic Theory In Language Acquisition Models and Methods Renjra Husley and Elisabeth Ingram Eds London and New York Academic Press 1 97 Models of the Interaction of Language and Social Life In Directions in Sociolinguistics John J Gumperz and Dell Hymes Eds New York Holt Rinehart and Winston 1973 An Ethnographic Perspective New Literary History 51187201 1974 Ways of Speaking n Bauman and Sherzer 1974 1975 Breakthrough into Performance In Ben Amos and Goldstein 19 5 Innes Gordon 1974 Suntata Three Vlandinka Versions London School of Oriental and African Studies L39niyersity of London Irvine Judith T I VE Volof Speech Styles and Social Status Austin Working Paper in Sociolinguistics no 33 Jacohs Melville 195 The Content and Style of an Oral Literature Chicago University of Chicago 1973 Areal Spread of Indian Oral Genre Features in the Northwest States Journal of the Folklore Institute JtltH lakohson Roman 19m Linguistics and Poetics n Style in 1iinguai1e Thomas A Sehcok lid Cambridge Massachusetts Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press 19m Grammatical Parallelism and Its Russian Facet Language 432199439 10M Poetry of Grammar and Grammar of Poetry Lingua 212591609 Jansen William Hugh 1957 Classifying Performance in the Study of Verbal Folklore In Studies in Folklore W lidson Richmond Ed Bloommgton Indiana Indiana L39nivcrsity Press Keenan Iilinor 1971 Sliding Sense of Ohligatoriness The Poly Structure of Malagasy Oratory Language in Society 22215 343 1974 Iorm Makers Norm Breakers Uses of Speech by Men and Women in i Malagasy Community In liauman and Sherzer 1074 Keil Charles 1966 L39rhan Blues Chicago Ijniyersity of Chicago Press 56 ERR1L AR39I AS PERFORMANCE Kirshenlrlatt Gimb1ett Barbara 1974 The Concept and Varieties of Narrative Performance in East huropean Jewish Culture In Bauman and Sherxcr 1974 Labov William 19723 Language in the inner City Philadelphia Lsniversity of Pennsylvania 1972b Rules or Ritual insults In Studies in Social Interaction David Sudnow Ed New York lree Press Leech ieot l rey 1969 A Linguistic Guide to English Poetry London Longmans Lomax Alan 1968 Polksong Style and Culture Washington 1 American Association for the Advancement oi Science Lord Albert B 1960 The Singer of Tales Cambridge Massachusetts Harvard University Press McDowell John 1974 Some Aspects otV erbal Art in Bolivian Quechua 1olklore Annual ol the University Folklore Association The Lnn ersit otTexas at Austin1 oo Mcllugh Peter 1968 Defining the Situation Indianapolis Indiana liobbseMerrill Maranda Elli Kongas 1972 Theory and Practice of Riddle Analysis In Paredes and Bauman 1972 1976 Individual and Tradition In Folk Narrative Research Studia Fennica 20252 261 Messinger Sheldon L el al 1962 Life as Theater Some Notes on the Dramaturgic Approach to Social Reality Sociometry 25198110 Milner Marion 1955 Role of Illusion in Symbol Formation In New Directions in Psychoanalysis Melanie Klein Ed New York Basic Books MitchellKernan Claudia 1971 Language Behavior in a Black Urban Community Berkeley Language Behavior Research Laboratory Monograph 2 Mukarvovsky Jan 1964 Standard Language and Poetic Language In A Prague School Reader on Esthetics Literary Structure and Style Paul L Garvin Ed Washington DC Georgetown University 1970 Aesthetic Function Norm and Value as Social Facts Ann Arbor Michigan Department of Slavic Languages and Literature University of Michigan Ohmann Richard 1971 Speech Acts and the Definition of Literature Philosophy and Rhetoric 4119 1972 Speech Literature and the Space Between New Literary History 447 63 Paredes Am rico and Bauman Richard Eds 1972 Toward New Perspectives in Folklore Austin University ofTexa Press at a Referrncex Cited 57 Parry Milman 1933 The Traditional Metaphor in Homer Classical Philology 283043 Phillipson Michael 1972 Phenomenological Philosophy and Sociology In New Directions in Sociological Theory By Paul Filmer Michael Phillipson David Silverman and David Walsh Cambridge Massachusetts Massachu setts Institute of Technology Press Reaver J Russell 1973 From Reality to Fantasy OpeningClosing Formulas in the Structures of American Tall Tales Southern Folklore Quarterly 36369 382 Rosaldo Michelle Z 19quot3 I Have Nothing to Hide The Language ot llongot Oratory Language in Society 2193223 Rosenberg Bruce 1970 The Art of the American Folk Preacher University Press Ruesch Jurgen and Bateson Gregory New Yc rk Oxford 1968 Communication New York Norton Sacks Harvey 1974 An Analysis of the Course of a Joke s Telling in Conversation In Bauman and Sherzer 1974 Sherzer Dina and Sherzer Joel l972 Literature in San Blas Discovering the Cuna Ikalu Semiotica 6182199 Sherzer Joel l quot4 szmakke Sunmakke Kai39rmakke Three Types of una Speech Event r1 Bauman and Sherzer 1974 Sherler Joel and Bauman Richard 1972 Areal Studies and 39ulture History Language as a Key to the Historical Study ot Culture Contact Southwestern Journal ot Anthropology 282131715 2 Singer Milton 1958a Prom the Guest Lditor Journal of American Folklore 7l1l9lelll4 l JStsh The lreat Tradition in a Metropolitan Center Madras Journal ot American Folklore 71 347388 1972 When a Great Tradition Vlodernizes New York Praeger Smith Barbara ll 1968 Poetic Closure Chicago University ot Chicago Stankiewicz Edward WW Poetic Language and NonPoetic Language in Their Interrelation r1 Poetics The Hague Mouton Szwed John l 1971 Paul E Hall A Newtoundland SongeMaker and Community ot Song r1 Folksongs and Their Makers By Henry Glissie Edward D Ives and John F Szwcd Bowling Green Ohio Bowling Green University Popular Press 5X VERBAL AR TAS PERFORMANCE Tedlock Dennix 19723 On the 39Immlation vt SW10 in Oral Liwmture In Parcdcx and Baumzm 1972 1972b Finding Ihc Cemer New York DiaL 39l39oelken J Barre 1969 The Prctty Lunguugc of Yellmx39mun Genre Mmdc and 39Iexturc in Numle Coyme Nurrulives Genre 13117235 Uspensky B A W72 SXruCtumI lsomorphism 0139 Verbal zmd Visual Art Pocmw 55711 Weimmch Uriel 1966 On 1116 Semumiu Slruclure 0139 1 Language In L39nivcrwlx of Language Jm cph Gwenberg 11d Cambridge Mzmmthuxetts Massachusettx lnm39ruu of 39I chnology Prexs Villizmm Raymond 1973 Busc and Superstructure m Marxix ulmrul I39henry New LefI Revievx 82346 33m er m OWM pm Twr SALAMANCA A PROPHECY 1 a city on a turtle s back a longhouse was like Jerusalem s temple resting on a Whale 2 impossible to bring it all together Seneca Nation Salamanca New York 21ii74 SENECA JOURNAL 1 A Poem of Beavers for Gary Gordon in dream the beavers come to Harry Watt 3 child could speak communication were standing in a row they said I would not harm them would not ever after hunted mink 8c badger but the beavers were my friends 8c helped me so his story began 8c I knew it also hearing what he said hearing I knew it was with me from before my time Be knew it as a memory of my own grandfathers not as hunters in the woods but on the edge of old world forests men 8 women walked by on the way to markets public baths went berrying in summer chased by wolves in winter past the huts where mushrooms hung to dry the old women of the woods lived heavy in grey dresses chin hairs bristling into gentile beards their own familar dogs 8c cats beside them had the master of the good name learned from these the speech of animals this is the secret all men have retained that greater language of what biological fellowhood will open to us once again ethology the visions of McClure 8c Chomsky all the speakers of deep tongues point a route this generation will be privileged to assume a universal speech in which the kingdoms of the world are one the kingdoms of the world are one what is it to be a beaver truly when I think of it I think of water water on a body wholly hair I think of beaver hats 8c beaver movies I think of a new birth into beaver life the beaver in the poem of the Baal Shem is being born he is the generative part of man the cock in hair that low intelligence erupting changes what we are the soft becoming hard the cold one hot red tongue of beaver in a nest of fur by a sudden metamorphosis a fluid world becoming anything the mind can think the mind is thinking entering the uid bottom stream of sex transformed the Baal Shem leaves the light of Torah 8c becomes any old animal inside the sacred wood 8 I am now living in a place called Bucktooth once its Indian name the name of a small man the book says he was only 4 feet tall 8 had a single tooth they found his skeleton a single tooth that fell out when they crossed the Allegany belt buckle bore his mark the grandsons made a cof n they buried him back where his fathers were amp only 4 feet tall he must ve been one of them little fellers pygmies of this place or leprechauns who own the Dark Dance no selfrespecting Indian would be that small or say that by that tooth he was a beaver I would call Old Beaver Tooth being myself a Beaver by adOption as my wife 8c child are Herons also by adoption we adopt these titles we go home with them what is this membership we have adopted grinning in the mirror my face is changing to a mask Floyd John once showed me had a single tooth if I could make my face a mask I d be Old Bucktooth Beaver once again old founder of a town we all can live in hoping that no other Duke of Salamanca comes to sponsor a new railroad beavers 8c blue heron can t live near but hide from in the silence of some lousy cave not a sweet beast he is power not a sweet man he is like a muscle tightened waiting to crack down 8c break a skull maybe splintering the jaw 8c making the teeth like his own an almost nonexistent row the ghost tooth in the center shining is a mirror we can see ourselves down to the farthest tunnel winding among shining leaves 8c owers words 8 tiny melodies the colors make or if the dream begins with silence in the foot itself that silence stirs it is a dance vibrating at center of each isolated nerve reminds him of the song he wants to sing when dying 8c if the beaver sings it to him now it means an easy death just as the birth was easy beaver life began in water was a pound of bones 8c fur sure instinct to the mark sent out his tongue into the left rear nipple sucked sweet yellow sticky milk his mudder gave him slurp sez Old Bucktooth Beaver now I must try a swim around he s only an hour old 8c talking swimming paddling around her tits in noonday sun reclining t0p of the lodge will learn not to let tail get dry but dribble sweet Clarifyingsmell from nether hole all creatures hanker for a whiff of smears it on his hands 8c dabs the fur so comfortable 8c sweet this is the beaver s life sez Old Man Beaver think I might chew a little wood just loves to chew 8c fart pleasures are simple in this world the trick s to nd a tree 8 let the sun ash on my orange tooth tree chips fly all day 8c I will stop never until the tree shall come to earth 8c never stop though it may crush me the lm across my eye shall turn to fog old ones call dying but not without a ght sez Beaver Otter stalks him most cunning raids my tunnels kicks in my sweetened mudpatties steaming still hot with my fragrance stuffs oil drops 8c stones up s rectum cries Me King Otter Lick Me the Great Mask of Otter lling Beaver Man s dreams makes tracks in his corn mush pearly grains of hominy under the otter s claws otter piss splatters 5 corn soup sands soft waves of nausea across my cerebellum o sly dance of otters on harvest nights full moon suspended atop an alder pole delights Old Beaver Man gathers descendants around him he stands on the water slaps it hard with his tail sez Old Enemy Otter in the name of Longhouse the Great Rabbinical Council of elders mystical mammals the longbeards of Zion America I have lived my last under the earth into a new sun I skitter tribal triumphant sez Beaver I chew off your balls I survives 7quotOLDMANquot39ltBEAVER3987quot BLESSNGSONG alliwant39sagood5 seegar heeheeHOHOheeheeHOHOheeheeHOHO alliwant39sagood5 seegar heeheeHOHOheeheeHOHOheeheeHOHO alliwant39sagood5 seegar heeheeHOHOheeheeHOHOheeheeHOHO alliwant39Sagood5 seegar heeheeHOHOheeheeHOHOheeheeHOHO alliwant39sagood5 seegar heeheeHOHOheeheeHOHOheeheeHOHO alliwant39sagood5 seegar heeheeHOHOheeheeHOHOheeheeHOHO alliwant39sagood5 seegar heeheeHOHOheeheeHOHOheeheeHOHO alliwant39sagood5 seegar heeheeHOHOheeheeHOHOheeheeHOHO OLDMANBEAVER39SBLESSINGSONG song 1 A man who was a crow was traveling He didn t know whe he had come from or which way he was going As he movi along he kept on thinking How did I come to be aliv Where did I come from Where am I going STIRRING THE ASHES quot sun bear moon buffalo 28 THE BEAR ROBE had no claws THE BUFFALO ROBE was headless 30 THE BIG HEADS husk shoes husk belt husk crown bear snout 33 THE BIG HEADS SEND A MESSAGE HELLO STAY CLEAN DON T STEP ON THINGS WHEN MOVING YOUR UNCLES 34 DONT BE CONFUSED signed THE BEAR his paw up to the sun THE BUFFALO head crowned with owers 1 Pawnee 2 010 35 BEAR DANCE snort snort berries BUFFALO DANCE sniff sniff mush 37 3 SENU TUKARIA BWIKAM ONE NIGHT OF SONGS DEER SONGS may be sung by almost anyone man woman or child in informal settings in Yaqui communities In this way although they may never perform them at a pahko some women become known for their ability to sing deer songs Especially among children and young men these informal performances often take on the mood of practice sessions Giddings writes that in Sonora not only the deersingers but also various individuals including members of the younger age groups know and sing deersongs for pleasurequot1 But within Yaqui communities deer songs are most often performed during a pahko a ceremonial occasion when Yaquis gather to perform religious Observances and to celebrate Most Yaquis translate the word as esta but others object that a pahko is not the same kind of event that the Mexican term implies2 Therefore we use the Yaqui word throughout Don jesus and other singers we talked with remem bered the paka was originally a part of a ritual carried out before the hunting of deer and for that reason they pointed out that the deer singers have a central place in most pahkom During a pahko the deer singers must create in Don jesus39 phrase one night of songs The mood of the pahko is festive as Yaquis gather to eat and drink visit and wor ship The pace of performances during the pahko is oceanic ebbing and cresting throughout the long night Each time the deer dancer explodes out of the swell of the pahkolam s dance into the center of the ramci he carries the pahko to a crest and it foams with his color sound and motion Dipping delicately as if to drink erect curi ous then bounding with the pahkolam in their play or suddenly motionless and coiled with tension alert to some new movement in the darknessvthe dancer s abil ity to suggest the movements of a deer can be astonishing and mesmerizing But the dancer can only move to the music of the deer singers Their water drum is said to represent his heartbeat their raspers his breathing their words his voice Through their song he becomes the real deer person ONE NIGHT OF SONGS 73 a7in WiW WMw wkm 74 The role the words of the deer songs play in dictating the movement of the maaso has not been widely recognized outside Yaqui communities Wilder writes that regardless of the song being sung the maaso s dance does not varyquot3 This is true of Iutula weme bwikam straightgoing or regular songs But there are other kinds of songs and in some of them the dancer must interpret the words being sung in his dance Mkit bwikam bird songs are an example Wikit bwikam are always yeu bwikam play songs When they are sung the maaso must interpret the words in his dance The hovering of a buzzard in a deer song may in this way become a sweeping whirl by the maaso with his arms outspread Anselmo Valencia a deer singer in southern Arizona describes the relation of the dance to the song in this way The best deer dancer will follow the beat of a song with his feet the raspers with his hands and waist and his deer head will do what the words of the song call for whether it is a bird or an insect or an animal Deer singer Loretto Salvatierra put it this way That animal saila maaso walked around in the wilderness world in the beginning that the people put into a song so that now the animal is able to play with the song with his body with the birds and the other things of the wilderness world 5 A pahko may be held at the household of an individual family on such occasions as the anniversary of the death of a relative called a Iutu pahko the funeral of a child a usi mukila pahko the observance of the ritual for the Departed Souls on November 1 an animan pakoriawa or to mark the completion of a special vow made in thanksgiv ing a manch pahko The whole village gathers for a santo or pweplo pahko to celebrate the Saint s Day of the village patron Santisima Trinidad Holy Trinity is for example the Saint s Day celebrated as a pweplo pahko at Potam while at Yoem Pueblo a pweplo pahko is held on Sanjuan Day There is a provocative mention of another formal occasion when deer songs may have been sung in Yaqui communities Lucas Chavez a maehto from the village of Pascua in the 19405 remembered some details of an early formalized context for tell ing etehoim stories in which deer songs were sung to punctuate the storytelling Ruth Giddings reports that Chavez recalled that in Sonora gatherings were held three times a year when people from neighboring rancherias would gather at the house of a leader Yaqui governors and soldiers would come too and they would be greeted formally by the group None of the religious aspects of the pahko were present nor Were there pahkolam to entertain the people Special food was served unlike that usually prepared for a pahko Chavez recalled that ve wise old men spoke alter nately from dusk until dawn They spoke of the past told stories and discussed the future These men were skilled in the magic uses of smoking native cigarettes hiak vivam and by their use were said to be able to receive messages from people who SENU TUKARIA BWIKAM were in distant pueblosquot At intervals throughout the night in between the talk of the old men a deer dancer and his musicians would perform 6 Gatherings of this sort have not been held in Sonora or Arizona in recent times The usual setting for a pahko is within the village in a ramada a shelter with a at roof and one or more open sides The place is called heka or rama in Yaqui and is di vided not by any walls but by the way in which the space is used On one side the maehto and other Baptized Ones worship before an altar covered with statues and other holy church objects which are transferred from the church for the event This side is sometimes referred to as the santo heka holy canopy The pahkolam and their musicians the deer dancer and the deer singers together with their respective man agers hold forth on the other side which is often referred to as the kolensia a word from the Spanish querencia a favorite place or haunt Thus under the single roof of the pahko ramd Yaqui priests and performers give voice to the two strands of their tradition which they carried away from the encounter with the talking stick The maehto and his assistants voice the words of the Baptized Ones in Yaqui Spanish and Latin the deer singers and the pahkolam bring the traditions of the wilderness world into Yaqui words with such force that the whole pahko rama is said to become the ower world during their performances The people gather around both sides to wit ness and to celebrate 18 Pakola Francisco Alame a dances 17 Angel Duane anticipates 76 39v 2 quot aww wam W 3 The crowd settles in after 2 AM From where I stand leaning against the side of a house not far from the front of the ramd I can see the deer dancer and the deer singers without obstruction Felipe has gone off to Visit someone in the kitchen I watch the dancers and singers and think over what he has told me about how they work together Two Yaqui men come slowly across the plaza and stand in front of me They look me over then ask the Yaqui leaning on the wall next to me if he knows me He says no then turns to introduce himself I m joe this is my friend Mr Matus The third pushes closer to touch my hand His name is Chuy Chuy really wants to talk and to explain things to me This is what we used to do before we went after deer it s our religion we may look poor but like that he continues with help from joe I tell them I m from Tucson and have been to a pahko there Joe wans to know where I learned to call it that I tell him Felipe is my friend and he has taught me a few things Mr Matus announces that Larry is his friend and that he wants to talk to me Joe shuts up Chuy keeps babbling more insistent all the time Mr Matus is telling me that he is blind I hadn t noticed the closed eyes be hind his dark glasses White goatee hair swept back navy blue warmup jacket suede boots he looks like I think a 505 hipster should He s telling me something about the dancing They are all dancing the same thing he says What do you mean I don t get what he is saying Chuy is continuing to talk into my left SENU TUKARIA BWIKAM ear whole left side really on and on He begins to tug my arm Something about Joe joe tries to explain He is going to marry Chuy s daughter so Chuy is ex plaining that he will be joe s father in law They teach me the words for the re lationship I forget when they try to test me My head is over on the right side with Mr Matus I try to turn that way then realize that the Visual cue is wasted joe tells Chuy to back off Chuy comes on stronger talking steadily now not fast but faster than before I nod grunt now and then Mr Matus says Larry is my friend joe puts his arm around Chuy and says Chuy is going to be his father in law Mr Matus begins to talk again about the dancers Look he says look If you don t know what the song says just watch the way they dance First the Violin will play a song and then the ute will play the same one and then the deer singers on the ground over there will play the same one They all play the same song and the pahkolam and the deer will just dance what the song says Look just look See watch them they are birds The pahkola is spreading his arms like a bird in his dance I remind myself that Mr Matus is blind I ask if he can see it in his mind Chuy has got something to say about women Joe takes him by the arm and says let s us go to the weeds Mr Matus says Larry is my friend I want to tell him how the Yaquis could get the hostages out of Iran We settle back against the wall and I listen to Mr Matus describe old and exotic weapons as I watch the deer dancer whirl and glide through the song Masobwikame The Deer Singers The deer singers occupy a space near the center of the rama throughout the pahko Usually there are three and they sit together in a row facing the kolensia the area where the deer dancer performs Some say that they should face the east as they sing but the singers we have seen seem to sit on one side or the other of the ramci accord ing to village family or even personal custom The hipetam bamboo mat a blanket or an old piece of carpet gives them a little cushion and a place to stretch out and rest between songs during the night The masobwika yo owe lead deer singer sits in the middle He chooses the songs to be sung and begins each one The other singers follow along As they sing each plays an instrument which rests on the ground in front of him The lead singer and the singer on his left play hirukiam wood raspers which rest on bweheim halfgourd resonators The third singer plays a steady beat with a hiponia a drumstick wrapped with corn husks on another halfgourd which he oats in a soto i basin of water The instrument is called a va kuvahe water drum and the singer is known as the water drummer It is common for three men to make a regular group and always perform together The three deer singers and the maso are in the care of a manager known as the maso moro He makes arrangements for them to perform and sees that they are cared for during the pahko Deer singers usually make their own instruments but some buy them from other singers or craftsmen The hirukiam are carved from pieces of hardwood Huchahko Brazil wood is a preferred material but hu upa mesquite and other hardwoods from the desert may be used The choice of material seems largely based on availability When I can go to the mountains I use huchahkoquot Don Jesus told us if I don t want to go to the mountains I use hu upa keka39a Two raspers are carved One long and at is cut with shallow notches at regular intervals perpendicular to its length It is called hirukia rasper7 A second shorter length is smooth narrow and rounded It is called hirukia aso ola baby rasper or just the rubber The number of notches a singer cuts into his hirukia is variable Don jesus told us that the elder people say that there should be the same number of notches as the mysteries of the rosaryquot that is as the number of beads on the Yaqui rosary Those people Don Jesus went on say that there are prayers in there that each of the notches has a prayer That is why we put a cross on each endquot He cautioned us though that the custom is not always observed The elder Yaqui singers speak about it like that but we just make the raspers and don39t worry too much about itquot ONE NIGHT OF SONGS 77 a gsuwucasaw g a 78 Pahko Vichame Those Who See the Pahko Don Jesus believed that paliko vidiume those who see the ptihko the audience could affect the deer singers greatly If someone in the audience had bad thoughts or hatred in their heart for the singers the singer might make mistakes in the songs or even forget them completely To protect himself from these erim bad thoughts Ion Jesus believed that a deer singer should carry a small ross arved from Brazil wood a piece of blessed palm and a seed pod from a plant called Lamkokochi a variety of Devil39s claw all in a pouch Before a singer began to sing Don Jesus said he should pray to God for guidance and then to past deer singers asking their permission to sing their songs once again In this way a deer singer would more easily remember the deer songs throughout the night In the morning at the end of the pahko the raspers and gourds are being picked up the deer singers of the past should be thanked for their help during the pahko The relationship which the deer singers have with the audience at a pahko is signi cantly different from that of the other performers with whom they work The pahkolam are literally the old men of the pahko quot and functionally ceremonial hosts and clowns In their expansive way they are always interacting with the audience which is drawn to them During their joking and repartee they constantly play to their audience and expect laughter and verbal response Even when the eldest pahkola delivers the opening and closing sermons he expects the audience to respond with the formulaic af rmative heewi By contrast the deer singers never call for nor do they expect any verbal response from the audience at a pahko Their single interest is to attend to the rhythms and words they provide for the maaso s dance In fact they have a special kind of deer song called tohakteme bouncing ones which they can use to protect themselves from those in the audience who want to get too participatory and join the dance A tohakteme is a kind of song with a rhythm that is more dif cult to dance to Don jesus explained It is a deer song but not a dance song It is some thing we hit them with the ones who want to be proud of themselves and show off by dancing Some of them in the audience always want to borrow the gourd rattles and dance When they do that we hit them with this kind of song Being too proud of one s abilities is something to be avoided not only by the audi ence but by both the maaso and the deer singers themselves The deer tooquot Don jesus told us can like himself too much He too can be too proud When we see that we hit him with the tohakteme too And he will roast In the same way a deer singer should not call attention to himself by singing too well Those who do so run the risk of losing their voices At the same time a singer should not be sloppy or slovenly about his singing either As an example of a poor performance Don Jesus spoke of a SENU TUKARIA BWIKAM singer who was so drunk for one of the pahkom that he just sang the following frag ment over and over sewata tuleka sewata tuleka loving the ower loving the ower i ai la la la la la la ai la la la la la la I sewata tuleka loving the ower g ai la la la la la la at la la la la la la A good singer according to Don Jesus concentrates on his songs He sings with a high voice He can take his voice up to a high pitch and carry it through the longest lines of the song without pausing This is especially important in the performance of the rst part of the tonua the concluding stanza which may be very long in some songs Of one such song Don Jesus said It has a long tonua It is beautiful only if you have a tuik kutanak good throat Don Lupe told Felipe to pay attention to the end of the song When it ends with aa or ee the sounds should be carried out Don t cut it short Carry it outquot Wilder writes that a good deer singer is one who sings with much gusto and can make his song carry over the combined noise of the rasps water drum maso gourd rattles rustling of the tenevoim of the maaso pounding of his feet as well as over the various accompanying musical sounds of the pascola dance which is performed at the same time as the deer dancequotB To this litany of sounds we should add others It is likely that as the deer singers begin their song the maehto and the kopariam will be chanting out their prayers before the altar just behind the deer singers and that the V matachinim will be diligently working through the rustle of their dance just in front of the altar side of the rama to the stringed harmonies of their own musicians On some occasions in Sonora the distant rhythm of the flat drum and the sounds of a coyote song may be heard as members of the Coyote Society perform in the area out beyond the matachim39m as well Amid all the other sounds coming out of the pahko ramci during the time the deer singers perform the words of the deer songs are sometimes dif cult to hear Amos Taub a commentator on the literary value of the words of deer songs found them practically incomprehensible in actual performance 9 Yet given the kind of vig orous singers described above that part of the audience who is actually interested in listening to the words of the deer songs usually has little trouble These people gravi tate to the areas close to the singers ONE NIGHT OF SONGS 79 80 gt14 Whenever I am invited to sing I think about what songs I will be using I don 39t worry about anything bttt getting sick When the pahko is a few days away the songs will be running through my head A deer singer plays with his mind He picks out his songs and arranges them We do this when we are working in the elds or somewhere else Sometimes I may be thinking about songs and arrang ing them when 1 am around my house relaxing or working Sometimes when I am thinking this way a song may come out and others may hear it I have fun doing this because l am getting excited about the upcoming pahko and I just can t wait to sing for the crowd and the dance group inside the rama On the actual day of the pahko I must be ready to go with the moro at a set time Usually we all are taken together to perform at an hour that the moro chooses Down in Rio Yaqui country the moro comes on foot while here in Ari zona he may have a pickup truck to haul all his people People want it to work this way but sometimes it doesn t Some times some of the performers aren t ready and sometimes the moro doesn t pick up everybody This holds up the pahko and keeps it from starting at the appointed hour When we all arrive with the moro at the pahko we are greeted by the ones who are giving the pahko the pahkome They give us a place to rest If we bring wives or children they are asked to rest too in any ramd that is available After a while the pahkome get a table set and they invite the whole group with wives and children and anyone else we brought along to move to the table and eat SENU TUKARIA BWIKAM Usually they give us wukri vuki Yaqui beef stew with tortillas and toffee liVerylmdy eats with much enjoyment and there is much joking around among the then at the table People must not laugh out loud They are supposed to suppress their laughter when a good joke is told Long time ago one of the deer singers might say there was a time when the Yaquis were very poor but being Yaquis they always had their paltkom anyway Well anyway when they had a ahkt they usually borrowed tow bones from each other to throw into the wuka vuki If somebody threw one ofthese bones away by mistake somebody else would run over to pick it up and put it away for the next pahko Then the deer singer might take some of the waka vaki he is eating in his spoon maybe some with a little bone in it That is why these bones are so white and shinyquot he might say Usually the kitchen ladies will overhear the con versation and will laugh but the people at the table must not i am irrigating sugarquot says a deer singer as he stirs his coffee You must be melting and wash ing it away says another deer singer No Not that kind of sugar sugar beetsquot says the rst one We may make fun of each other too at the long table but only because all should have a good sense of humor and be in a good mood before we start the pahko All the joking around helps us to not be nervous before we start singing After everybody nishes eating the kitchen helpers remove the dishes If any food is left over usually the people at the table send it home or they have it sent to a friend who is close by somewhere Then the eldest pahkola gives a talk of thanksgiving thanking God the kitchen people and the pahkome for the food and for allowing us to come together for this pahko After this we will go out and sit down in our place in the ramd with the other musicians the violin and the harp and the tampaleo When they are ready the pahko starts with the song called the kanariom which is played by the harp and the violin then the kanariom moves to the tampaleo and then to us and we sing our rst deer song The deer dancer is not supposed to come into the ramd until the third song That is when he begins to dance In the early evening or the afternoon when the pahko is getting started usually there are many people around They are anxious to see the deer dancer and the pahkolam dance Everybody seems ex cited There is happiness in the air while the people talk and socialize and watch the other people at the pahko During this time we try to sing our loudest so that the people can enjoy the songs Peo ple who understand the Yaqui language try to stand close to us to listen to the words of the songs and to watch to see if the deer dancer dances the meaning of the songs Some people like the songs so much they just stand there behind us all night Some of them record the songs on their cassette machines so they can listen to the songs later in their houses Yaquis admire a good deer dancer and we tend to criticize a bad dancer A dancer needs good loud singers and good songs to dance well 19 The pahkome those who sponsor the pahko serve i i i i l l l mwwwwawa My saw A 82 U Masobwikame Weiyawa Carrying Out the Deer Singing Deer singers may know as many as three hundred or more deer songs however during a pahko they will only have an opportunity to perform a fraction of their repertory perhaps eighteen or twenty certainly no more than ftyI0 The choice of which songs to sing is restricted by Yaqui tradition in a number of ways but finally it is the lead deer singer who decides It is not the deer singers but the pahkolam who are the rst performers as the pahko opens however Wearing their masks stumbling their more leads them into the pahko ramd as the violin and the harp play the rst of three opening songs During the rst song they perform a ritual which is said to purify the space where they and the deer will spend the night dancing At the conclusion of this rst song which is called the kanariom the eldest pahkola delivers a sermon in which he talks about the inheritance he and the other pahko performers have received from God and how they will be working with it during the pahko He asks the permission of those present to begin They answer with the formulaic Yaqui af rmative heewi The antiphonal traditions of the pahko require the deer singers to answer each of these three songs with one of their own Don jesus said that he always sang the same three songs during this Opening part of the pahko He called these naate bwikam beginning songs According to Don Jesus it is during the third beginning song that the deer dancer comes into the ramd to dance for the rst time However at pahkom in southern Arizona it is common for the deer dancer and the pahkolam to come into the ram together without observing any special opening ritual When they do that the deer dancer will dance from the rst song on 20 Leonardo Bultimea s water drum SENU TUKARIA BWIKAM wwwny 7 Vrcw varwawm gtI Nowadays some of the old customs are changing or being neglected One place where change has occurred is in the opening ritual of the pahko The last time I saw a complete opening ritual at a pahko was in Se chopoi Sand Hill near Chandler Arizona My grandfather was invited to dance at a Iutu pahko death anniversary esta l was about eight years old at the time Much later when l was about fteen my grandfather ex plained everything I had seen At the time I was too young to understand What was going on and besides I had my mind on other things like playing with the children However I vividly remem ber my grandpa Luis Ka Tomela and Cipriano as pahkolam and Juan Maria Maso as the maso The mom led the pahkolam from the bushes that were south of the southward facing pahko ramd The moro leads the pahkolam like this because they are not humans at this time He finally took them into the ramada where he walked them around three times in a circle and then stood them in front of the Iabal39eo and the aapaleo While the pahkolam stood there they started to swing their hips so that the bells were constantly ringing to the music of the violinist and the harpist who were playing the kanariom or opening piece They started to say things that popped into their niinds razy things because they were still on the side of the Devil Things like With this nose I can smell great dis tances With theSe ears I can hear far awayquot I am a baker 1 am a farmer I also noticed that they made the sign of the cross awkwardly sometimes touch ing their heads all the way down to their knees Grandpa told me they said and did these things because they were still con fused and still people of the Devil Then they said Watch out harp player these legs have killed many harp playersquot and then they named dead harpists that I knew and others from before my time Prepare yourself because they will con stantly want to dancequot After this confusing routine they turned around and shouted Grandpa told me that this was because they were trying to scare and frighten away the Devil who was lurking in the area around the esta ramada At this time I pictured the Devil standing back and starting to run away from the pahko ramci falling and tripping clumsily After the pahkolam had nished with that ritual they started all together to dance to the kanariom that the musicians were playing As soon as the abaleo and the aapaleo had nished their tune the tampuleo began to play his kanariom As they had done to the other music the pahkolam all danced to the tampaleo at the same time When they had nished dancing to the tampaleo they started to bless the ground They stood toward the east home of the Texans and they asked for help from santo mocho okoli holy horned toad Each pahkola marked a cross on the ground with the bamboo reed with which the mom had led him into the ramada Then they stood toward the north and said Bless the people to the north the Navajos and help me my santo vovok holy frog because they are people like and they marked another cross on the ground Still they stood toward the west and said Bless the Huu ONE NIGHT OF SONGS 83 84 Yoemem l apagos and help me my sanlo wikui holy lizardquot and they marked another cross on the ground Finally they stood toward the south and said To the south land of the Mexicans bless them and help me my sumo vehori holy tree lizard and they marked the last cross on the ground The head puhkola said My holy crosses we have marked you on the ground so that you can protect us from all evil that might harm usquot Putting the bamboo reeds away the pahkokim said to them Wait here for me until the iki organ pipe actus fruit have ripened I will use you to hiubwa the aki Lakam pick the cactus fruit Finally they put their reeds among the ceiling beams of the pahko rumd Now that the ground had been blessed and purified the pahko was ready to begin The deer dancer would arrive shortly and the people were ready to enjoy and be blessed by the pahko After the beginning songs are sung the maehto and the other church people come and get the deer dancer and the pahkolam to accompany them in a formal procession which brings the saints and other holy objects from the village church to the pahko ramd where they are placed on a small table which serves as an altar At the end of the pahko in the morning the holy objects are returned in another procession During these two processions the deer singers must sing what Don jesi is called kaminaroa bwikam procession songs They are deer songs which often incorporate Christian ref erences or themes within the standard deersong format These two processions frame the pahko and they are notable as the only times during the pahko when the deer singers and the maehto coordinate their singing in a formal way Between the two pro cessions the deer singers and the other performers who share the kolensia go their own way while the maehto and the church people go theirs before their altar on the other side of the ramd The hymns which the maehto sings during the pahko are called alavansam and those bwikam which the deer singers sing as the maehto is singing take the same name When we asked Don Jesus what the difference was between alavansam hymns and bwikam songs he replied They are bwikam just bwikam The violin player has his alavansam The harp player has alavansam The tampaleo has alavansam And the deer singers too have alavansam They are just bwikam Yet while both the songs of the deer singers and those of the maehto are commonly known by the same term there seems to be no formal effort between the two sides to coordinate who sings what when And sometimes the maehto and the deer singers end up singing at the same SENU TUKARlA BWIKAM time One woman from Potam a veteran of a lifetime of pahkom pined to us at length how she loved to listen to all of the alavansam those of the maehto and those of deer singers Because their performance so often overlapped however she felt it was impossible to give a good hearing to both By contrast the performances of the deer singers are very consciously orchestrated with the other musicians who share the kolensia their side of the ramd The pahko pro ceeds in repeated sequences of music and dancing The violin and the harp players play together and begin each sequence and when they do each pahkola takes a turn dancing to their stringed music There is a break during which the pahkolam may joke with the crowd or among themselves then one of them may call for the tampaleo the ute and drum player to begin A small bed of mesquite coals is kept at the side of the tampaIeo He uses these coals to heat and tune the head of his drum The sharp distinctive sound of the tampaleo searching for the right tuning on his drum is a signal that a deer song will soon be sung And when they hear it the audience concentrates around the edge of the ramd Once the tampaleo has begun his song the pahkolam each take a turn dancing to his music this time with their masks covering their faces It is as the pahkolam begin to dance to the music of the tampaleo that the deer singers nally begin Usually a deer song is sung two or three times When the deer dancer has performed and the deer song is over everything stops There is a more extended break The violin and the harp players begin a new song and the sequence is begun again So it goes throughout the pahko As it is the violin and the harp players who begin each of these sequences they are said to vata weiya carry it rst In addition to the temporal order of the sequence this means that the violin player chooses the songs the alavansam If the violin player chooses an alavansa titled say wichaIakas cardinal then the tampaleo is supposed to follow with a cardinal song on his ute and drum and the deer singers in their turn should choose a cardinal song from their own repertory as well Only the deer songs have words but the alavansam of both of the other sets of musicians are known by titles In addition to choosing the songs the violinist carries it rst in another way The violin and the harp use three different tunings during the pahko Felipe from con versations with both uun Jesus and Don Lupe identi es the following names and associated times alavansa from the beginning of the pahko until an hour or so before midnight partiyo the hours around midnight when it is said the world turnsquot and kompania from around 1 AM until the Close of the pahko It is said that certain kinds of alavansam are traditionally performed during each of these portions of the pahko This appears to be a general pattern which individual singers interpret and de ne in their own ways over the course of their careers Don jesfis talked about his choices of deer songs in the following way He began a ONE NIGHT OF SONGS 85 86 pahko with a sequence of three naate bwikam beginning songs which he referred to as the kanariom kanariom saila and masoyeu weye the deer comes out Always he said he sang the same three songs to begin Similarly he always closed the pahko with two songs which were always the same a hilukiam tovoktane bwikam pick up raspers song and a sakawame bwikam a leaving song A kaminaroa bwikam procession song always followed the beginning songs and followed the closing songs Within this frame Don jesus felt a great latitude of choice Any alavansam could be used there he told us After the procession song we can sing anything However he then went on to say that he usually began with a sequence of songs about saila maso little brother deer followed these with songs about the owers in the wilderness world moved in the middle of the pahko to songs about animals and nally to bird songs as dawn approached He named these groups as hubwa kupteo bwikam early evening songs nasuktukaria bwikam middle of the night songs and matchuo vicha bwiknm toward the morning songs 12 Don jesus and other deer singers we talked with preferred to discuss the sequence of deer songs they sang during a pahko not as a taxonomy but as a narrative Don jesus consistently returned to the idea that the deer songs represent the voice of saila maso At the same time the songs describe him they describe what he sees and encounters as he goes out into the wilderness world Deer singer Loretto Salvatierra describes the way he thinks about the sequence of deer songs during a pahko in this way When we are moved we sing the beginning songs Three songs there must be In the yard that is made ready the animal that has come will start to move around With the move ments it has while it is alive and walking it will start soundng and it will have the hour Then during the hours of the dusk all the wilderness owers will be sung When it falls to night the animals in the wilderness the mountain lion 1 little cottontail or a jackrab bit even a little rat all the ones that are alive and walk around they will start to sound The animal that has come sees them and they will be sung about from there until the world turns From where the world turns until the dawn wind the ones you see when you are walk ing in the wilderness will be said and the birds will also be imitated They will be known and can be said Toward the morning the song is said of the animal the one that loves the dawn wind and is walking the animal that stands under the palo verde Under it he will stand and rub his antlers with that wind He loves it so that dawn wind From there we will sing the morning service song and then the procession song and it will end Yes that is it All that he should talk about that is what we sing that is it He does not talk but he talks in an enchanted way SENU TUKARIA BWIKAM Sewau Hotekate We Sit Down to the Flower Deer songs are most commonly performed within Yaqui communities then not in dividually but as a part of sequences that individual singers create sequences which each fill one pahko with songs Accordingly we believe the most appropriate way to present deersong words for appreciation is not in a catalogue but in such sequences 1 During the time we worked recording songs and talk about songs Felipe was iii creasingly invited to perform as lead deer singer at both family and community pahkom as well as at various functions outside the Yaqui community During these performances he began to incorporate the songs we were recording into his own repertory What follows is one sequence of songs which Felipe Molina Timothy Cruz and Felipe Garcia sang at a prihko held at Old Pascua in 1984 Many ofthe songs which Felipe chose to sing were learned from Don jesus Don Lupe and other singers we worked with in Potam Sonora The sequence thus indicates one way in which their songs continue in contemporary Yaqui tradition From this perspective it is a living anthology of their work Out of respect for the pahkome we did not record the songs that night but sat down together to write down the songs and work out these transla tions later We repeat the first part of each song the same number of times Felipe re members singing them and after each song we give the comments which Felipe made i on the songs as we wrote them down These glosses may be viewed as a step toward the oral literary criticism for which many have calledl They seemed to both of us an inseparable part of the songs as soon as they were said i l y 2 Loreno Srllvuticrrrl39s instruments ONl NlGlll Ol SONGS 87


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